tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-83687370223770423132024-03-19T01:38:43.205-03:00Prometheus' ChannelPablo Pallashttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02676986163926451532noreply@blogger.comBlogger60125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8368737022377042313.post-64783405199545366522023-05-22T14:12:00.084-03:002023-08-02T01:20:15.970-03:00De la verdad narrada: Caso XII<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://global.chinadaily.com.cn/a/202305/19/WS6466b512a310b6054fad3d2a.html" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="800" data-original-width="1199" height="320" src="https://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/202305/19/6466b512a310b60580cd327e.jpeg" width="481" /></a></div><br /><p><br /></p><h2 class="title" style="background-color: white; font-family: Arial; margin: 0px 0px 10px; padding: 0px; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #2562cc; font-size: x-large;">America's Coercive Diplomacy </span></h2><h2 class="title" style="background-color: white; font-family: Arial; margin: 0px 0px 10px; padding: 0px; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #2562cc; font-size: x-large;">and Its Harm</span></h2><div class="date" id="News_Body_Time" style="background-color: white; font-family: Arial; font-weight: bold; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; text-align: center;"><span style="font-weight: 400; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #2765bc; font-size: medium;"><br /></span></span></div><div class="date" id="News_Body_Time" style="background-color: white; font-family: Arial; font-weight: bold; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; text-align: center;"><span style="font-weight: 400; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #2765bc; font-size: medium;">Based on abundant facts and data, this report aims to expose the evil deeds of US coercive diplomacy in the world and make the international community better understand the hegemonic and bullying nature of US diplomacy, and the serious damages caused by US actions to the development of all countries, regional stability and world peace.</span></span></div><div class="content" style="background-color: white; line-height: 24px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 0px 0px; text-align: justify;"><div class="trs_editor_view TRS_UEDITOR trs_paper_default trs_web" style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px;"><p style="font-family: Arial; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">Contents</span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">Introduction</span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">I.The United States' coercive diplomacy has a notorious record</span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">II.The United States has many means of coercive diplomacy</span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">III.The United States' coercive diplomacy endangers the whole world</span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">Conclusion</span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><br /></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: Arial;"><span><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">Fuente: <a href="https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/wjbxw/202305/t20230518_11079589.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the People's Republic of China</a></span></span></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="font-family: Arial;"><span style="color: #444444;"><i>Vid</i>. Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the People's Republic of China. 2023, mayo 18. «America's Coercive Diplomacy and Its Harm» en URL:</span></span><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial;"> <a href="https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/wjbxw/202305/t20230518_11079589.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/wjbxw/202305/t20230518_11079589.html</a> </span><span style="font-family: Arial;"><span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2023, mayo 20)</span></span></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/files/America'sCoerciveDiplomacyandItsHarm.pdf" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">PDF version by CGTN</a></span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>Introduction</b></span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">The United States is used to accusing other countries of using great power status, coercive policies and economic coercion to coerce other countries to obey and engage in coercive diplomacy, but in fact, the United States is the instigator of coercive diplomacy. The invention rights, patent rights and intellectual property rights of coercive diplomacy all belong to the United States. For a long time, the United States will do everything possible to coerce other countries, and the United States has a very disgraceful "dark history" in coercive diplomacy. Today, coercive diplomacy is a standard instrument in the US foreign policy toolbox, and containment and suppression in political, economic, military, cultural and other fields have been used to conduct coercive diplomacy around the world for pure US self-interest. Countries around the world have suffered, with developing countries bearing the brunt of it, and even US' allies and partners have not been spared.</span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">Based on abundant facts and data, this report aims to expose the evil deeds of US coercive diplomacy in the world and make the international community better understand the hegemonic and bullying nature of US diplomacy, and the serious damages caused by US actions to the development of all countries, regional stability and world peace.</span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-06-10/Decoding-U-S-hypocrisy-1kwsUJWqyu4/index.html" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="800" data-original-width="450" height="867" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-06-10/Decoding-U-S-hypocrisy-1kwsUJWqyu4/img/7379c99047a74459b3c2fa5d9aad805a/7379c99047a74459b3c2fa5d9aad805a.jpeg" width="487" /></a></div><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>I. The United States' coercive diplomacy has a notorious record</b></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-05-20/Coercive-diplomacy-Putting-the-U-S-in-a-negative-light-1jXIYELIPzG/index.html" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="421" data-original-width="750" height="273" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-05-20/Coercive-diplomacy-Putting-the-U-S-in-a-negative-light-1jXIYELIPzG/img/271bb9e88a2f49c7bb01843d6449b344/271bb9e88a2f49c7bb01843d6449b344.png" width="487" /></a></div><br /><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><br /></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">◆ In 1971, Alexander George, a professor at Stanford University, first put forward the concept of "coercive diplomacy", which was used to summarize the policies of the United States on Laos, Cuba and Vietnam. In his view, coercive diplomacy concerns the use of threat or limited force to coerce an adversary to stop or reverse its action. In the past half century, the US has never stopped engaging in coercive diplomacy in spite of great changes in the international structure. From economic sanctions to technical blockade, and from political isolation to threat of force, the US has demonstrated what coercive diplomacy is to the world with its own actions.</span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">◆ The developing countries are the "worst-hit areas" of America's coercive diplomacy. In 1962, the United States imposed an economic, commercial and financial embargo against Cuba which continues to this day. The US-Cuba diplomatic relations were restored in 2015, but the US did not fully lift its blockade against Cuba. In 2017, the Trump administration tightened sanctions on Cuba again. In 2021, the Biden administration twice extended the "Trading with the Enemy Act," which has served as the legal basis for the blockade and embargo against Cuba. The 61-year-old embargo has brought enormous economic losses and grave humanitarian disasters to Cuba. The US sanctions and blockade on Cuba cover almost everything from fuel, food and daily necessities to medicine, leaving the island facing a chronic and severe shortage of supplies. During the COVID-19 pandemic, the United States also blocked Cuba's access to raw materials for vaccine production. The</span><span style="color: #333333;"> <a href="https://www.peoplesworld.org/article/u-s-deprives-cuba-of-syringes-it-needs-now/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">People's World</a>, </span><span style="color: #444444;">an American news website, pointed out in an article that the blockade imposed by the United States had prevented Cuba from obtaining materials for the manufacture of syringes in time. Since the United States has banned third countries from selling ventilators to Cuba, Cuba has not been able to purchase the ventilators needed to save critically ill COVID-19 patients, which has caused great harm to the Cuban people.</span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">◆ Since 2006, the US has imposed sanctions on Venezuela, preventing Venezuela from entering the US financial system. During the Trump administration, the US expanded economic and financial sanctions against Venezuela, froze all assets of the Venezuelan government in the US, and imposed sanctions on its oil, banking, mining industries and more than 140 government personnel, which severely hit the Venezuelan economy. Venezuelan crude oil production fell from nearly 2.5 million barrels per day in 2016 to just 300,000 barrels per day in 2020. During the COVID-19 pandemic, US sanctions made it difficult for Venezuela to obtain materials to combat the pandemic and basic commodities such as food, drinking water and gasoline in a timely manner. According to the report released by the UN Special Rapporteur Du Han on the Negative Effects of Unilateral Enforcement Measures on Human Rights, the sanctions have left more than one third of the population of Venezuela in a serious food crisis and a shortage of basic medical supplies and equipment; conditions of health care services have deteriorated and maternal, infant and seriously ill patients deaths have increased. In June 2020, the US Treasury Department announced the imposition of penalties on three Mexican entrepreneurs and eight Mexican companies, freezing their US assets, for allegedly helping Venezuela evade US sanctions, and prohibiting them from participating in any transaction involving US individuals and entities.</span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">◆ Since 2006, successive US administrations have continuously strengthened sanctions on the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK). Since 1988, the United States has for many years included the DPRK in the list of "state sponsors of terrorism." In 2016, then President Barack Obama signed the "North Korea Sanctions and Policy Enhancement Act" to supplement the sanctions already imposed by past administrations. In 2017, the US imposed further sanctions on the DPRK through the "Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act" and demanded that SWIFT cut off the DPRK banks from their global banking network. The US sanctions on the DPRK include restrictions on trade imports and exports, prohibition on the DPRK citizens from working overseas, freezing of assets in the US, and prohibition on economic ties with the DPRK. In November of the same year, three aircraft carriers of the US Navy, including USS Reagan, USS Roosevelt and USS Nimitz, appeared in the East China Sea at the same time and jointly held high-intensity military exercises with the South Korean Navy, which attracted great attention from the outside world.</span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">◆ Twice kicking Iran out of the SWIFT system and disrupting the international financial order. The United States first imposed economic sanctions against Iran in 1979, when it froze $1.2 billion worth of Iranian assets abroad and eventually expanding to a full trade embargo. As the Iranian nuclear issue has evolved, the US has banned Iranian financial institutions from using the US clearing and payment system to settle transactions in US dollars, forcing Iran to decouple from the US dollar. In 2012, in order to contain Iran in an all-round way, the United States and the European Union removed Iran from the SWIFT system, making it impossible for Iran to conduct cross-border transactions with the US dollar, the euro and any international currency, and the value of Iran's currency depreciated by about 38% in a year. Iran's foreign trade fell into recession, with imports and exports falling sharply and crude oil exports cut by half. In 2018, the Trump administration unilaterally withdrew from the Iran nuclear deal and once again kicked Iran out of the SWIFT system. According to a study by a US think tank, Iran has lost half of its oil exports and 30% of its foreign trade income due to the sanctions. The US government has wantonly wielded the club of sanctions against Iran, which has sparked criticism from all quarters. In 2019, Jake Sullivan, who is now national security advisor to President Joe Biden, wrote an article criticizing the Trump administration's policy toward Iran, saying that it has nothing but coercion and no diplomacy.</span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">◆ Sanctions imposed on Belarus. Since 2004, the United States has imposed 17 rounds of targeted sanctions on Belarus. Currently, 16 people, including Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko, are under US sanctions ranging from travel bans to asset freezes. In addition, 10 Belarusian companies have been barred from the US market.</span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">◆ Unilateral sanctions imposed on African countries such as Sudan. In 1993, the United States announced sanctions against Sudan. In 1997, the Clinton administration announced sweeping economic sanctions against Sudan. In 2017, the US still added Sudan to the list of "state sponsors of terrorism," and various sanctions against Sudan continued to be implemented, including the prohibition on investments in, trade with, and loans to Sudan. Years of US sanctions have led to a severe humanitarian crisis in Sudan, with a large number of children across the country dying of malnutrition, according to a report released by the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in Sudan. In addition, the United States has imposed targeted sanctions against individuals and organizations in African countries such as Burundi, the Central African Republic, Somalia and Zimbabwe.</span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202112/1241021.shtml" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="800" data-original-width="600" height="653" src="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2021/2021-12-08/f7eb622c-97dc-4263-a777-fdebff7b5e27.jpeg" width="490" /></a></div><br /><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span><p></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">◆ All-round sanctions on Russia. In 2014, the US issued a ban on medium and long-term financing of Russia's defense, financial and energy sectors. In April 2018, the US again announced sanctions against 38 Russian individuals and companies, freezing all their assets under US jurisdiction. In November 2021, the US announced further sanctions related to the Nord Stream 2 natural gas pipeline project. After the Russia-Ukraine conflict broke out, the US coerced many countries to issue the "Joint Statement on Further Restrictive Economic Measures" against Russia, banning the import of Russian crude oil, liquefied natural gas and coal, and restricting US investments in most Russian energy companies, while removing major Russian banks from SWIFT. To date, the United States and its allies have directly sanctioned more than 2,500 Russian companies, government officials and individuals.</span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">◆ Violating the principle of fair trade and imposing tariffs on China. In July 2018, the US launched a trade war with China, announcing a 25% tariff on approximately $34 billion of goods imported from China; in August, an additional 25% tariff on $16 billion worth of Chinese goods was announced; and in September, the US announced yet again a 10% tariff on $200 billion of Chinese imports. In May 2019, it was announced that tariffs on the $200 billion of Chinese goods would be raised from 10% to 25%; in August, it was announced that additional tariffs on about $550 billion of Chinese goods exported to the US would be raised, escalating the China-US trade war.</span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">Tech blockade against China in the semiconductor sector. In August 2022, the "CHIPS and Science Act" was enacted. The law, which plans to provide up to $52.7 billion in government subsidies for the US semiconductor industry, requires semiconductor companies that receive federal financial aid not to make substantive expansion in countries such as China. The US government has joined Japan, South Korea and Chinese Taiwan to form the so-called "Chip 4" in an attempt to limit the development of China's semiconductor industry.</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: x-large;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-05-31/U-S-attempts-to-curb-China-s-development-inevitable-path-to-failure-1kg43njKwIU/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">U.S. attempts to curb China's development:</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: x-large;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-05-31/U-S-attempts-to-curb-China-s-development-inevitable-path-to-failure-1kg43njKwIU/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">the inevitable path to failure</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-05-31/U-S-attempts-to-curb-China-s-development-inevitable-path-to-failure-1kg43njKwIU/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">By: Danny Haiphong (CGTN)</a></span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-05-04/U-S-tech-sanctions-Will-China-be-denied-the-right-to-develop--1jwDdUmEHPq/index.html" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="800" data-original-width="450" height="347" src="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2023-05-04/U-S-tech-sanctions-Will-China-be-denied-the-right-to-develop--1jwDdUmEHPq/video/590b450a1d2c4718b06c33e8c4dc3311/590b450a1d2c4718b06c33e8c4dc3311.jpg" width="196" /></a></span></div><span style="color: #444444;">Using state power to suppress China's high-tech enterprises. The previous administration of the United States launched the "Clean Network" program, which took national security and privacy of its citizens as an excuse, explicitly requiring the elimination of Chinese enterprises such as Huawei, Baidu and Alibaba in five aspects, namely, telecommunications networks, mobile application stores, mobile application programs, cloud services and undersea cables. The then US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and other US politicians lobbied and coerced other countries and regions to join the so-called "Clean Network" alliance. Senior US officials even intimidated countries such as Cyprus, demanding that they not cooperate with Chinese 5G suppliers, or the consequences would be serious. The US has put more than 1,000 Chinese companies, including ZTE, Huawei and DJI, on various sanctions lists, using national security as an excuse to clamp down on Chinese social media apps such as TikTok and WeChat.</span><p></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: x-large;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-05-28/U-S-tech-coercion-against-China-Shooting-oneself-in-the-foot-1kaK1ROxbFK/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">U.S. tech coercion against China:</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: x-large;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-05-28/U-S-tech-coercion-against-China-Shooting-oneself-in-the-foot-1kaK1ROxbFK/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Shooting oneself in the foot</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-05-28/U-S-tech-coercion-against-China-Shooting-oneself-in-the-foot-1kaK1ROxbFK/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">By: Abu Naser Al Farabi (CGTN)</a></span></span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">Under the guise of democracy and human rights, the US has hyped up questions concerning Taiwan, Hong Kong, Xinjiang. The "TAIPEI Act," the "Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act," the "Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act" and other bills related to China have been produced, and they are firmly linked to issues of trade and technological exchanges with China. It unjustifiably interferes in China's internal affairs and coerces Western countries into keeping with the US.</span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="398" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/H-YizMW1o80" width="480" youtube-src-id="H-YizMW1o80"></iframe></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><a href="https://www.cgtn.com/video" rel="nofollow" style="font-size: x-small;" target="_blank">CGTN</a><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">. </span><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-06-18/U-S-should-withdraw-black-hands-from-Taiwan-says-Taiwan-scholar-1kJsCKV40bC/index.html" rel="nofollow" style="font-size: x-small;" target="_blank">U.S. should withdraw 'black hands' from Taiwan, says Taiwan scholar</a><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">. The Taiwan question involves China's core interests, and recognition that the island is an integral part of China's territory is a precondition of diplomatic ties with the United States. It's a topic that cannot be avoided during U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken's trip to Beijing. Taiwan commentator and scholar Chiu Yi says Washington should stop interfering in China's internal affairs.</span></p></div></div><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">US hyped up the so-called "lab leak theory" of the coronavirus and spared no efforts to smear and stigmatize China. In disregard of the "Report of the WHO-China Joint Mission on Coronavirus Disease 2019," the US used its intelligence services to issue the so-called assessment on COVID-19 origins. The US insists on politicizing and taking advantage of the issue of tracing the origin of the virus, casting a shadow over global cooperation to combat the pandemic.</span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">◆ The US sanctioning Indian companies for engaging in oil trade with Iran for the first time. India's Economic Times, The Times of India and other media outlets reported that the US imposed sanctions on Mumbai-based petrochemical trading company Tibalaji Petrochem in October 2022, which marks the first time that US imposed sanctions on an Indian company for engaging in oil trade with Iran. In April 2023, the Indian Foreign Ministry announced that the governments of India and Malaysia had agreed to settle trade between the two countries in Indian rupees.</span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">◆ Applying coercive diplomacy with allies with no mercy. In the 1980s, Japan's GDP was half that of the US. In order to eliminate Japan's economic threat, the United States forced Japan to sign the "Plaza Accord" in 1985, forcing the yen to appreciate, which led to the rapid expansion of Japan's domestic economic bubble, the collapse of the real estate bubble and the long-term stagnation of the Japanese economy.</span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">In 1986, in response to the rise of Japan's semiconductor industry, the US forced Japan to sign the "US-Japan Semiconductor Agreement," initiated a "Section 301 Investigation" against Japan, and imposed trade sanctions on a variety of Japanese products such as semiconductors and computers, which undermined the competitiveness and potential of Japan's semiconductor industry, seeing its market share fall from 50% of the global market to about 10% in 2019.</span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">◆ Dismembering Alstom by means of "economic hostages." In 2013, the US used the "Foreign Corrupt Practices Act" to arrest Frederic Pierucci, an Alstom executive, and coaxed him to enter into a plea agreement in order to obtain more evidence and information against Alstom. By 2014, to pressure Alstom, US authorities had arrested at least three more of Pierucci's former colleagues, using "economic hostages" as bargaining chips. Under lobbying and pressure, Alstom had to accept an acquisition bid from General Electric of the US in 2015. In its review, The Economist said the US Department of Justice investigation had distorted the process by which Alstom sold assets, creating an advantage for potential US buyers.</span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">◆ Wielding the tariff club at Europe and interfering in market competition. In 2018, the US government used Section 232 of the "Trade Expansion Act of 1962" to impose tariffs of up to 25% and 10% on steel and aluminum products respectively in several countries and regions, including the EU, purportedly on the grounds of safeguarding national security. In January 2021, to improve Boeing's competitive advantage, the US Customs and Border Protection announced tariffs of up to 15% on imports from France and Germany, including aircraft parts, involving a total value of $7.5 billion.</span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">◆ In recent years, the US has targeted its coercive measures on the semiconductor industry, "extorting" confidential data from many chip companies in the world and maintaining US dominance in the semiconductor industry. In September 2021, the US Department of Commerce issued a notice requiring companies in the semiconductor supply chain to provide relevant information "voluntarily" within 45 days, including 26 core items of data such as inventory, production capacity, supply cycle and customer information. In an interview with Reuters, US Secretary of Commerce Gina Raimondo said that if the companies refused, instruments such as the "Defense Production Act" would be used to get them to provide the data. Data from US government website shows that under pressure from the US, as of November 2021, more than 70 companies, including TSMC, UMC, Samsung, SK hynix and Japan's Sony Semiconductor, have submitted information related to the semiconductor supply chain to the US Department of Commerce.</span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-06-16/Behind-Micron-there-stands-the-pioneer-of-coercive-diplomacy-1kGsxhsi0vK/index.html" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="800" data-original-width="548" height="715" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-06-16/Behind-Micron-there-stands-the-pioneer-of-coercive-diplomacy-1kGsxhsi0vK/img/0b8b822a9f7a4bddbf4a239468c9a652/0b8b822a9f7a4bddbf4a239468c9a652.jpeg" width="490" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><span style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div></span><p></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">◆ In addition to the economic and financial sanctions, the US is also good at interfering, either directly or indirectly, in the internal affairs of other countries by supporting proxy wars, inciting civil wars, providing weapons and ammunition, and training anti-government forces, etc., to counter "disobedient" countries and regions. Since the 20th century, under the banner of "democracy" and "freedom," the United States has promoted the "Neo-Monroe Doctrine" in Latin America, provoked "color revolutions" in Eurasia, and planned the "Arab Spring" in West Asia and North Africa, engaging in "peaceful evolution" in various parts of the world, wantonly engaging in hegemonic bullying and sending out a clear message that whoever follows it will survive and whoever defies it shall perish.</span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">Since 2003, the US has played a hand in the "Rose Revolution" in Georgia, the "Orange Revolution" in Ukraine and the "Tulip Revolution" in Kyrgyzstan. The Financial Times reported that agencies such as the US National Endowment for Democracy and the US Agency for International Development have been instrumental in driving domestic protests in other countries. The main and immediate cause of the color revolution is to safeguard US interests such as strategic expansion and energy security, according to a British Open Democracy Network article.</span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">◆ According to the American scholar Lindsey A. O'Rourke's "Covert Regime Change: America's Secret Cold War", the United States carried out 64 covert regime change operations and six overt operations from 1947 to 1989. During the 1994 Haitian crisis, the US forced Haiti's military government to abandon power through a small-scale invasion. The administration at the time hailed the action as a model of coercive diplomacy. In 2003, the Bush administration listed 30.3 billion US dollars in additional military spending for coercive diplomacy. The US, despite being so angry about outside interference, is the expert in it, The Guardian said.</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; text-align: justify;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="409" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/RGKy4D6iT9o" width="493" youtube-src-id="RGKy4D6iT9o"></iframe></div><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: xx-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.cgtn.com/video" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">CGTN</a>. America has mastered coercive diplomacy over the centuries. Through military threats, economic sanctions, and political pressure, the U.S. has demonstrated to the world how wielding a "big stick" intimidates other countries to the maximum benefit of American interests. A <a href="https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLt-M8o1W_GdTqHAZ1HXXoKTZYGqP1IZSq" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Facts Tell</a> Studio Production. The video reflects the author's opinions and not necessarily the views of CGTN. </div></span><div class="trs_editor_view TRS_UEDITOR trs_paper_default trs_web" style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://twitter.com/SpokespersonCHN/status/1660675490536116224/photo/1" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="1000" data-original-width="670" height="730" src="https://pbs.twimg.com/media/FwvnNTLaMAAq6DY?format=jpg&name=medium" width="489" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: xx-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div></span><p></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><b style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; text-align: justify;">II. The United States has many means of coercive diplomacy</b></div><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">◆ The hegemony of US dollar is an important foundation for US economic coercion. The "petrodollar," the "one-vote veto power" of the United States in the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, and the bilateral currency swap led by the Federal Reserve are all concrete manifestations of the hegemony of the US dollar. As an international settlement currency, the US dollar accounts for the majority of global trade and investment, enabling the US to pass domestic economic problems onto other countries through export inflation and trade deficits. The U.S. controls the pricing power of major global commodities and resources and can influence the economies and finances of other countries by controlling the exchange rate and interest rate of the US dollar. As a currency of international sanctions, the US dollar occupies a central position in the global financial system, enabling the US to cut off other countries' dollar supply and trading channels and impose pressure and sanction on other countries by restricting the channels of financing and transaction remittance. Freezing property, imposing huge fines and refusing financial services are all the usual tricks of the US to impose economic blockade and financial sanctions on other countries by taking advantage of the US dollar hegemony.</span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">Trade control is an important means of US economic coercion. The United States has various forms of trade control, including sanctions, restrictions on imports and exports, imposition of tariffs, elimination of subsidies and quotas, and has set up a variety of trade control lists to fit different purposes and targets, including lists of specially designated nationals, lists of entities, unverified lists, lists of military end users, and lists of industry sanctions. The US often wantonly imposes tariff in disregard of international law and international trade rules, forcing other countries to engage in unequal trade negotiations with it. In recent years, the US has frequently restricted investment in telecommunications, semiconductor, artificial intelligence and other emerging technologies sectors on the grounds of "endangering national security," and included foreign entities or individuals in the entity list of export control, restricting their purchase of US technologies. Through the signing of executive orders, the US puts mandatory stops on foreign enterprises' operations in the US or prohibits US entities or individuals from trading with foreign enterprises, imposing technological sanctions on other countries, thus seriously undermining the international economic and trade order and the process of economic globalization.</span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">"Long-arm jurisdiction" is another commonly used means of US economic coercion. The US has enacted such domestic laws as the "Foreign Corrupt Practices Act," the "Trading with the Enemy Act," the "Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act," the "International Emergency Economic Powers Act," and the "Export Control Act," and cooked up a series of executive orders, directly imposing sanctions on specific countries, organizations or individuals. The US arbitrarily expands the jurisdiction of its domestic law, while applying ambiguous rules such as the "minimum contact principle" and the "effectiveness principle," abusing domestic channels of judicial action to engage in "long-arm jurisdiction" with foreign entities and individuals.</span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">◆ The promotion of the so-called democracy and human rights is a common trick of the US to carry out political coercion and interfere in the internal affairs of other countries. The United States has long promoted "American values" worldwide, played up "democracy versus authoritarianism," wantonly interfered in the internal affairs of other countries, and attempted to shape other countries and world order with its own values and political system. They even interfere with and subvert the legitimate government of other countries in order to weaken rivals, pass on crisis, create chaos, and undermine stability.</span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">The targets of US political coercion are all-encompassing. Be it an adversary or an ally, a developed or a developing country, a large corporation or a small organization, coercion is always the option for the US, as long as the US considers it profitable and the targets won't bend to the will of the US. The US, under the banner of "promoting democracy," carried out the "Neo-Monroe Doctrine" in Latin America, provoked the "color revolution" in Eurasia, and planned the "Arab Spring" in West Asia and North Africa.</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: x-large;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202112/1240435.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">US war-mongering</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: x-large;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202112/1240435.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">under guise of ‘democracy’</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: x-large;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202112/1240435.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">inflicts untold damage on the world</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202112/1240435.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">By: GT staff reporters</a></span></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="font-size: 14px;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"></span></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px;">US political coercion measures form an endless stream. The US uses its military bases, diplomatic agencies, intelligence agencies, non-governmental organizations, media organizations and other channels and resources according to different targets and situations-collecting information, exerting influence, creating public opinions, manipulating elections, supporting opposition parties, etc. to publicly and secretly, directly and indirectly, interfere in the internal affairs of other countries.</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: justify;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="399" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/U69kSahu8mE" width="479" youtube-src-id="U69kSahu8mE"></iframe></div><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: xx-small;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/CGTN" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">CGTN</a>. <a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-05-06/How-does-U-S-CIA-conduct-cyberattacks-on-other-countries--1jAyTneIUQE/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Special report: How does U.S. CIA conduct cyberattacks on other countries?</a> - <a href="https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLt-M8o1W_GdTqHAZ1HXXoKTZYGqP1IZSq" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Facts Tell</a>. China's National Computer Virus Emergency Response Center (CVERC) and 360 Total Security (360) jointly released an investigative report on Thursday, revealing the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency's (CIA) cyber-attack weapons, analyzing its cyber attacks and espionage activities, and disclosing the process of such incidents occurring in China and other countries with real cases. CGTN's "Facts Tell" brings you the details.</span><p></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">◆ A powerful military supports US in coercive diplomacy. The United States frequently utilize military coercion and wanton use of force in international relations. In recent years, the average annual military budget of the United States has exceeded $700 billion, accounting for 40% of the world's total and exceeding the sum of the next 15 countries combined. The US is the world's largest arms exporter, and it often relies on arms trafficking to boost revenue and provoke regional conflicts. US military facilities and personnel are located in all corners and key areas of the globe. According to a 2020 report on US overseas military bases, the US has more than 800 military bases around the world, with 173,000 people deployed in 159 countries across Europe, Asia, the Middle East and beyond.</span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="409" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/G0A3en2yXz0" width="492" youtube-src-id="G0A3en2yXz0"></iframe></div><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.cgtn.com/video" rel="nofollow" style="font-size: x-small;" target="_blank">CGTN</a><span style="font-size: x-small;">. </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=G0A3en2yXz0" rel="nofollow" style="font-size: x-small;" target="_blank">Security concerns in Asia and around the world</a><span style="font-size: x-small;">. In this episode of CGTN Dialogue, we interview Chen Dongxiao, president of the Shanghai Institutes for International Studies, who is an expert on foreign relations and global security, to shed some light on key global issues and challenges in the world today, such as security relations between the U.S., Europe and China, and the Russia-Ukraine conflict.</span></div></span><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px;">The US frequently uses military force to initiate or participate in wars and conflicts of all sizes and forms. Between 1776 and 2019, the US conducted nearly 400 military interventions worldwide, half of which occurred between 1950 and 2019, according to the Tufts University report, "Introducing the Military Intervention Project: A New Dataset on US Military Interventions." After World War II, major wars initiated or launched by the US include the Korean War, the Vietnam War, the Gulf War, the Kosovo War, the Afghan War, the Iraq War, the Libyan War and the Syrian War. Proxy wars are a common form of US military interventions, with countries such as Ukraine, Iraq, Afghanistan, Libya, Syria, Pakistan and Yemen suffering. According to the "Cost of War" project data of the Watson Institute at Brown University, conservative estimates show that the total number of military and civilian deaths caused by the US wars in the "post-9/11 era" is as high as 929,000, with at least 38 million people displaced.</span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">◆ The soft powers of culture and science and technology are the covert means for the US to engage in ideological infiltration and coercive diplomacy. The US-led Western media and international social media have forcefully propped up and supported US coercive diplomacy. The US pursues double standards on freedom of the press and uses various means to smear and suppress foreign media outlets. The US abused its cultural hegemony, invested heavily in the media sector, supported its infiltration of ideas into other countries, and carried out inflammatory propaganda. Moreover, the US is used to fabricating false information to attack other countries, and peddling misleading public opinion globally using a purposefully built industrial chain.</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: x-large;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202112/1240827.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">US cultivates</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: x-large;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202112/1240827.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">pseudo-religious groups overseas,</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: x-large;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202112/1240827.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">pumps support to terrorists</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: x-large;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202112/1240827.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">to wreck its adversaries</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202112/1240827.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">By: GT staff reporters</a></span></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="font-size: 14px;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"></span></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px;">The United States uses its cultural products to promote American values. Hollywood films account for more than 70% of the world's market share. The values and lifestyle of the US are closely linked to its films and television programs, publications, media content, and programs of government-funded nonprofit cultural institutions, shaping a space for public opinion that sustains American cultural hegemony. It has seriously eroded the independence of other cultures and the diversity of world cultures.</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px;">US intelligence agencies have established a large number of "infiltration organizations" around the world. Various foundations and non-governmental organizations have become "middlemen" in exporting American values and "pioneers" in cultural infiltration. The National Endowment for Democracy, the Congress for Cultural Freedom and other American "infiltration organizations" and institutions have promoted American cultural and political views to other countries through financial support, training, publication and conference, to export American values and ideology to the world, and to pursue cultural hegemony.</span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: justify;"><b style="color: #444444;">III. The United States' coercive diplomacy endangers the whole world</b></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">◆ Distorting the underlying theme of our times of peace and development. Peace and development, as the theme of our times, are the common cause for people of all countries around the world. The pursuit of peace is the eternal ideal and wish of mankind, and economic globalization is the realistic precondition of world peace. However, in recent years, under the guidance of the concept of "America First," US hegemony, unilateralism, protectionism, isolationism and nationalism has become increasingly fierce. The US, taking its own interests first, disregards the urgent needs of all countries in the world for peace and development. It is keen to manipulate ideological issues, engage in zero-sum games, and set up various geographical "small cliques." The US coercive diplomacy has cast a shadow over the cause of global peace and development by instigating "color revolutions" in the world, pouring oil over fire and seeking interests from geopolitical struggles.</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: x-large;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202112/1240540.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">US wages global color revolutions</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: x-large;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202112/1240540.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"> to topple govts</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: x-large;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202112/1240540.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">for the sake of American control</a></span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;"></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202112/1240540.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">By: GT staff reporters</a></span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">◆ Disrupting the process of economic globalization and regional economic integration. Increasingly engaging in economic coercion around the world, the US has seriously undermined economic globalization and regional economic integration, resulting in the artificial segmentation and further fragmentation of the world economy. This has seriously reversed the course of economic globalization. In order to maintain its hegemony, the US is withdrawing from the pattern of global cooperation formed after World War II and has actually become the biggest disruptor of the rules of globalization. The WTO was almost paralyzed by US inaction, and the trend of global trade and investment liberalization and integration was blocked and undermined by the US. The US economic coercion has not only undermined global supply chains and industrial chains based on factor endowments and comparative advantages, reducing labor productivity, but also raised regional and even global production costs and hindered the process of regional economic integration.</span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: justify;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="409" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/OrCx03kZ3gU" width="492" youtube-src-id="OrCx03kZ3gU"></iframe></p></div><div class="content" style="background-color: white; line-height: 24px; margin: 0px; padding: 10px 0px 0px; text-align: justify;"><div class="trs_editor_view TRS_UEDITOR trs_paper_default trs_web" style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: xx-small;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-05-23/How-does-America-s-economic-coercion-bully-the-world--1k2zjlUeZTa/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">CGTN</a>. How does America's economic coercion 'bully' the world? - <a href="https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLt-M8o1W_GdTqHAZ1HXXoKTZYGqP1IZSq" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Facts Tell</a>. The Group of Seven (G7) Hiroshima Leaders' Communique, which was released on Saturday, targeted Beijing on a number of fronts, including "economiccoercion". As the master of economic coercion, America and its allies have shown again that their vilification of China stems from their own guilt.</span><p></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px;">◆ Hindering the development of emerging economies and developing countries represented by the BRICS countries. The economic sanctions and blockade imposed by the United States on developing countries such as Venezuela, Cuba, Myanmar and Syria have directly interrupted the sustainable development process of these countries. In these countries, the vast majority of the 17 goals of the United Nations 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, including the eradication of all forms of poverty throughout the world, the eradication of hunger, the realization of sustainable economic growth, sustainable industrialization, the reduction of inequality within and between countries, and sustainable cities and human settlements have been put out of reach by US coercion, and the cause of global development has repeatedly been frustrated. Economic sanctions imposed by the US on the BRICS countries, namely, China, Russia, India, Brazil and South Africa and emerging markets such as Argentina, Mexico and Turkey have severely harmed their economic interests.</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: x-large;"><a href="http://english.pladaily.com.cn/view/2023-02/21/content_10218202.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">US hegemony and bullying </a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: x-large;"><a href="http://english.pladaily.com.cn/view/2023-02/21/content_10218202.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">seriously endanger world</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://english.pladaily.com.cn/view/2023-02/21/content_10218202.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">By: China Military Online</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="font-size: 14px;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"></span></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px;">◆ Intensifying division and antagonism in the international community. In order to maintain its global hegemony and contain the development of other countries, the US is keen to force other countries to join the "democratic alliance" by means of drawing ideological lines and imposing tariffs. Using the Ukraine crisis, the US rallies the European Union and other developed countries to join in on the sanctions against Russia, and coerces developing countries to take sides. It coerces European allies to join the US in continuing to impose sanctions on Iran, which has severely affected the livelihood and economic development of Iran. What the US has done has intensified the antagonism in the international community and raised the risk of the world falling into a new Cold War.</span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://english.news.cn/20230524/e58a09d6c5964c68b80fe59e10922811/c.html" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="800" data-original-width="580" height="672" src="https://english.news.cn/20230524/e58a09d6c5964c68b80fe59e10922811/20230524e58a09d6c5964c68b80fe59e10922811_d912aadd-21e2-440e-bc40-33d72c410317.jpg" width="488" /></a></div><br /><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span><p></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>Conclusion</b></span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">The United States is the inventor and master of coercive diplomacy. For a long time, the US, through various rogue means such as economic blockade, unilateral sanctions, military threats, political isolation, and technical blockade, has presented textbook cases of coercive diplomacy to the world. As US scholars have pointed out, the essence of US coercive diplomacy lies in the idea that "you are either with us or against us. The US should lead, and its allies should follow, and the countries that oppose the supremacy of the US will suffer."</span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">Shrugging off the fact that the US itself has engaged in coercive diplomacy everywhere, the US, out of political self-interest, readily tags China and other countries with the label of coercive diplomacy. It needs to be pointed out that an important tradition in China's diplomacy is to uphold the equality of all countries large and small, and never to divide the world into different groups or engage in the practice of coercion and bullying. Moreover, China has always taken a clear-cut stand against hegemony, unilateralism and coercive diplomacy. China never threatens other countries with force. China never forms military coalition or exports ideology. China never makes provocations at others' doorstep or reaches its hands into others' homes. China never wages trade wars or groundlessly hobbles foreign companies. To slander China for engaging in the so-called coercive diplomacy is obviously just making trumped-up charges.</span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">The international community can easily tell who is engaging in coercive diplomacy and who is coercing the whole world. Those who engage in coercion, sanctions, bullying, suppressing other countries and bringing chaos to the world, will eventually hurt themselves. The United States should address its old habit of wanton coercive diplomacy and return a just and rational international order to the world. </span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://english.news.cn/20230525/2b1e76a9fe70475a9334fb61c9e09cc5/c.html" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="800" data-original-width="369" height="1049" src="https://english.news.cn/20230525/2b1e76a9fe70475a9334fb61c9e09cc5/202305252b1e76a9fe70475a9334fb61c9e09cc5_202305252ff6b05ff327423c89a98b881ade7e61.jpeg" width="484" /></a></div><br /><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span><p></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://en.people.cn/102775/416524/index.html" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="101" data-original-width="498" height="98" src="https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcRSeISXWaB9Uu4M7m2erUuH7uLLr6M9h5PwPQ&usqp=CAU" width="485" /></a></div><br /><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span><p></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><br /></p><p style="font-family: Arial; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;">02.08.23 By: <a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202308/1295500.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Global Times</a> </span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: medium;"><b>What do 'soft nails' the US encountered in South Pacific indicate: Global Times editorial</b></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202308/1295500.shtml" imageanchor="1" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="480" data-original-width="800" height="290" src="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2023/2023-07-09/753f7820-7f37-47eb-a329-9c00deaa74c6.jpg" width="484" /></a></div><br /><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><br /></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;">US Secretary of State Antony Blinken just wrapped up his visit to South Pacific island countries. During the visit, he tried to sow discord between China and these countries. In recent years, such practices have become the must-do and highlights of the visits by US officials such as Blinken and US Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin. Nonetheless, Tongan Prime Minister Siaosi Sovaleni said he was not concerned about the large amount of money his country had borrowed from China; Foreign Affairs Minister of New Zealand Nanaia Mahuta shut the door on joining the AUKUS alliance; Prime Minister James Marape of Papua New Guinea said his country welcomes cooperation with China and that "USA does not need PNG's ground to be a launching pad for any offensive anywhere in the world." All these remarks have embarrassed the US. It can be said that Blinken and Austin have met "soft nails" in the South Pacific.</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202308/1295500.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202308/1295500.shtml</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;">01.08.23 By: </span><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202308/1295481.shtml" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: Arial;" target="_blank">Global Times</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: medium;"><b>In Philippine tour, von der Leyen makes EU look like a US subordinate</b></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202308/1295481.shtml" imageanchor="1" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="480" data-original-width="800" height="290" src="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2023/2023-08-01/13576814-80d3-4353-9941-c2a22e47ea11.jpeg" width="484" /></a></div><br /><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><br /></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;">When Ursula von der Leyen became the first president of the European Commission to visit the Philippines, people were wondering how she would reinvigorate bilateral relations. Disappointingly, her Philippine tour is filled with provocative remarks on regional security affairs and the push for camp confrontation. </span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202308/1295481.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202308/1295481.shtml</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">01.08.23 By: Liu Zhiqin</span></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: medium;"><b>Washington, not Beijing, is a master at manipulating the 'Trojan horse'</b></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;">The Global Times on Sunday published an opinion piece that argues describing China's cooperation with Italy under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) as a Trojan horse for "China's entry into the West" pushes the West off the course of globalization. Currently, the paranoia of the US and the West about the BRI is indeed very absurd. Their fear of this initiative has reached a level of dementia and logical confusion that is truly astonishing. This makes us wonder: Why do they think we need to resort to such shoddy methods as placing a "Trojan horse" in our cooperation with Europe or other countries? </span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202308/1295462.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202308/1295462.shtml</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">01.08.23 By: Wang Chuanxing - Zhou Yijiang</span></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: medium;"><b>The United States' habitual cherry-picking return to UNESCO</b></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-08-01/The-United-States-habitual-cherry-picking-return-to-UNESCO-1lUNcshe8SI/index.html" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="332" data-original-width="590" height="276" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-08-01/The-United-States-habitual-cherry-picking-return-to-UNESCO-1lUNcshe8SI/img/f231a314250f48f08996189099dbebff/f231a314250f48f08996189099dbebff.png" width="490" /></a></div><br /><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><br /></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;">"On 25 July, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) celebrates the return of the United States." But does the United States really deserve "celebrating" its second-time "cherry-picking" return to UNESCO? Or whether we need to give the United States a big thumbs-up or a big thumbs-down for rejoining this agency? Here, history does matter. As a matter of fact, the United States withdrew from this international organization on December 31, 1984, due to its disadvantages in taking UNESCO as a battlefield to compete for influence over the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, which could be attributed to the dramatic increase of third world country members in UNESCO in those days. The United States rejoined the organization in 2003, when it found UNESCO a helpful hand in fighting against the extremists after the 9/11 terrorist attacks, saying the organization had "reformed." This is the first round of the U.S. thumbing down and thumbing up UNESCO for the purpose of its national and geopolitical interests. Over 10 years later in 2017, the United States staged a farce to withdraw from UNESCO a second time. The United States did its utmost to oppose UNESCO's decision to accept Palestine as a formal UNESCO member, willfully undermining UNESCO by refusing to pay its annual $80 million dues to this institution since 2011, and especially arguing against the UNESCO approval of the Palestinian application of the old city of Hebron in the area under the control of the Israelis as world heritage in July 2017. It is important to review what UNESCO is and what mission this agency is shouldered with: the history of two world wars led to a powerful vision of strengthening global solidarity through mutual understanding and cultural exchange. This vision drove the adoption of the Constitution of UNESCO in 1945, which came into force on 4 November of the following year. Today, UNESCO's mission remains focused on fostering a culture of peace, promoting sustainable development, eradicating poverty, and advancing intercultural dialogue through education, science, culture, communication, and information. It plays a crucial role in conservation and preservation efforts for both natural and cultural heritage around the world, as well as in establishing global education systems and promoting access to education for people worldwide.</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-08-01/The-United-States-habitual-cherry-picking-return-to-UNESCO-1lUNcshe8SI/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-08-01/The-United-States-habitual-cherry-picking-return-to-UNESCO-1lUNcshe8SI/index.html</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">01.08.23 By: Hafijur Rahman</span></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: medium;"><b>This is how the U.S. 'puts stability' into its relationship with China</b></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-08-01/This-is-how-the-U-S-puts-stability-into-its-relationship-with-China-1lT2x28wJUY/index.html" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="273" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-08-01/This-is-how-the-U-S-puts-stability-into-its-relationship-with-China-1lT2x28wJUY/img/e68079a3bf6e49a5a9b7694a649c67aa/e68079a3bf6e49a5a9b7694a649c67aa.png" width="487" /></a></div><br /><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><br /></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;">A few days earlier, U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken, in an interview with CNN's Fareed Zakaria, said that the U.S. is "working to put some stability into the relationship [with China], to put a floor under the relationship, to make sure that the competition that we're in doesn't veer into conflict." Pointing to the recent flurry of high-profile U.S. officials' visits to China, including Blinken's own trip in June, he further stated that Washington was "engaged, or about to engage" on problematic issues in bilateral relations and expressed his belief that contemporary diplomatic engagements could "get to a resolution" to those problems. Last several months, particularly since the United States shifted its rhetoric from "de-coupling" to "de-risking" with respect to its trade and technological ties with China, and U.S. President Joe Biden made remarks during the last G7 summit about expecting a "thaw" in China-U.S. ties, have seen Washington seemingly proffering an olive branch to Beijing. But, just like the previous cases – not walking the talks, the United States has continued to tread confrontational paths toward its relationship with China, consistently disrespecting China's core national interests, increasing attempts to militarize its containment strategy against China, and bombarding demonizing rhetoric about China ad nauseam. Though not contemporary at all, this U.S. tendency to talk about reconciliation while actually causing conflict has been reinforced by some of the recent actions taken by the United States concerning its relationship with China. Ironically, these actions came immediately after Blinken made statements emphasizing the need for stability with China. If the United States truly wants to improve its relationship with China and move towards peaceful coexistence, it must respect China's core national interests, particularly with regard to China's Taiwan region. Despite discussing the possibility of reconciliation with China, the United States has continued to violate China's political sovereignty and territorial integrity.</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-08-01/This-is-how-the-U-S-puts-stability-into-its-relationship-with-China-1lT2x28wJUY/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-08-01/This-is-how-the-U-S-puts-stability-into-its-relationship-with-China-1lT2x28wJUY/index.html</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: small;">31.07.23 By: Hamzah Rifaat Hussain</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: medium;"><b>Understandings reached at AUSMIN 2023 are problematic for peace</b></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-07-31/Understandings-reached-at-AUSMIN-2023-are-problematic-for-peace-1lSIYarmTPa/index.html" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="275" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-07-31/Understandings-reached-at-AUSMIN-2023-are-problematic-for-peace-1lSIYarmTPa/img/7ba0d67585e64b7580d1c0f0840ce3ea/7ba0d67585e64b7580d1c0f0840ce3ea.jpeg" width="489" /></a></div><br /><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><br /></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;">The 33rd Australia United States Ministerial Consultations (AUSMIN) of 2023 in Brisbane, Australia, does not instill much confidence for sustainable peace, de-escalation or regional integration. Both Canberra and Washington D.C. have focused on enhancing force postures, promoting defense industrial base cooperation and increasing maritime security dominance. These priorities clearly undermine peaceful architectures which should ideally be the bedrock of the Asia Pacific region. Yet the U.S.-Australia alliance has opted for militarization upon the premise of preserving peace, stability and prosperity. A closer examination of the fact sheet of the consultations however, reveals a concerted attempt from both sides to undermine deterrence stability in the region. AUSMIN 2023 featured U.S. Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin and Secretary of State Antony Blinken who met with their Australian counterparts, Deputy Prime Minister Richard Marles and Minister of Foreign Affairs and Trade, Penny Wong. Both sides affirmed the importance of their strategic alliance and building upon strategic interests. However, instead of proposing regional de-escalation mechanisms and meaningful dialogues to diffuse tensions between states in the Asia Pacific, an ambitious range of force posturing cooperation efforts were tabled. This includes upgrading Australian bases in the north of the country – such as the Royal Australian Air Force in Darwin and Tindal, conducting regular and lengthier expeditionary visits of American submarines to Australia in 2023 and delivering a trajectory of Enhanced Force Posture Cooperation encompassing land, air and maritime domains. These measures threaten rather than reinforce regional peace. While the joint statement issued on AUSMIN 2023 did mention the importance of enhancing regional engagement through partner priorities on climate change, good governance, respect for state sovereignty and international law, the United States and Australia advanced an array of priorities which threaten deterrence stability and state sovereignty.</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"></span></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-07-31/Understandings-reached-at-AUSMIN-2023-are-problematic-for-peace-1lSIYarmTPa/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-07-31/Understandings-reached-at-AUSMIN-2023-are-problematic-for-peace-1lSIYarmTPa/index.html</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;">28.07.23 By: </span><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202307/1295120.shtml" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: Arial;" target="_blank">Global Times</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: medium;"><b>If the US fails to learn lessons from Korean War, it will continue to suffer</b></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202307/1295120.shtml" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="480" data-original-width="800" height="294" src="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2020/2020-10-25/f4592469-d6f0-4781-ba94-a074509f4f95.jpeg" width="489" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;">July 27 marks the 70th anniversary of the signing of the Korean Armistice Agreement. Prior to this commemorative day, a US nuclear ballistic missile submarine visited Busan, South Korea, the first visit by a US submarine since 1981. Some US congressmen have openly claimed that this move is not only a warning to North Korea but also a deterrent against China. It appears that the US has not seriously reflected on the lessons learned here, but instead seems to be repeating the mistakes made back then. As a result, at the juncture of the 70th anniversary of the Korean War armistice, it is of significant practical importance and utmost urgency to review the lessons brought about by that war. The Korean War is one of the most profound regional conflicts following World War II, and it is regarded as the "biggest defeat in the history of the US Army." However, ironically, this "biggest defeat" that was called a "nightmare" has become a "forgotten war" within the US, deliberately overlooked by Washington. This negligence and forgetfulness may leave the American people without the consciousness of drawing lessons from the past when facing new crises, making them susceptible to repeating past mistakes. Yet, what is even more serious, worse, and dangerous is that some American political elites have drawn completely wrong lessons from the Korean War, using them to misguide the US' foreign policy today, leading the country to proactively incite and provoke crises, and even wars. On July 26, the US magazine Foreign Affairs published an article written by Mike Gallagher, Chairman of the "House Select Committee on the Strategic Competition Between the United States and the Chinese Communist Party," titled "Why America Forgets - and China Remembers - the Korean War." This Washington politician, known for his consistently anti-China stance, summarized three "lessons" that the Korean War taught the US. The first lesson is that "Washington must not neglect deterrence and readiness," and should always be prepared to fight and enhance military capabilities. He directly mentioned that "the US has failed to make sufficient military investments" in Taiwan. The second lesson is that "politics and combat are deeply intertwined." The third lesson is that "once fighting has broken out, excessive self-restraint can invite further aggression." These three "lessons" are all targeted at China, specifically referring to the Taiwan question. His arrogance and madness are comparable to that of Douglas MacArthur. We can see that when most Americans lack knowledge and discernment about the Korean War 70 years ago and today's Taiwan question, they can easily be led astray by a few loud and radical voices, resulting in a "herd effect" in American diplomacy. As the US is a superpower, the mistakes it makes often result in strong spillover effects that not only harm itself but also burden the region and even the entire world.</span></div></div><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><a href="http://en.people.cn/n3/2023/0728/c90000-20050412.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://en.people.cn/n3/2023/0728/c90000-20050412.html</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;">24.07.23 By: <a href="https://www.cgtn.com/special/First-Voice.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">First Voice</a> </span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: medium;"><b>Why Japan's chip crackdown on China will backfire</b></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-07-24/Why-Japan-s-chip-crackdown-on-China-will-backfire-1lHklPx5UCA/index.html#" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="449" data-original-width="800" height="274" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-07-24/Why-Japan-s-chip-crackdown-on-China-will-backfire-1lHklPx5UCA/img/0da358a5b05246b68dfbd4206bd30c9e/0da358a5b05246b68dfbd4206bd30c9e.jpeg" width="489" /></a></div><br /><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><br /></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;">Japan's export restrictions on 23 types of semiconductor manufacturing equipment took effect on July 23. Except for those bound for 42 countries and regions designated as friendly, exports of the 23 items will require individual approval from Japan's Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry. Although the ordinance doesn't name any specific country as a regulatory target, the move is widely believed as an attempt to line with U.S. efforts to keep high-end semiconductors out of China's hands. In October last year, Washington introduced export controls on shipments of cutting-edge chips to China that could be used in military and artificial intelligence systems, and asked Japan and the Netherlands – two of the world's biggest suppliers of semiconductor manufacturing equipment – to follow suit. Japan's export curbs means the country is joining the U.S. to kick China out from the global semiconductor industrial chain. This chip crackdown on China will backfire. To begin with, Japan cannot afford to lose the Chinese market. According to the Semiconductor Industry Association, China holds the No.1 position in the semiconductor market, with sales of more than $180 billion last year – one-third of the global total. The Chinese mainland was the top destination for Japan's semiconductor equipment manufacturers in 2022, accounting for around a third of the country's total chip-making equipment exports, official data shows. Losing access to the Chinese market could mean a heavy blow to Japanese chipmakers. With fewer profits to support their research and technology innovation, Japanese semiconductor firms will find their global competitiveness crippled in the long term. This is not good news for the future of the country's semiconductor industry. In addition, endeavors to decouple the global semiconductor supply could trigger chipmakers – if they have to pick one between the two – to choose China over Japan. With advantages in upstream raw material products, China is irreplaceable in chip production. According to research firm Antaike, China produces over 90 percent of the world's gallium and 60 percent of the world's germanium – key materials in chip-making.</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-07-24/Why-Japan-s-chip-crackdown-on-China-will-backfire-1lHklPx5UCA/index.html#" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-07-24/Why-Japan-s-chip-crackdown-on-China-will-backfire-1lHklPx5UCA/index.html#</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">24.07.23 BY: Xin Ping</span></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: medium;"><b>U.S. is taking Ukraine further away from peace</b></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-07-24/U-S-is-taking-Ukraine-further-away-from-peace-1lHoBTtb5gQ/index.html" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="276" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-07-24/U-S-is-taking-Ukraine-further-away-from-peace-1lHoBTtb5gQ/img/d79679b6fa00471b8d48bf603e5e4588/d79679b6fa00471b8d48bf603e5e4588.png" width="489" /></a></div><br /><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><br /></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;">"If the use of cluster bombs was true, that would potentially be a war crime," said the then-United States White House Press Secretary Jen Psaki affirmatively in 2022. One year on, the U.S. is announcing that it will provide Ukraine with cluster bombs. Cluster bombs produce duds that act like landmines and are extremely hazardous to civilians. The general consensus of the international community is that such weapons must never be used. Most countries consider the use of cluster bombs to be tantamount to war crimes, similar to the use of poison gas or chemical weapons. Kyiv has made a written commitment to ensure that these munitions will be used carefully and responsibly, which was dismissed by Moscow as "worth nothing." On July 13, investigators of the Investigative Committee of the Russian Federation found suspected cluster munition anti-personnel components at the site of the death of a child in Zaporizhzhia. Once large amounts of cluster bombs are put to use in Ukraine, more tragedies will follow. For the U.S., the use of cluster bombs is never really taboo. During the Vietnam War, the U.S. military dropped a total of 270 million cluster bombs, of which more than 80 million were left behind in Laos, causing serious and long-lasting catastrophes to the country. From 1964 to 2008, dud bombs alone killed about 50,000 people, and 40 percent of them were children. Due to the mountainous terrain in Laos, bomb cleanup is expected to take another 100 years to complete. In the past several decades, the U.S. and NATO have used cluster bombs extensively in the Gulf War, the Kosovo War, the Afghan War and the Iraqi War. The tragedies since have been just as grave. Providing cluster bombs to Kyiv will be a nightmare to Ukrainians that will haunt them for years to come. It will also open up the scars of war on the people of Laos, Kosovo, Iraq, etc. Even some of America's allies are distancing themselves from the Pentagon's decision to supply cluster bombs to Ukraine. New Zealand, Spain and Germany have all expressed their objection. It is obvious that what U.S. politicians care about is neither the lives of Ukrainians nor peace for Ukraine. They simply want to beat Russia. A major player in the Russia-Ukraine conflict, the U.S. is willing to win the game at any cost, including by turning Ukraine into a slaughterhouse with endless supplies of destructive weapons.</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-07-24/U-S-is-taking-Ukraine-further-away-from-peace-1lHoBTtb5gQ/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-07-24/U-S-is-taking-Ukraine-further-away-from-peace-1lHoBTtb5gQ/index.html</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;">23.07.23 By: <a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202307/1294891.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Global Times</a> </span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: medium;"><b>The US is digging own war trap by instigating confrontation</b></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;">To be, or not to be - that is the question. Using this famous line from Shakespeare's Hamlet to describe the mentality of some people in Washington toward China could not be more appropriate. Whether to wage war or remain at peace with China is a question that, although most agree on the answer, seems to make Americans more and more anxious. On Thursday, Raja Krishnamoorthi, the top Democrat on the House select committee on China, said at a hearing that one of the questions often raised by his constituents is how the US can avoid an open conflict with China: "The majority of Americans see China as a competitor but they are concerned about this competition turning into a war." He quoted a survey from late 2021 which stated 71 percent of Americans were worried about a potential war with China in the next five years. Why do Americans have such fears? It is easy to answer if one looks at the successive policies Washington has introduced toward China. At this hearing, there were also clamors for full sanctions against Chinese tech giant Huawei and enlarged control measures to other Chinese companies. A few days ago, on Capitol Hill, some lawmakers proposed legislation for the Democratic Republic of Congo in faraway Africa because China "controls" the country's mineral resources. Similar bills are coming one after another. More than 1,300 Chinese companies have been sanctioned by the US under various pretexts. In China's neighborhood, US troops are intensively mobilized. The various alliances that Washington is putting together, which are said to be for the sake of security balance, all have an unspoken target, China. Even the New York Times senses the smell of war. The title of the article published in the online edition on July 13 wrote, "'An Act of War': Inside America's Silicon Blockade Against China."</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202307/1294891.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202307/1294891.shtml</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: small;">21.07.23 By: Shen Yi</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: medium;"><b>Financial infiltration of international organizations poses threats to global security</b></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202307/1294828.shtml" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="480" data-original-width="800" height="294" src="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2023/2023-07-04/6ad69db9-4410-4fe3-9b4a-f9e0aec5d9a4.jpeg" width="489" /></a></div><br /><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><br /></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;">Former Singapore diplomat Kishore Mahbubani once suggested that multilateral organizations, which enjoy significant authority in their respective fields, face threats and challenges from developed countries' systematic use of money for infiltration and control. Take the World Health Organization as an example, Mahbubani laid out three approaches. First, the West starved the WHO of reliable long-term mandatory funding. The second was to focus on biomedicine, with its focus on individual behavior, instead of social medicine. The third was to dilute the role of the WHO and favor institutions like the World Bank, which is controlled by the West. In other words, the approach was to deliberately reduce mandatory funding methods such as membership fees, thereby putting international organizations in the embarrassing situation of lacking the necessary disposable funds to take independent actions. Then, various stakeholders, especially those from developed countries, are allowed to provide funds through "voluntary donations" with explicit or implicit conditions, effectively creating a reality of "purchasing services" and ensuring that the relevant international organizations become "puppets" controlled by specific funding sources.</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202307/1294828.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202307/1294828.shtml</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: small;">19.07.23 By: </span><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202307/1294726.shtml" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: Arial; font-size: small;" target="_blank">Global Times</a><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: small;"> </span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: medium;"><b>Hopefully US semiconductor companies' 'petition' can awaken Washington: Global Times editorial</b></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202307/1294726.shtml" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="480" data-original-width="800" height="294" src="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2022/2022-08-14/90a0b063-d248-4904-851d-e7f0a1486eb2.jpeg" width="490" /></a></div><br /><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><br /></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;">As rumors of the "Biden administration expanding chip export restrictions to China" grow, opposition within the US is also increasing. In a rare move, American semiconductor companies have launched a "petition movement." On July 17, CEOs of American chip companies such as Intel, Qualcomm and NVIDIA held talks with top US officials including Secretary of State Antony Blinken, Commerce Secretary Gina Raimondo, Director of the National Economic Council Lael Brainard, and National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan. They explicitly expressed opposition to US government's tightening of export controls on chips and semiconductor manufacturing equipment to China. On the same day, the Semiconductor Industry Association (SIA) issued a statement warning that restrictions on chip sales to China could backfire on the US. Since October last year, when the US government initiated the chip blockade against China, described by The New York Times as "an act of war," American semiconductor companies have been expressing their opposition through various means. However, instead of taking them seriously, the US government has continued to escalate the blockade. It is widely rumored that new restrictions will be announced as early as the end of this month, representing a significant escalation from the export restrictions implemented in October last year. This has led to a concentrated outburst of dissatisfaction and concerns among American semiconductor companies. They are urging the Biden administration to refrain from taking this step and to stop imposing further restrictions on chip exports to China before the final "window of opportunity" closes. However, people have little confidence that the White House will listen and adopt their suggestions.</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202307/1294726.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202307/1294726.shtml</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;">18.07.23 By: Wang Kexin and Xie Wenting</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><b style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: large;">US cluster bombs continue to plague Laos, Vietnam and Cambodia. Deadly American gifts</b></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202307/1294611.shtml " rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="480" data-original-width="800" height="295" src="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2023/2023-07-18/af0c414c-a58a-49a6-afd6-91f35a9a5a4a.jpeg" width="490" /></a></div><br /><p></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: small;">Recently, the US' Department of Defense (DOD) announced an $800 million military aid package to Ukraine, which will include cluster munitions, sparking widespread condemnation from the international community. Cluster munitions are a type of explosive ordnance that can be launched from airplanes, missiles, or cannons, and can contain hundreds of submunitions, which are dispersed over a large area aerially, causing casualties and damage in a wider area. What's even more alarming is that if these bombs land on wet and soft ground, a significant portion of them can become "duds." The "duds" did not explode initially, but will explode later when subjected to external forces or environmental changes. The US has used cluster bombs multiple times in wars. During the Vietnam War, Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia were heavily targeted with cluster bombs. Several decades later, the specter of cluster bombs still looms over these three countries. Civilians face unknown dangers, and economic development is constrained. What is even more terrifying is that the local populations have and might continue to be stuck in this state of uncertainty and perpetual danger for decades. Ho Van Lai, 26, lost both his legs and right arm when he was only 10 years old due to cluster munitions. One day in June 2000, while playing with his two cousins near his home in Quang Tri Province in Vietnam, his cousins found what appeared to be a tennis-ball-sized "toy," but it turned out to be a cluster bomb. The bomb exploded after it was touched, killing his cousin and seriously injuring Ho, according to Project Renew, an NGO in Vietnam. Ho's family home was next to a US military base occupied by American soldiers and where weapons were stored from 1966 to 1972. Ho's horrific is just an example of the fate shared by a large number of people who continue to suffer through the nightmare of undetonated cluster bombs. Public reports showed that the cluster bombs in Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia were mostly left behind by the US military during the Vietnam War. According to the Lao National Regulatory Authority for Unexploded Ordnance (UXO), between 1964 and 1973, over 270 million cluster munitions were dropped by US warplanes in Laos, with approximately one-third of them failing to detonate. </span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202307/1294611.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202307/1294611.shtml</a> </span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;">18.07.23 By: Huan Yuping (<a href="http://en.people.cn/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">People's Daily</a>) </span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: medium;"><b>NATO in Cold War dream undermines global peace, stability</b></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;">The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) summit, which was held on July 11 and 12, once again revealed the organization's Cold War mentality. It issued a communique that distorted China's position and policies and deliberately smeared China, exposing NATO's dangerous attempt to meddle in affairs beyond its geographical scope, create division, and foment confrontation. This proved that NATO has never reflected on the troubles and disasters it has brought around the world, which plunged many of its member countries into security dilemmas. However, it is still in its Cold War dream, seeking further expansion and creating new troubles around the globe. As a so-called defensive alliance, NATO "defends" itself by waging wars. After the end of the Cold War, it has repeatedly lit the fuse of confrontation and created wars around the world, from Bosnia and Herzegovina to Kosovo, from Afghanistan to Iraq, and from Libya to Syria. According to incomplete statistics, the wars launched or participated in by NATO after 2001 have killed hundreds of thousands and displaced tens of millions of people. The root cause for the current warfare and security dilemmas in Europe is NATO's long-term addiction to expansion and confrontation. George Kennan, the former U.S. ambassador to the Soviet Union noted that expanding NATO would be the most fateful error of American policy in the entire post-Cold War era.</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><a href="http://en.people.cn/n3/2023/0718/c90000-20045577.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://en.people.cn/n3/2023/0718/c90000-20045577.html</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;">15.07.23 By: Alfred de Zayas</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: medium;"><b>NATO deserves the label 'criminal organization' within meaning of the Nuremberg judgment</b></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202307/1294420.shtml" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="480" data-original-width="800" height="290" src="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2023/2023-07-15/32c3ce16-b0be-41f4-9ea5-26851764077a.jpeg" width="483" /></a></div><br /><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><br /></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;">What is a criminal organization? The average person immediately thinks of local and international drug cartels, human trafficking rings, child pornography societies, gambling sites or the mafia. Perhaps because of an artificially created image, supported by the Western media, NATO is not readily recognized as a "criminal organization." NATO was not initially a criminal organization. The treaty establishing NATO on April 4 1949 stipulated in article 5: "The Parties agree that an armed attack against one or more of them in Europe or North America shall be considered an attack against them all and consequently they agree that, if such an armed attack occurs, each of them, in exercise of the right of individual or collective self-defence recognised by Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations, will assist the Party or Parties so attacked by taking forthwith, individually and in concert with the other Parties, such action as it deems necessary, including the use of armed force, to restore and maintain the security of the North Atlantic area."</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202307/1294420.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202307/1294420.shtml</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;">14.07.23 By: Mariam Shah</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: medium;"><b>NATO: An antithesis to peace</b></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-07-14/NATO-An-antithesis-to-peace-1lqwvah0fhm/index.html" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="273" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-07-14/NATO-An-antithesis-to-peace-1lqwvah0fhm/img/f5364a657eb14f389dacc826367ab3f4/f5364a657eb14f389dacc826367ab3f4.png" width="483" /></a></div><br /><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><br /></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;">This year's NATO summit sets out some unprecedented geopolitical ambitions that have raised serious concerns in the Asia-Pacific. The discussions revolved around NATO's expansion plans and the potential inclusion of Ukraine as a NATO member. Additionally, there is a growing emphasis on NATO's strategic interest in the Asia-Pacific region. There are three major takeaways from the NATO Vilnius summit, as outlined in detailed defense plans. First, a "Defense Investment Pledge" was agreed upon to "strengthen commitment to defense investment" (read to keep running the military-industrial complex by fueling the conflicts and wars). Secondly, the aim is to bring Ukraine closer to NATO. As the leaders said in a declaration, "Ukraine's future is in NATO." The third important aspect was strengthening NATO's partnerships in the Indo-Pacific and beyond. The summit addresses the expansion of cooperation with Japan, South Korea, Australia, and New Zealand, to deter what the U.S. media portrays as "China's strategic ambitions." To counter China's growing influence, the "Indo-Pacific Four" will create apprehension and instability in the region. It is one of the hegemonic ambitions of NATO to trap Asian countries into conflicts and blocs, creating a never-ending cycle of arms race and instability. Recently, Australia's former prime minister, Paul Keating, released a statement criticizing Jens Stoltenberg, the head of NATO, accusing him of being a "supreme fool" for amplifying ties between NATO and Asia as a means to counter China. He stated, "Europeans have been fighting each other for the better part of three hundred years." He warned that "exporting that malicious poison to Asia would be akin to Asia welcoming a plague upon itself." Keating also opposed Australia's acquisition of nuclear submarines through the AUKUS alliance a few months back.</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-07-14/NATO-An-antithesis-to-peace-1lqwvah0fhm/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-07-14/NATO-An-antithesis-to-peace-1lqwvah0fhm/index.html</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;">13.07.23 By: By Hu Xijin</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: medium;"><b>A disgusting performance for US to use NATO to confront China</b></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;">NATO launched a strongly worded attack on China in the Vilnius Summit Communiqué issued on Tuesday. The joint statement pointed an accusing finger at China's so-called "coercive policies," and its deepening strategic partnership with Russia. It also accused China of being opaque about its military build-up, especially when it comes to expanding its nuclear arsenal, and using its economic leverage to "create strategic dependencies." Some have summarized that this year's NATO joint statement contains 322 English words related to China, compared to 304 and 225 words in the previous two years. NATO's statement gives the impression that China is right on the doorstep of the North Atlantic, with its military power already confronting NATO forces in the North Atlantic, similar to a standoff between Chinese and American warships and aircraft in the Taiwan Straits and South China Sea. However, in reality, the North Atlantic is the furthest ocean from China, and the anti-China rhetoric in NATO's statement is merely transplanted from that of the US. It is unimaginable for Chinese people that our military would engage in combat, stage demonstrations in the North Atlantic against NATO forces or threaten and intimidate a NATO member country. Similarly, Europeans would find it difficult to envision such a scenario. The accusations against China in NATO's statement are essentially a self-portrait of the US and Western powers who are engaging in power projection and interference worldwide. The US is encouraging Europeans to come to the Taiwan Straits and the South China Sea to "defend Europe," which is ridiculous. The Earth is not as small as a globe. With the support of NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg, Washington also conspired with Japan to propose the establishment of a NATO liaison office in Tokyo. Due to France's insistence that NATO should represent the North Atlantic and opposing NATO globalization, the plan to open a Tokyo office was temporarily aborted, and this joint statement did not mention the matter at all. Australia's former prime minister Paul Keating accused Stoltenberg of "conducting himself as an American agent more than he performs as a leader and spokesperson for European security."</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202307/1294261.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202307/1294261.shtml</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;">12.07.23 By: </span><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202307/1294252.shtml" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: Arial;" target="_blank">Global Times</a><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"> </span></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: medium;"><b>East Asian states need to strengthen guard against 'great external threat': Global Times editorial</b></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202307/1294252.shtml" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="480" data-original-width="800" height="293" src="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2023/2023-07-09/c7797e46-2d0a-48df-8ee1-c99a22232ea3.jpeg" width="489" /></a></div><br /><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><br /></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;">ASEAN-plus Foreign Ministers' Meetings will be held in Jakarta, Indonesia, on Thursday and Friday. Wang Yi, Director of the Office of the Central Commission for Foreign Affairs, will attend the gatherings, demonstrating China's high regard for the meetings and China's relationship with ASEAN. The meetings will focus on several topics related to regional peace, stability, and economic recovery. We would like to take this opportunity to sincerely remind ASEAN to strengthen its vigilance against external forces instigating trouble, as this has become the most serious external threat that could undermine the cooperation environment and development momentum between ASEAN and regional countries. In recent days, foreign media have been hyping the South China Sea issue. Even before this year's relevant meetings started, the US has been continuously making statements, trying to set the tone for the meetings in advance. Prior to US Secretary of State Antony Blinken's visit to Jakarta, the US State Department claimed that his trip aimed to closely cooperate with Southeast Asian countries to "counter" China's actions in the South China Sea. The Japanese media also mentioned that the participation of Japanese Foreign Minister Yoshimasa Hayashi aimed to rally ASEAN countries to restrain China and further intensify the South China Sea issue. Furthermore, the US, Canada, Australia, and some European countries recently started to make an issue of the so-called South China Sea arbitration ruling. Regarding these high-profile political shows, we believe that ASEAN will remain clear-headed and calm. As a matter of fact, ASEAN is already vigilant about this. Indonesian Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi, stated in her opening speech at the ASEAN Foreign Ministers' Meeting, "We need to send a clear message that ASEAN will never be a proxy in great powers' rivalry." Over the past two years, ASEAN representatives have repeatedly reiterated this position in various major multilateral occasions, indicating that they have felt pressure from this aspect and are aware of the huge risks involved. Currently, there are two forces engaging in a game in the South China Sea region. On one hand, the US is intensifying its containment and suppression on China, continuously creating conflicts in the region in an attempt to drive a wedge between China and ASEAN. On the other hand, the regional countries strongly desire stability, peace, and development. Particularly after taking some detours in handling the South China Sea issue in previous years, countries have realized how important it is to properly address sensitive hotspot issues. In recent years, major regional countries have explicitly or implicitly rejected picking sides, signifying a collective sobriety and rationality within the region.</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202307/1294252.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202307/1294252.shtml</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">12.07.23 By: Ding Gang</span></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: medium;"><b>US dropped bombs in Laos, China builds railways</b></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;">In the past week, I was in Laos to attend a forum on the China-proposed Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). At the meeting, I learned that cluster bombs that the US military dropped in Laos 50 years ago turned out to be the biggest challenge to the construction of the China-Laos high-speed railway. However, when riding on the train and soaking in the beauty of the scenery, you may not realize that there used to be so many unexploded bombs buried along the route, most of which were cluster bombs dropped by US warplanes decades ago. Coincidentally, on July 6 when I visited the UXO (unexploded ordnance) center in Luang Prabang, I learned that Washington's latest military aid to Ukraine will include cluster bombs. Cluster bombs, also known as sub-bombs, send out hundreds or even thousands of tennis ball-sized sub-bombs when they explode, inflicting even more casualties. Although the use of such bombs has been strongly condemned by the international community, the US has used them in almost all the wars it has waged since the Korean War (1950-53). Even though the US military claims that the technology for cluster bombs has improved dramatically, there is still a certain collateral damage rate. Even today, decades later, cluster bombs that the US military dropped in the Laos still threaten the lives of the Lao people.</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: small;"></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202307/1294231.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202307/1294231.shtml</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;">09.07.23 By: </span><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202307/1294018.shtml" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: Arial;" target="_blank">Global Times</a><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"> </span></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: medium;"><b>NATO’s Asia-Pacific expansion: wrong and perilous path for Western civilization</b></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;">NATO will hold a summit in Vilnius, Lithuania, from July 11 to 12. The main agenda of the summit involves three aspects: the issue of Ukraine, Sweden's accession?to?NATO membership and how to participate in Asia-Pacific affairs to address the challenges posed by China's rise. Based on reports, NATO member countries have varying degrees of differences on these three issues. However, these three issues highlight NATO's aggressiveness rather than its contraction and retreat. Since the outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine conflict, NATO member countries have strengthened their cohesion under the banner of Western civilization-based ideology. At the same time, an increasing number of member countries and leaders have displayed a stronger ambition toward NATO's expansion than before. This is different from NATO's traditional policy which focuses on defense. NATO's aggressiveness is not only an expansion of military deterrence but also an expansion of values. It is precisely due to this "original intention" of expansion that NATO incorporates so-called global security into its vision.</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="font-family: Arial;"><span style="color: #444444;"></span></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202307/1294018.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202307/1294018.shtml</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;">07.07.23 By: <a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202307/1293954.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Global Times</a> </span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: medium;"><b>NATO’s hidden agenda against China exposed in advance by Lithuania: Global Times editorial</b></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;">NATO is set to hold a summit in Vilnius, Lithuania, next week. As the host country, Lithuania appears both excited and impatient. A significant part of this sentiment is reflected in its provocation of China. At the same time, several other NATO members also appear to have coordinated in their approach to Taiwan island. These have all exposed the coming NATO summit's malicious intentions toward China. This cannot be ignored by the Chinese people, who must remain vigilant. About a week before the summit, Lithuania, mimicking the US, announced its so-called Indo-Pacific Strategy. The most eye-catching part of this 16-page "strategy" is its statement on the Taiwan question, emphasizing "the development of economic relations with Taiwan is one of Lithuania's strategic priorities." It even shamelessly drew a "red line," claiming that the status quo in the Taiwan Straits "cannot be changed via the use of force or coercion." </span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202307/1293954.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202307/1293954.shtml</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: small;">06.07.23 By: </span><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202307/1293855.shtml" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: Arial; font-size: small;" target="_blank">Global Times</a><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: small;"> </span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: medium;"><b>Alliance with the US constrains strategic autonomy: South Korean expert</b></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202307/1293855.shtml" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="480" data-original-width="800" height="291" src="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2023/2023-07-06/78979f9b-26e8-459b-9685-43eb57bc16f9.jpeg" width="485" /></a></div><br /><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><br /></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;">China-South Korea relations are experiencing a downward trend recently as Seoul instigated a series of diplomatic disputes and displayed toughness toward China. Moon Chung-in (Moon), special advisor for former South Korean president Moon Jae-in, viewed the recent developments in bilateral ties as "unfortunate." In an interview with Global Times (GT) reporter Wang Wenwen, he talked about China-South Korea relations, South Korea's alliance with the US and strategic autonomy, and its role in preserving regional stability.</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="font-family: Arial;"><span style="color: #444444;"></span></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202307/1293855.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202307/1293855.shtml</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="font-family: Arial;"><span style="color: #444444;">06.07.23</span> <a href="http://en.people.cn/n3/2023/0706/c90000-20040485.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">People's Daily Online</a> <span style="color: #444444;">By: Liu Chong</span> (<a href="https://english.news.cn/20230705/d2cf4fc153904ed09cf5c64a8f135f68/c.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Xinhua</a>)</span><span style="font-family: Arial;"> </span></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: medium;"><b>Opinion: U.S. nuclear policy fueling global instability and uncertainty</b></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><span>In January 2022, the five nuclear-armed countries (China, Russia, the United States, Britain and France) issued a joint statement emphasizing the need to prevent nuclear war and avoid arms races. While stressing that nuclear weapons should only serve defensive purposes, they reiterated the importance of non-proliferation agreements and commitments. However, the actual U.S. policies, such as those aimed at reinforcing strategic forward-basing, strengthening space-based missile defense capabilities and transferring high-risk materials, have run counter to the spirit of the statement, which severely undermined global stability and non-proliferation efforts, causing deep concern among those who care about world peace and security.</span></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="font-family: Arial;"><span><a href="http://en.people.cn/n3/2023/0706/c90000-20040485.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://en.people.cn/n3/2023/0706/c90000-20040485.html</a></span></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="font-family: Arial;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="color: #444444;">04.07.23</span> <a href="http://en.people.cn/n3/2023/0704/c90000-20039141.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">People's Daily Online</a> <span style="color: #444444;">By: Global Times editorial</span> (<a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202307/1293658.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Global Times</a>)</span></span><span style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 14px;"> </span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: medium;"><b>What Yellen discusses in China will be a weather vane</b></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><a href="http://en.people.cn/n3/2023/0704/c90000-20039141.html" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="480" data-original-width="800" height="291" src="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2023/2023-06-26/077e68da-49f2-4286-bf5d-57fc7b6923d6.jpeg" width="485" /></a></span></div><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><br /><span style="font-size: 14px;"><br /></span></span><p></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;">After many days of speculation, it was finally confirmed by both Chinese and American sides that US Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen will visit China from July 6 to 9. Following US Secretary of State Antony Blinken's visit to China nearly three weeks ago, this visit by another high-ranking US official indicates, to a certain level, a gradual restoration of communication channels between the two countries. As one of the key figures responsible for US economic and trade affairs, Yellen's visit to China has attracted special attention, as it is believed to hold significant importance. This reflects the expectations of stability in China-US economic and trade relations amid the global economic downturn. Compared with her counterparts in Washington, Yellen has a relatively pragmatic attitude toward China. She has previously expressed opposition to "decoupling" from China and advocated for establishing "necessary" and "constructive" economic relations with China. She has also expressed her desire to visit China on multiple occasions. In a recent hearing last month, Yellen stated that it is not in US' interest to stifle the economic progress of the Chinese people, and that the US should applaud for China's success in lifting hundreds of millions of people out of poverty. Therefore, whether Yellen's visit can achieve pragmatic results holds symbolic significance: whether Washington is focusing on "competition" or cooperation represents a certain weather vane to judge whether rationality remains in Washington's China policy. However, before Yellen sets off, Washington has already revealed a number of crucial messages, and these complex signals are worth careful interpretation. Alongside the announcement of Yellen's visit to China, the US once again emphasized the so-called "three principles" regarding economic relations with China, which were proposed by Yellen in a speech in April. This seems to set the tone for Yellen's trip to China in advance, but these "three principles" do not release many positive signals for dialogue. The first principle emphasizes the protection of US and its allies' "national security interests," which raises concerns about an overarching securitization. If the US cannot break free from its stubbornly tough stance on China, can the professional voice from US finance field break through the obstacles and bring tangible results for China-US economic and trade cooperation? When the concept of "national security" has become an omnipresent fog, whether Yellen can avoid the "security trap" remains a question.</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><span><a href="http://en.people.cn/n3/2023/0704/c90000-20039141.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://en.people.cn/n3/2023/0704/c90000-20039141.html</a></span></span></p></div></div>Pablo Pallashttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02676986163926451532noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8368737022377042313.post-85974658239035315542023-02-21T13:17:00.040-03:002023-05-22T14:10:59.804-03:00De la verdad narrada: Caso XI<p> <a href="https://english.news.cn/20230220/1b9a2c2bcfb742ad872c58ddda549374/c.html" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; display: inline; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: center;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="326" src="https://english.news.cn/20230220/1b9a2c2bcfb742ad872c58ddda549374/202302201b9a2c2bcfb742ad872c58ddda549374_de262805-a9d8-4569-b2c1-0c69c222bf84.jpg" width="490" /></a></p><h2 class="title" style="background-color: white; color: #313131; font-family: Arial; margin: 0px 0px 10px; padding: 0px; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #3081f2;"><span style="font-size: x-large;">US Hegemony and Its Perils</span></span></h2><div class="date" id="News_Body_Time" style="background-color: white; margin: 0px 0px 20px; padding: 0px; text-align: left;"><span style="text-align: justify;"><span><div class="trs_editor_view TRS_UEDITOR trs_paper_default trs_web" style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px;"><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 12px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: center;"><strong style="font-size: 12px; font-style: inherit; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #397ed2; font-size: x-small;"><span style="font-size: medium; font-weight: 400;">This report, by presenting the relevant facts, seeks to expose the U.S. abuse of hegemony in the political, military, economic, financial, technological and cultural fields, and to draw greater international attention to the perils of the U.S. practices to world peace and stability and the well-being of all peoples.</span></span></strong></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 12px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><strong style="font-size: 12px; font-style: inherit; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">Contents</span></strong></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 12px; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">Introduction</span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 12px; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">I. Political Hegemony—Throwing Its Weight Around</span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 12px; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">II. Military Hegemony—Wanton Use of Force </span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 12px; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">III. Economic Hegemony—Looting and Exploitation</span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 12px; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">IV. Technological Hegemony—Monopoly and Suppression</span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 12px; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">V. Cultural Hegemony—Spreading False Narratives</span></p><p style="font-family: Arial; font-size: 12px; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">Conclusion</span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="color: #444444; font-weight: bold;"><b>Fuente:</b></span><span style="color: #333333; font-weight: bold;"> </span><a href="https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/wjbxw/202302/t20230220_11027664.html" rel="nofollow" style="color: #333333;" target="_blank">Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the People's Republic of China</a></span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="font-family: Arial;"><i>Vid</i>. </span><span style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Arial;">Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the People's Republic of China. </span></span><span style="font-family: Arial;">2023, febrero 20. </span><span style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Arial;">«</span></span><span style="font-family: Arial;">US Hegemony and Its Perils</span><span style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Arial;">»</span></span><span style="font-family: Arial;"> en URL:</span></span><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-weight: bold;"> </span><a href="https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/wjbxw/202302/t20230220_11027664.html" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: Arial;" target="_blank">https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/wjbxw/202302/t20230220_11027664.html</a><span style="color: #313131; font-family: Arial;"> </span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;">(Acceso 2023, febrero 20)</span></span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-size: 12px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><strong style="font-style: inherit;"><br /></strong></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><strong style="font-style: inherit;"><span style="color: #444444;">Introduction</span></strong></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">Since becoming the world's most powerful country after the two world wars and the Cold War, the United States has acted more boldly to interfere in the internal affairs of other countries, pursue, maintain and abuse hegemony, advance subversion and infiltration, and willfully wage wars, bringing harm to the international community.</span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">The United States has developed a hegemonic playbook to stage "color revolutions," instigate regional disputes, and even directly launch wars under the guise of promoting democracy, freedom and human rights. Clinging to the Cold War mentality, the United States has ramped up bloc politics and stoked conflict and confrontation. It has overstretched the concept of national security, abused export controls and forced unilateral sanctions upon others. It has taken a selective approach to international law and rules, utilizing or discarding them as it sees fit, and has sought to impose rules that serve its own interests in the name of upholding a "rules-based international order."</span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">This report, by presenting the relevant facts, seeks to expose the U.S. abuse of hegemony in the political, military, economic, financial, technological and cultural fields, and to draw greater international attention to the perils of the U.S. practices to world peace and stability and the well-being of all peoples.</span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; font-weight: bold; text-align: center;"><a href="https://global.chinadaily.com.cn/a/202302/21/WS63f3ff70a31057c47ebafd36.html" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><span style="color: #444444;"><img border="0" data-original-height="534" data-original-width="800" height="325" src="https://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/202302/21/63f43f01a31057c4b4b57f49.jpeg" width="486" /></span></a></div><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; font-weight: bold;"><br /></span><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><strong style="font-style: inherit;"><span style="color: #444444;">I. Political Hegemony -- Throwing Its Weight Around</span></strong></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">The United States has long been attempting to mold other countries and the world order with its own values and political system in the name of promoting democracy and human rights.</span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">◆ Instances of U.S. interference in other countries' internal affairs abound. In the name of "promoting democracy," the United States practiced a "Neo-Monroe Doctrine" in Latin America, instigated "color revolutions" in Eurasia, and orchestrated the "Arab Spring" in West Asia and North Africa, bringing chaos and disaster to many countries.</span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">In 1823, the United States announced the Monroe Doctrine. While touting an "America for the Americans," what it truly wanted was an "America for the United States."</span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">Since then, the policies of successive U.S. governments toward Latin America and the Caribbean Region have been riddled with political interference, military intervention and regime subversion. From its 61-year hostility toward and blockade of Cuba to its overthrow of the Allende government of Chile, U.S. policy on this region has been built on one maxim-those who submit will prosper; those who resist shall perish.</span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">The year 2003 marked the beginning of a succession of "color revolutions" -- the "Rose Revolution" in Georgia, the "Orange Revolution" in Ukraine and the "Tulip Revolution" in Kyrgyzstan. The U.S. Department of State openly admitted playing a "central role" in these "regime changes." The United States also interfered in the internal affairs of the Philippines, ousting President Ferdinand Marcos Sr. in 1986 and President Joseph Estrada in 2001 through the so-called "People Power Revolutions."</span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">In January 2023, former U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo released his new book Never Give an Inch: Fighting for the America I Love. He revealed in it that the United States had plotted to intervene in Venezuela. The plan was to force the Maduro government to reach an agreement with the opposition, deprive Venezuela of its ability to sell oil and gold for foreign exchange, exert high pressure on its economy, and influence the 2018 presidential election.</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;">04.05.23 By: Yuan Hong</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: medium;"><b>Exclusive: New report unveils how CIA </b></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: medium;"><b>schemes color revolutions </b></span><b style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: large;">around the world</b></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;">For a long time, the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) has plotted "peaceful evolution" and "color revolutions" as well as spying activities around the world. Although details about these operations have always been murky, a new report released by China's National Computer Virus Emergency Response Center and Chinese cybersecurity company 360 on Thursday unveiled the main technical means the CIA has used to scheme and promote unrest around the world. According to the report, since the beginning of the 21st century, the rapid development of the internet offered "new opportunity" for CIA's infiltration activities in other countries and regions. Any institutions or individuals from anywhere in the world that use US digital equipment or software could be turned into the CIA's "puppet agent." For decades, the CIA has overthrown or attempted to overthrow at least 50 legitimate governments abroad (the CIA has only recognized seven of these instances), causing turmoil in related countries. Whether it is the "color revolution" in Ukraine in 2014, the "sunflower revolution" in Taiwan island, China, or the "saffron revolution" in Myanmar in 2007, the "green revolution" in Iran in 2009, and other attempted "color revolutions" -- the US intelligence agencies are behind them all, according to the report.</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202305/1290090.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202305/1290090.shtml</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit;">◆ The U.S. exercises double standards on international rules. Placing its self-interest first, the United States has walked away from international treaties and organizations, and put its domestic law above international law. In April 2017, the Trump administration announced that it would cut off all U.S. funding to the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) with the excuse that the organization "supports, or participates in the management of a programme of coercive abortion or involuntary sterilization." The United States quit UNESCO twice in 1984 and 2017. In 2017, it announced leaving the Paris Agreement on climate change. In 2018, it announced its exit from the UN Human Rights Council, citing the organization's "bias" against Israel and failure to protect human rights effectively. In 2019, the United States announced its withdrawal from the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty to seek unfettered development of advanced weapons. In 2020, it announced pulling out of the Treaty on Open Skies.</span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">The United States has also been a stumbling block to biological arms control by opposing negotiations on a verification protocol for the Biological Weapons Convention (BWC) and impeding international verification of countries' activities relating to biological weapons. As the only country in possession of a chemical weapons stockpile, the United States has repeatedly delayed the destruction of chemical weapons and remained reluctant in fulfilling its obligations. It has become the biggest obstacle to realizing "a world free of chemical weapons."</span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">◆ The United States is piecing together small blocs through its alliance system. It has been forcing an "Indo-Pacific Strategy" onto the Asia-Pacific region, assembling exclusive clubs like the Five Eyes, the Quad and AUKUS, and forcing regional countries to take sides. Such practices are essentially meant to create division in the region, stoke confrontation and undermine peace.</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="408" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/wUhfpb4Uhis" width="491" youtube-src-id="wUhfpb4Uhis"></iframe></div><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://www.cgtn.com/video" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">CGTN</a>. <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wUhfpb4Uhis" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Why is the U.S. promotion of democracy viewed with suspicion?</a> The U.S. will be holding a second edition of its Summit for Democracy this week. What's the purpose of the summit? Is democracy simply an end in itself or a means to something more substantial? Why is the U.S. promotion of democracy viewed with suspicion? And while it regularly examines the human rights record of every country around the world, why doesn't the U.S. examine itself and its own human rights record both domestically and internationally? The guest in this edition of Dialogue is Dr. <a href="https://twitter.com/DrFredMmembe" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Fred M'membe</a>, president of the <a href="http://socialistpartyzambia.com/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Socialist Party of Zambia</a>. </span><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-size: small;"> </span></div><div class="trs_editor_view TRS_UEDITOR trs_paper_default trs_web" style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px;"><p></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit;">◆ The U.S. arbitrarily passes judgment on democracy in other countries, and fabricates a false narrative of "democracy versus authoritarianism" to incite estrangement, division, rivalry and confrontation. In December 2021, the United States hosted the first "Summit for Democracy," which drew criticism and opposition from many countries for making a mockery of the spirit of democracy and dividing the world. In March 2023, the United States will host another "Summit for Democracy," which remains unwelcome and will again find no suppo</span></p><p></p><div class="trs_editor_view TRS_UEDITOR trs_paper_default trs_web" style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px;"><div class="trs_editor_view TRS_UEDITOR trs_paper_default trs_web" style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="406" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/aMTsMh3vtSs" width="489" youtube-src-id="aMTsMh3vtSs"></iframe></div><span style="color: #444444; font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/CGTN" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">CGTN</a>. <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aMTsMh3vtSs" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Live: A Dialogue on Democracy – What is democracy and who defines it?</a> What is democracy? Who defines democracy? Join a dialogue with distinguished scholars and officials and find out more about the definition of democracy and the competing narratives behind it. Host: Wang Guan, CGTN Anchor. Panelists:</span></div><div class="trs_editor_view TRS_UEDITOR trs_paper_default trs_web" style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;">Le Yucheng, Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs of China</span></div><div class="trs_editor_view TRS_UEDITOR trs_paper_default trs_web" style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;">Eric Li S. M, Vice chairman of China Forum, Center for International Security and Strategy, Tsinghua University</span></div><div class="trs_editor_view TRS_UEDITOR trs_paper_default trs_web" style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;">Zhang Weiwei, Dean of China Institute, Fudan University</span></div><div class="trs_editor_view TRS_UEDITOR trs_paper_default trs_web" style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;">Kishore Mahbubani, Distinguished fellow at the Asia Research Institute, National University of Singapore</span></div><div class="trs_editor_view TRS_UEDITOR trs_paper_default trs_web" style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;">Martin Jacques, Former senior fellow at the Department of Politics and International Studies, Cambridge University</span></div><div class="trs_editor_view TRS_UEDITOR trs_paper_default trs_web" style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;">John Ross, Former director of economic and business policy for the Mayor of London</span></div></div><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><a href="https://english.news.cn/20230220/1b9a2c2bcfb742ad872c58ddda549374/c.html" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; display: inline; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><span style="color: #444444;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="323" src="https://english.news.cn/20230220/1b9a2c2bcfb742ad872c58ddda549374/202302201b9a2c2bcfb742ad872c58ddda549374_6640112a-bd73-4cbd-baf8-d73e913706d9.jpg" width="486" /></span></a></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><strong style="font-style: inherit;"><span style="color: #444444;">II. Military Hegemony -- Wanton Use of Force</span></strong></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">The history of the United States is characterized by violence and expansion. Since it gained independence in 1776, the United States has constantly sought expansion by force: it slaughtered Indians, invaded Canada, waged a war against Mexico, instigated the American-Spanish War, and annexed Hawaii. After World War II, the wars either provoked or launched by the United States included the Korean War, the Vietnam War, the Gulf War, the Kosovo War, the War in Afghanistan, the Iraq War, the Libyan War and the Syrian War, abusing its military hegemony to pave the way for expansionist objectives. In recent years, the U.S. average annual military budget has exceeded 700 billion U.S. dollars, accounting for 40 percent of the world's total, more than the 15 countries behind it combined. The United States has about 800 overseas military bases, with 173,000 troops deployed in 159 countries.</span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">According to the book America Invades: How We've Invaded or been Militarily Involved with almost Every Country on Earth, the United States has fought or been militarily involved with almost all the 190-odd countries recognized by the United Nations with only three exceptions. The three countries were "spared" because the United States did not find them on the map.</span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; font-weight: bold; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="410" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/xqIv8jhHWos" width="493" youtube-src-id="xqIv8jhHWos"></iframe></div><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit;"><p style="font-family: Arial; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;">◆ As former U.S. President Jimmy Carter put it, the United States is undoubtedly the most warlike nation in the history of the world. According to a Tufts University report, "Introducing the Military Intervention Project: A new Dataset on U.S. Military Interventions, 1776-2019," the United States undertook nearly 400 military interventions globally between those years, 34 percent of which were in Latin America and the Caribbean, 23 percent in East Asia and the Pacific, 14 percent in the Middle East and North Africa, and 13 percent in Europe. Currently, its military intervention in the Middle East and North Africa and sub-Saharan Africa is on the rise.</p></span><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit;"></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">Alex Lo, a South China Morning Post columnist, pointed out that the United States has rarely distinguished between diplomacy and war since its founding. It overthrew democratically elected governments in many developing countries in the 20th century and immediately replaced them with pro-American puppet regimes. Today, in Ukraine, Iraq, Afghanistan, Libya, Syria, Pakistan and Yemen, the United States is repeating its old tactics of waging proxy, low-intensity, and drone wars.</span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">◆ U.S. military hegemony has caused humanitarian tragedies. Since 2001, the wars and military operations launched by the United States in the name of fighting terrorism have claimed over 900,000 lives with some 335,000 of them civilians, injured millions and displaced tens of millions. The 2003 Iraq War resulted in some 200,000 to 250,000 civilian deaths, including over 16,000 directly killed by the U.S. military, and left more than a million homeless.</span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">The United States has created 37 million refugees around the world. Since 2012, the number of Syrian refugees alone has increased tenfold. Between 2016 and 2019, 33,584 civilian deaths were documented in the Syrian fightings, including 3,833 killed by U.S.-led coalition bombings, half of them women and children. The Public Broadcasting Service (PBS) reported on 9 November 2018 that the air strikes launched by U.S. forces on Raqqa alone killed 1,600 Syrian civilians.</span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">The two-decades-long war in Afghanistan devastated the country. A total of 47,000 Afghan civilians and 66,000 to 69,000 Afghan soldiers and police officers unrelated to the September 11 attacks were killed in U.S. military operations, and more than 10 million people were displaced. The war in Afghanistan destroyed the foundation of economic development there and plunged the Afghan people into destitution. After the "Kabul debacle" in 2021, the United States announced that it would freeze some 9.5 billion dollars in assets belonging to the Afghan central bank, a move considered as "pure looting."</span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">In September 2022, Turkish Interior Minister Suleyman Soylu commented at a rally that the United States has waged a proxy war in Syria, turned Afghanistan into an opium field and heroin factory, thrown Pakistan into turmoil, and left Libya in incessant civil unrest. The United States does whatever it takes to rob and enslave the people of any country with underground resources.</span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">The United States has also adopted appalling methods in war. During the Korean War, the Vietnam War, the Gulf War, the Kosovo War, the War in Afghanistan and the Iraq War, the United States used massive quantities of chemical and biological weapons as well as cluster bombs, fuel-air bombs, graphite bombs and depleted uranium bombs, causing enormous damage on civilian facilities, countless civilian casualties and lasting environmental pollution.</span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; font-weight: bold; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-02-20/China-releases-report-on-U-S-hegemony-and-its-perils-1hzP6oEcEy4/index.html" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><span style="color: #444444;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="275" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-02-20/China-releases-report-on-U-S-hegemony-and-its-perils-1hzP6oEcEy4/img/b3b0021e95454227bb311ae9716743a0/b3b0021e95454227bb311ae9716743a0.png" width="490" /></span></a></div><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; font-weight: bold;"><br /></span><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><strong style="font-style: inherit;"><span style="color: #444444;">III. Economic Hegemony -- Looting and Exploitation</span></strong></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">After World War II, the United States led efforts to set up the Bretton Woods System, the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, which, together with the Marshall Plan, formed the international monetary system centered around the U.S. dollar. In addition, the United States has also established institutional hegemony in the international economic and financial sector by manipulating the weighted voting systems, rules and arrangements of international organizations including "approval by 85 percent majority," and its domestic trade laws and regulations. By taking advantage of the dollar's status as the major international reserve currency, the United States is basically collecting "seigniorage" from around the world; and using its control over international organizations, it coerces other countries into serving America's political and economic strategy.</span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">◆ The United States exploits the world's wealth with the help of "seigniorage." It costs only about 17 cents to produce a 100 dollar bill, but other countries had to pony up 100 dollar of actual goods in order to obtain one. It was pointed out more than half a century ago, that the United States enjoyed exorbitant privilege and deficit without tears created by its dollar, and used the worthless paper note to plunder the resources and factories of other nations.</span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">◆ The hegemony of U.S. dollar is the main source of instability and uncertainty in the world economy. During the COVID-19 pandemic, the United States abused its global financial hegemony and injected trillions of dollars into the global market, leaving other countries, especially emerging economies, to pay the price. In 2022, the Fed ended its ultra-easy monetary policy and turned to aggressive interest rate hike, causing turmoil in the international financial market and substantial depreciation of other currencies such as the Euro, many of which dropped to a 20-year low. As a result, a large number of developing countries were challenged by high inflation, currency depreciation and capital outflows. This was exactly what Nixon's secretary of the treasury John Connally once remarked, with self-satisfaction yet sharp precision, that "the dollar is our currency, but it is your problem."</span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">◆ With its control over international economic and financial organizations, the United States imposes additional conditions to their assistance to other countries. In order to reduce obstacles to U.S. capital inflow and speculation, the recipient countries are required to advance financial liberalization and open up financial markets so that their economic policies would fall in line with America's strategy. According to the Review of International Political Economy, along with the 1,550 debt relief programs extended by the IMF to its 131 member countries from 1985 to 2014, as many as 55,465 additional political conditions had been attached.</span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">◆ The United States willfully suppresses its opponents with economic coercion. In the 1980s, to eliminate the economic threat posed by Japan, and to control and use the latter in service of America's strategic goal of confronting the Soviet Union and dominating the world, the United States leveraged its hegemonic financial power against Japan, and concluded the Plaza Accord. As a result, Yen was pushed up, and Japan was pressed to open up its financial market and reform its financial system. The Plaza Accord dealt a heavy blow to the growth momentum of the Japanese economy, leaving Japan to what was later called "three lost decades."</span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">◆ America's economic and financial hegemony has become a geopolitical weapon. Doubling down on unilateral sanctions and "long-arm jurisdiction," the United States has enacted such domestic laws as the International Emergency Economic Powers Act, the Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act, and the Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act, and introduced a series of executive orders to sanction specific countries, organizations or individuals. Statistics show that U.S. sanctions against foreign entities increased by 933 percent from 2000 to 2021. The Trump administration alone has imposed more than 3,900 sanctions, which means three sanctions per day. So far, the United States had or has imposed economic sanctions on nearly 40 countries across the world, including Cuba, China, Russia, the DPRK, Iran and Venezuela, affecting nearly half of the world's population. "The United States of America" has turned itself into "the United States of Sanctions." And "long-arm jurisdiction" has been reduced to nothing but a tool for the United States to use its means of state power to suppress economic competitors and interfere in normal international business. This is a serious departure from the principles of liberal market economy that the United States has long boasted.</span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-size: 12px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: bold; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="411" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/iudK6P2yfyE" width="495" youtube-src-id="iudK6P2yfyE"></iframe></div><div class="trs_editor_view TRS_UEDITOR trs_paper_default trs_web" style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-size: small; font-style: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/hashtag/globalink" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">#GLOBALink</a> <span style="color: #444444;">Since becoming the world's most powerful country, the U.S. has acted more boldly to interfere in the internal affairs of other countries, pursue, maintain and abuse hegemony, bringing harm to the international community, according to a newly released report.</span></span></div><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><strong style="font-style: inherit;"><span style="color: #444444;">IV. Technological Hegemony -- Monopoly and Suppression</span></strong></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">The United States seeks to deter other countries' scientific, technological and economic development by wielding monopoly power, suppression measures and technology restrictions in high-tech fields.</span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">◆ The United States monopolizes intellectual property in the name of protection. Taking advantage of the weak position of other countries, especially developing ones, on intellectual property rights and the institutional vacancy in relevant fields, the United States reaps excessive profits through monopoly. In 1994, the United States pushed forward the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS), forcing the Americanized process and standards in intellectual property protection in an attempt to solidify its monopoly on technology.</span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">In the 1980s, to contain the development of Japan's semiconductor industry, the United States launched the "301" investigation, built bargaining power in bilateral negotiations through multilateral agreements, threatened to label Japan as conducting unfair trade, and imposed retaliatory tariffs, forcing Japan to sign the U.S.-Japan Semiconductor Agreement. As a result, Japanese semiconductor enterprises were almost completely driven out of global competition, and their market share dropped from 50 percent to 10 percent. Meanwhile, with the support of the U.S. government, a large number of U.S. semiconductor enterprises took the opportunity and grabbed larger market share.</span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">◆ The United States politicizes, weaponizes technological issues and uses them as ideological tools. Overstretching the concept of national security, the United States mobilized state power to suppress and sanction Chinese company Huawei, restricted the entry of Huawei products into the U.S. market, cut off its supply of chips and operating systems, and coerced other countries to ban Huawei from undertaking local 5G network construction. It even talked Canada into unwarrantedly detaining Huawei's CFO Meng Wanzhou for nearly three years.</span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">The United States has fabricated a slew of excuses to clamp down on China's high-tech enterprises with global competitiveness, and has put more than 1,000 Chinese enterprises on sanction lists. In addition, the United States has also imposed controls on biotechnology, artificial intelligence and other high-end technologies, reinforced export restrictions, tightened investment screening, suppressed Chinese social media apps such as TikTok and WeChat, and lobbied the Netherlands and Japan to restrict exports of chips and related equipment or technology to China.</span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">The United States has also practiced double standards in its policy on China-related technological professionals. To sideline and suppress Chinese researchers, since June 2018, visa validity has been shortened for Chinese students majoring in certain high-tech-related disciplines, repeated cases have occurred where Chinese scholars and students going to the United States for exchange programs and study were unjustifiably denied and harassed, and large-scale investigation on Chinese scholars working in the United States was carried out.</span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">◆ The United States solidifies its technological monopoly in the name of protecting democracy. By building small blocs on technology such as the "chips alliance" and "clean network," the United States has put "democracy" and "human rights" labels on high-technology, and turned technological issues into political and ideological issues, so as to fabricate excuses for its technological blockade against other countries. In May 2019, the United States enlisted 32 countries to the Prague 5G Security Conference in the Czech Republic and issued the Prague Proposal in an attempt to exclude China's 5G products. In April 2020, then U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo announced the "5G clean path," a plan designed to build technological alliance in the 5G field with partners bonded by their shared ideology on democracy and the need to protect "cyber security." The measures, in essence, are the U.S. attempts to maintain its technological hegemony through technological alliances.</span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">◆ The United States abuses its technological hegemony by carrying out cyber attacks and eavesdropping. The United States has long been notorious as an "empire of hackers," blamed for its rampant acts of cyber theft around the world. It has all kinds of means to enforce pervasive cyber attacks and surveillance, including using analog base station signals to access mobile phones for data theft, manipulating mobile apps, infiltrating cloud servers, and stealing through undersea cables. The list goes on.</span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">U.S. surveillance is indiscriminate. All can be targets of its surveillance, be they rivals or allies, even leaders of allied countries such as former German Chancellor Angela Merkel and several French Presidents. Cyber surveillance and attacks launched by the United States such as "Prism," "Dirtbox," "Irritant Horn" and "Telescreen Operation" are all proof that the United States is closely monitoring its allies and partners. Such eavesdropping on allies and partners has already caused worldwide outrage. Julian Assange, the founder of Wikileaks, a website that has exposed U.S. surveillance programs, said that "do not expect a global surveillance superpower to act with honor or respect. There is only one rule: there are no rules."</span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-size: 12px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: bold; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="413" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/qLeKMjx_hWc" width="497" youtube-src-id="qLeKMjx_hWc"></iframe></div><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small; font-style: inherit;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/hashtag/globalink" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">#GLOBALink</a> <span style="color: #444444;">Protesters slammed America's role of "war machine" at a Sunday rally in front of the Lincoln Monument in Washington, D.C., blasting America's massive money funneling into Ukraine and its role in the Russia-Ukraine conflicts.</span></span><br /><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><strong style="font-style: inherit;"><span style="color: #444444;">V. Cultural Hegemony -- Spreading False Narratives</span></strong></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">The global expansion of American culture is an important part of its external strategy. The United States has often used cultural tools to strengthen and maintain its hegemony in the world.</span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">◆ The United States embeds American values in its products such as movies. American values and lifestyle are a tied product to its movies and TV shows, publications, media content, and programs by the government-funded non-profit cultural institutions. It thus shapes a cultural and public opinion space in which American culture reigns and maintains cultural hegemony. In his article The Americanization of the World, John Yemma, an American scholar, exposed the real weapons in U.S. cultural expansion: the Hollywood, the image design factories on Madison Avenue and the production lines of Mattel Company and Coca-Cola.</span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">There are various vehicles the United States uses to keep its cultural hegemony. American movies are the most used; they now occupy more than 70 percent of the world's market share. The United States skilfully exploits its cultural diversity to appeal to various ethnicities. When Hollywood movies descend on the world, they scream the American values tied to them.</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="412" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/DWMDyyEI9hM" width="495" youtube-src-id="DWMDyyEI9hM"></iframe></div><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://www.cgtn.com/video" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">CGTN</a>. <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DWMDyyEI9hM" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">How much chaos has the U.S. brought to the world in the name of human rights?</a> China has released a report on human rights violations in the United States in 2022, revealing the deterioration of basic rights and freedoms of the American people. As the U.S. regularly examines the human rights record of every country around the world, why doesn't it show abuses in its own country or how it violates human rights internationally? And how much chaos has the U.S. brought to the world in the name of human rights? Guests in this edition of Dialogue are Dr. Fred Mmembe, president of the Socialist Party of Zambia, and Senator Mushahid Hussain, chairman of the Pakistan Senate Defence Committee and co-chairman of the International Conference of Asian Political Parties.</span><br /><p></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">◆ American cultural hegemony not only shows itself in "direct intervention," but also in "media infiltration" and as "a trumpet for the world." U.S.-dominated Western media has a particularly important role in shaping global public opinion in favor of U.S. meddling in the internal affairs of other countries.</span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">The U.S. government strictly censors all social media companies and demands their obedience. Twitter CEO Elon Musk admitted on 27 December 2022 that all social media platforms work with the U.S. government to censor content, reported Fox Business Network. Public opinion in the United States is subject to government intervention to restrict all unfavorable remarks. Google often makes pages disappear.</span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">U.S. Department of Defense manipulates social media. In December 2022, The Intercept, an independent U.S. investigative website, revealed that in July 2017, U.S. Central Command official Nathaniel Kahler instructed Twitter's public policy team to augment the presence of 52 Arabic-language accounts on a list he sent, six of which were to be given priority. One of the six was dedicated to justifying U.S. drone attacks in Yemen, such as by claiming that the attacks were precise and killed only terrorists, not civilians. Following Kahler's directive, Twitter put those Arabic-language accounts on a "white list" to amplify certain messages.</span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">◆The United States practices double standards on the freedom of the press. It brutally suppresses and silences media of other countries by various means. The United States and Europe bar mainstream Russian media such as Russia Today and the Sputnik from their countries. Platforms such as Twitter, Facebook and YouTube openly restrict official accounts of Russia. Netflix, Apple and Google have removed Russian channels and applications from their services and app stores. Unprecedented draconian censorship is imposed on Russia-related contents.</span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">◆The United States abuses its cultural hegemony to instigate "peaceful evolution" in socialist countries. It sets up news media and cultural outfits targeting socialist countries. It pours staggering amounts of public funds into radio and TV networks to support their ideological infiltration, and these mouthpieces bombard socialist countries in dozens of languages with inflammatory propaganda day and night.</span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">The United States uses misinformation as a spear to attack other countries, and has built an industrial chain around it: there are groups and individuals making up stories, and peddling them worldwide to mislead public opinion with the support of nearly limitless financial resources.</span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-size: 12px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-size: 12px; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #229ae5; font-family: Arial; font-size: x-large;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-02-03/The-U-S-Willful-Practice-of-Long-arm-Jurisdiction-and-its-Perils-1h7SrFETW2Q/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">The U.S. Willful Practice</a></span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-size: 12px; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #229ae5; font-family: Arial;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-02-03/The-U-S-Willful-Practice-of-Long-arm-Jurisdiction-and-its-Perils-1h7SrFETW2Q/index.html" rel="nofollow" style="font-size: xx-large;" target="_blank">of Long-arm Jurisdiction</a></span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-size: 12px; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #229ae5; font-family: Arial;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-02-03/The-U-S-Willful-Practice-of-Long-arm-Jurisdiction-and-its-Perils-1h7SrFETW2Q/index.html" rel="nofollow" style="font-size: xx-large;" target="_blank">and its Peril</a></span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #229ae5; font-family: Arial; font-size: small; text-align: left;"> </span><span style="color: #229ae5; font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small; text-align: left;">by CGTN </span></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><strong style="font-style: inherit;"><span style="color: #444444;">Conclusion</span></strong></p><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit; line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444;">While a just cause wins its champion wide support, an unjust one condemns its pursuer to be an outcast. The hegemonic, domineering, and bullying practices of using strength to intimidate the weak, taking from others by force and subterfuge, and playing zero-sum games are exerting grave harm. The historical trends of peace, development, cooperation, and mutual benefit are unstoppable. The United States has been overriding truth with its power and trampling justice to serve self-interest. These unilateral, egoistic and regressive hegemonic practices have drawn growing, intense criticism and opposition from the international community.</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit;">Countries need to respect each other and treat each other as equals. Big countries should behave in a manner befitting their status and take the lead in pursuing a new model of state-to-state relations featuring dialogue and partnership, not confrontation or alliance. China opposes all forms of hegemonism and power politics, and rejects interference in other countries' internal affairs. The United States must conduct serious soul-searching. It must critically examine what it has done, let go of its arrogance and prejudice, and quit its hegemonic, domineering and bullying practices.</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="409" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/Otpm54fvuqc" width="491" youtube-src-id="Otpm54fvuqc"></iframe></div><span style="color: #444444; font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://www.cgtn.com/video" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">CGTN</a>. <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Otpm54fvuqc&t=215s" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Why has democracy in America become more like an autocracy?</a> From big money in politics to manipulating social media and the media's role in shaping public opinion, why has democracy in America become more like an autocracy? Check out this clip from CGTN anchor Liu Xin's latest special. </span><br /><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-style: inherit;"> </span><a href="http://en.people.cn/102775/416524/index.html" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; font-weight: bold; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="101" data-original-width="498" height="99" src="https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcRSeISXWaB9Uu4M7m2erUuH7uLLr6M9h5PwPQ&usqp=CAU" width="490" /></a></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><br /></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><br /></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="413" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/hlQp-zDx5kI" width="497" youtube-src-id="hlQp-zDx5kI"></iframe></div><span style="color: #444444; font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://www.cgtn.com/video" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">CGTN</a>. <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hlQp-zDx5kI" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">How should we re-examine democracies in the West?</a> The U.S. has hosted a second "Summit for Democracy" after publishing an annual report on the human rights records of countries around the world, except that of the U.S. itself. What is the relationship between democracy and human rights? How should we re-examine democracies in the West? Guest in this edition of Dialogue is George Galloway, leader of the Workers Party of Britain and former member of the UK Parliament.</span><br /><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;">28.04.23 By: </span><a href="https://www.chinadaily.com.cn/a/202304/28/WS644bc0aba310b6054fad06e4.html" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: Arial;" target="_blank">Chinadaily.com.cn</a><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"> </span></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><b>Yoon's performance in Washington shows his readiness to open Pandora's box: China Daily editorial</b></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/202304/29/644c7388a310b60580cc1be0.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="551" data-original-width="800" height="337" src="https://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/202304/29/644c7388a310b60580cc1be0.jpeg" width="490" /></a></div><br /><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><br /></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;">ROK President Yoon Suk-yeol deserves some credit for the address he delivered, in English, to a joint session of US Congress in Washington on Thursday. The ROK leader apparently did a lot of homework and preparation for it, including learning the song American Pie, which he sang at the state dinner in the White House at the request of his host US President Joe Biden earlier the same day. However, while his rendition of the song may have earned him warm applause from Biden and his retinue, and his speech received a standing ovation from US lawmakers, once the glow of those receptions fades when he is on his way home, the ROK leader will be face to face with the uneasiness his I-bank-on-you visit to Washington has caused at home and in the region. Yoon's efforts to ensure his visit would be fruitful started months earlier with his overtures to mend ties with Japan, something Washington had long urged. Soon after declaring that it would be domestic foundations, instead of Japan, that would pay compensation for the forced labor in Japanese companies during World War II, Yoon told the Washington Post in Seoul on Wednesday before starting off for Washington that he "can't accept the notion" that Japan should be forced to kneel "because of what happened 100 years ago". It has been smart diplomacy that enabled the ROK, a small country encircled by bigger neighbors, to enjoy the favorable conditions that it needed to make the "Miracle on the Han River" happen from the 1960s to the 1980s, that saw it become a developed economy in the 1990s, and earned it international respect and regional support. A prosecutor-turned president born and growing up in that economic boom, which makes him different from his predecessors who experienced the war, it appears that Yoon has been swayed by only being familiar with the US side of the ROK's success.</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><a href="https://www.chinadaily.com.cn/a/202304/28/WS644bc0aba310b6054fad06e4.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.chinadaily.com.cn/a/202304/28/WS644bc0aba310b6054fad06e4.html</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;">24.04.23 By: <a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn//author/Hu-Xijin.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Hu Xijin</a> </span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><b>House select committee on China pushes war game over Taiwan with insidious purpose</b></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2023/2023-04-23/9e88a38c-130d-4411-a098-5d1a584d6f7c.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="480" data-original-width="800" height="291" src="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2023/2023-04-23/9e88a38c-130d-4411-a098-5d1a584d6f7c.jpeg" width="486" /></a></div><br /><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><br /></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;">The US House Select Committee on Strategic Competition between the US and the Chinese Communist Party (CPC) conducted an unusual war game on a cross-Taiwan Straits war with Washington think tank the Center for a New American Security. Its superficial conclusion is that nobody wins when deterrence breaks down. All sides will pay a high price, but at the same time hide a sinister purpose. This war game was conducted behind closed doors on Capitol Hill on April 19 and reportedly lasted all night. In the simulation, lawmakers played the role of the Blue team while think tank members played the Red team (representing Chinese mainland). The general process was as follows: The Taiwan authorities made a "declaration of independence," the Chinese mainland made strong reaction, and the People's Liberation Army (PLA) deployed its forces. In the event that the Taiwan authorities refused to compromise, the PLA implemented a de facto blockade of the island of Taiwan. Finally, the war involved US and Chinese satellites, space weapons, drones, submarines, ground forces, warships, fighter squadrons, cyber warriors, communication experts, bankers, finance department officials and diplomats. The war game appears to have been somewhat chaotic, with many uncertain factors and some vague conclusions. These include the PLA's use of missiles to attack Taiwan, as well as the US military bases in Japan and Guam. In the first wave of the conflict, hundreds or even thousands of American soldiers were reported to have been killed or injured, while losses on the side of the PLA and Taiwan were likely even greater. US' allies refused to participate in the war, remaining neutral and leaving the US to fight alone. It is not clear from several US media reports that the war game offers a key conclusion about who won and who lost. The committee chairman Mike Gallagher said, "we are well within the window of maximum danger for a CPC invasion of Taiwan, and yesterday's war game stressed the need to take action to deter CPC aggression and arm Taiwan to the teeth before any crisis begins.'' The war game has been reported by multiple mainstream media outlets in the West. On the surface, it appears to remain objective and does not draw a conclusion such as "the US and Taiwan jointly defeat the PLA," claiming instead to prevent any conflict from occurring. However, it encourages the US to strengthen its military intervention in the Taiwan Straits and clearly aims to encourage the Taiwan authorities to pursue "independence." Because first, this war game has a directional assumption, that is, the US military will fight to "defend Taiwan" when the PLA solves Taiwan question by force. This is the US policy assumption most needed by the Taiwan authorities. As we all know, the US has always maintained strategic ambiguity on the issue of whether to "defend Taiwan militarily," neither saying that it will do so, nor denying that possibility. The overall goal of the various current policies of the Taiwan authorities is to drag the US military into the potential conflict and bind the US militarily to "Taiwan independence" forces.</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: small;"></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202304/1289669.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202304/1289669.shtml</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;">22.04.23 By: <a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-04-22/The-spying-octopus-of-the-United-States-1jd3PIfNNp6/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Ruqiya Anwar</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><b>The 'spying octopus' of the United States</b></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-04-22/The-spying-octopus-of-the-United-States-1jd3PIfNNp6/img/9732a8a32a574615aa5c650d33ebae78/9732a8a32a574615aa5c650d33ebae78.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="421" data-original-width="750" height="273" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-04-22/The-spying-octopus-of-the-United-States-1jd3PIfNNp6/img/9732a8a32a574615aa5c650d33ebae78/9732a8a32a574615aa5c650d33ebae78.png" width="487" /></a></div><br /><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><br /></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;">The United States intelligence community has long used eavesdropping to spread its tentacles inside the United Nations (UN), much like a greedy and wicked octopus. This goes to show that there are no limits to Washington's snooping obsession. According to media reports, the United Nations has filed an official complaint against the United States for allegedly spying on Antonio Guterres, the secretary-general, and other UN officials. The secretary-general is the latest prominent international official or U.S. ally to be revealed as a target of U.S. espionage. Recent reports indicate that the U.S. government has spied on the communications of the UN secretary-general and other officials. The reports concerning Guterres and the United Nations surfaced as part of a collection of highly classified U.S. papers that were revealed and disseminated for weeks on social media sites. They contained sensitive information regarding Ukraine crisis as well as data about U.S. allies. According to the details of some of the previously disclosed classified documents, the United States had the impression that Guterres was attempting to address Russian concerns. Following the onset of Ukraine crisis, U.S. officials privately expressed apprehension that Guterres would oppose certain anti-Russian measures taken by the U.S. and its allies. Washington has previously conducted a covert espionage operation against senior UN officials including Ban Ki-moon and the ambassadors to the permanent members of the UN Security Council from China, Russia, France and the UK. The operation aimed at the United Nations involved all of Washington's major intelligence agencies.</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"></span></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-04-22/The-spying-octopus-of-the-United-States-1jd3PIfNNp6/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-04-22/The-spying-octopus-of-the-United-States-1jd3PIfNNp6/index.html</a> </span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: small;">18.04.23 By: </span><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: Arial; font-size: small;" target="_blank">Global Times</a><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: small;"> </span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><b>US’ ‘full access’ to Twitter shows its hypocrisy in claiming to protect people’s basic rights</b></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202304/1289383.shtml" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="480" data-original-width="800" height="296" src="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2023/2023-02-12/1f1c3e97-8401-4994-89fa-f52b982a9a62.jpeg" width="493" /></a></div><br /><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><br /></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;">In the US, a country that repeatedly claims to be a "defender of human rights," the basic rights and freedoms of the people have been further undermined. The US government's narrative to guarantee the rights and freedoms of its citizens is full of hypocrisy. The US government has become the violator of the legitimate freedom and rights of Americans' well-being. Elon Musk, Twitter CEO, claimed in his Fox News interview set to air on Tuesday that the US government has "full access" to users' private direct messages, saying knowing that information blew his mind. Some observers suggest that, given such a move toward Twitter, the US government may be using the same strategy with other social media platforms such as Facebook and Instagram, whose users' private messages are also being violated. Even an American as influential as Musk is shocked by the US government's surveillance of user information, demonstrating how deceptive the US government can be. Recently, Washington has groundlessly accused TikTok of violating the privacy of American citizens and threatened to ban the app. How about the US government invading the privacy of the American public? Could it ban the running of the government itself? This fully mirrors the US government's double standards. The US government and Congress have baselessly suspected that TikTok is passing user data to the Chinese government. However, it turns out that it is what they have been doing with Twitter. It has become a common tactic of the US government to judge others. </span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202304/1289383.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202304/1289383.shtml</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">22.03.23 By: <a href="https://english.news.cn/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Xinhua</a></span></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><b>U.S. should never have invaded Iraq 20 years ago: article</b></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><a href="http://en.people.cn/n3/2023/0322/c90000-10225745.html" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="602" data-original-width="899" height="327" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh9rKZIPBxJbqlDu_RC6W04sikN1IBJ5LWWRc_LJdcpGO6l6WodF9QhiNBFxBOw_FgYbVh_WFzH5q1Velr98QhCjXXsUU7zwMfokAzQXUZeU27XXdeVREuSyshh1xluE1mcyIQ5-rYImtRgDWt40uJ30hUfyZZxc5eN0XlT5eg1mFyCOawPeaEi7zWJ1A/w489-h327/People%201.jpg" width="489" /></a></span></div><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><br /><b><br /></b></span><p></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;">"The consensus now, even among formerly hawkish Republicans, is that the United States should never have invaded Iraq 20 years ago," says The Washington Post. The United States broke Iraq -- U.S. forces succeeded in the campaign 20 years ago to topple the Iraqi regime, shocking and awing their way to Baghdad in a matter of days, but what followed turned into a debacle for the U.S. grand strategy, and a traumatic nightmare for much of the Iraqi society, said an article published by The Washington Post on Monday. "The initial glimmers of hope and optimism felt by some Iraqis faded as a dysfunctional, unstable status quo took root, shaped far too often by sectarian enmities and kleptocratic elites," said the article. "The war, driven by the hubris of the Bush administration and a supportive Washington establishment -- as well as what has to be described at this point as a vengeful post-9/11 bloodlust that permeated American society -- is now widely seen as a generational American mistake," it noted. Iraqis paid the biggest price: According to Brown University's Costs of War project, many of the 306,000 estimated deaths in the Iraq war were of civilians killed by "direct war related violence" between 2003 and 2019, a span of time that saw Iraq convulsed by waves of insurgencies and counterinsurgencies, and its cities ravaged by terrorist attacks and airstrikes.</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><a href="http://en.people.cn/n3/2023/0322/c90000-10225745.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://en.people.cn/n3/2023/0322/c90000-10225745.html</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">21.03.23 By: <a href="https://www.chinadaily.com.cn/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Chinadaily.com.cn</a></span></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><b>US' imposition of 'democracy' causing global chaos</b></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;">In spite of all the problems facing its own democracy, the United States has created havoc by trying to impose its brand of democracy on other countries around the globe, according to a report published on the website of China's Ministry of Foreign Affairs on Monday. Titled "<a href="https://www.chinadaily.com.cn/a/202303/21/WS64190044a31057c47ebb592b_1.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">The State of Democracy in the United States: 2022</a>", the report aims to present a real picture of US democracy over the past year based on facts, media coverage and expert opinions, the report said.</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><a href="http://en.people.cn/n3/2023/0321/c90000-10225456.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://en.people.cn/n3/2023/0321/c90000-10225456.html</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://en.people.cn/n3/2023/0321/c90000-10225456.html" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="1624" data-original-width="750" height="1047" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjrdqeM1wVZ0lMchqXL0TSH625aMveXFjTGVXhwqy1yZBrVMypewUjq7ZBsxtsYdt5X4Wm5jifG5kt7yCKUoB8cccBivEFYt-9xHOsOHqncGiYhuySkRzZUhoDJCtfgw8sVGIC2Gy5k1g4_ubK3hJla9VqufVE_oVb4oLzFUni1dD9KH906ivUwNwqqVw/w485-h1047/People%202.jpg" width="485" /></a></div><br /><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><br /></span><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><a href="http://en.people.cn/n3/2023/0321/c90000-10225456-2.html" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="1624" data-original-width="750" height="1048" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhgnPyQ9CDtxb1EhLO_7m3DUu5-gPp8nf-QKS7NmLT3JeefT97Iolhiz7VbGuARAAhj5ruJmHVMZWaCPCyS-HSFu0n_-nRQHg_Gp-vnwcWEy4fIVRRnayxm6BR0MwZ8TaCY73VRGr2tUnAix5ONl6768h9tolguYO7h8uyDYDTPZ--hOnjofJHNmxPXRg/w485-h1048/People%203.jpg" width="485" /></a></div><br /><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><br /></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><a href="http://en.people.cn/n3/2023/0321/c90000-10225456-3.html" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="1624" data-original-width="750" height="1050" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgpWwUbaf0tQLbWfEWmzy5-S6Vcm-LhplzW0gPHP0eLgwnmdDSTvME0L3Tzw3qbqFv6anbOQvknWfx6O9-pipljykbyK2z-5X246T_f9x8j-d5e5z9vL5zHcs1ixNPtrouUKPHZ4sxQ-W-J3h6v_YiCZwa56GI8n9SZatysxhcABqb0gCkKfpuH6yPEqg/w485-h1050/People%204.jpg" width="485" /></a></div><br /><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><br /></span><p></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: x-small;">21.03.23 By: <a href="https://english.news.cn/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Xinhua</a></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><b>Commentary: 20 years after blatant invasion, U.S. crimes against Iraq still unpunished</b></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;">Though 20 years have passed since the United States launched a blatant invasion into the sovereign state of Iraq, justice has not been done for Iraq and its people, many of whom are still suffering from the pain created by the unjust war. During the more than eight-year war and ensuing years of violence after the 2011 U.S. pullout, more than 200,000 civilians were killed and over 9 million others displaced in Iraq. Much of the country's infrastructure was also destroyed during the relentless bombings launched by the U.S.-led coalition. As a result, Iraq, a rich country before the invasion, had quickly degenerated into a poor state and is still mired in poverty and chaos due to the political instability and economic hardship caused by the U.S. invasion and its impact. The U.S. government justified its invasion into Iraq on concocted lies about Iraq possessing weapons of mass destruction, but no trace of such weapons has been found until today. On this point, Washington owes Iraq and the international community a thorough explanation. Iraq has neither received any formal apology from Washington for its illegal invasion, nor got any financial compensation for the massive destruction of its infrastructure and the crimes committed by U.S. troops against Iraqi civilians.</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><a href="http://en.people.cn/n3/2023/0321/c90000-10225273.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://en.people.cn/n3/2023/0321/c90000-10225273.html</a></span></p><div><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">21.02.23 By: <a href="http://english.pladaily.com.cn/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">China Military Online</a></span></span></div><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial; font-size: medium;"><b>US hegemony and bullying seriously endanger world</b></span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;">As the No. 1 power in the world, the US has long been seeking, maintaining, and abusing hegemony under the guise of democracy, freedom, human rights, and the maintenance of the "rules-based international order." The US has adhered to the Cold War mentality, engaged in bloc politics, provoked confrontation, imposed unilateral sanctions, grossly interfered in the internal affairs of other countries, engaged in subversion and infiltration, and frequently waged wars. US’ atrocities in the fields of politics, military, economy, finance, technology, and culture, have seriously endangered world peace and stability and the well-being of people in all countries.</span></p><p style="line-height: 24px; margin: 1em auto;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Arial;"><a href="http://english.pladaily.com.cn/view/2023-02/21/content_10218202.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://english.pladaily.com.cn/view/2023-02/21/content_10218202.htm</a></span></p></div></span></span></div>Pablo Pallashttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02676986163926451532noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8368737022377042313.post-60849425963829244222022-08-09T20:14:00.106-03:002023-05-22T14:10:37.198-03:00De la verdad narrada: Caso X<p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: times;"><b></b></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: times;"><b><a href="https://cloudfront-us-east-1.images.arcpublishing.com/elespectador/3ICX5SDLUBCMNFJ5U4Y4XW72DI.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="339" data-original-width="750" height="220" src="https://cloudfront-us-east-1.images.arcpublishing.com/elespectador/3ICX5SDLUBCMNFJ5U4Y4XW72DI.jpg" width="490" /></a></b></span></div><span style="color: #444444; font-family: times;"><b><br /></b></span><p style="text-align: right;"><span style="font-family: times;"><b><span style="color: #666666; font-size: large;"><br /></span></b></span></p><p style="text-align: right;"><span style="font-family: times;"><b><span style="color: #666666; font-size: large;">U.S. commits serious crimes </span></b><b><span style="color: #666666; font-size: large;">of </span><span style="font-size: large;"> </span></b><b style="color: #444444;"><span style="font-size: x-large;">violating human rights</span><span> </span></b><b><span style="color: #666666; font-size: medium;">in the Middle East and beyond</span></b></span></p><p style="text-align: left;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;"> August 09, 2022 By:Xinhua</span></p><p style="text-align: center;"><span style="color: #444444;">U.S. commits serious crimes of violating human rights in the Middle East and beyond</span></p><p style="text-align: center;"><span style="color: #4667f9; font-size: medium;"><b>The China Society for Human Rights Studies</b></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span><span style="color: #444444;"></span></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-size: small; font-weight: bold; text-align: left;"><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/PR/MAGAZINES/index.html" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="738" data-original-width="472" height="79" src="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/uploadfile/2022/0730/20220730053643280.png" width="50" /></a><span><span style="color: #444444;"></span></span></div><span><span style="color: #444444;"><br /><div style="text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b style="font-weight: bold;"><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Fuente:</span></b><span style="font-size: xx-small;"> CSHRS [Xinhua]. 2022, agosto 09. </span></span></div><div style="text-align: right;"><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><span style="text-align: left;"><span style="color: #444444;">«</span></span><span style="color: #444444;">U.S. commits serious crimes of violating human rights </span></span><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">in the Middle East and beyond</span><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small; text-align: left;">»</span><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;"> </span></div><div style="text-align: right;"><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><span style="color: #444444;">en URL: </span><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/CSHRS/REPORTS/2022/0809/18702.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/CSHRS/REPORTS/2022/0809/18702.html</a> </span></span></div><div style="text-align: right;"><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2022, agosto 09)</span></span></div></span></span><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: large;"><b><br /></b></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b><span style="font-family: times; font-size: large;">T</span></b>he United States has committed a series of crimes that seriously violate international law, including war crimes, crimes against humanity, arbitrary detention, abuse of torture, torture of prisoners, and indiscriminate unilateral sanctions in the Middle East and surrounding areas, constituting systematic violations of human rights with lasting and far-reaching harm.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">The U.S. crimes have not only led to frequent and repeated wars in the Middle East and other places, plunging them into the quagmire of conflicts and security dilemmas and seriously undermining local people's rights to life, health, personal dignity, freedom of religious belief, survival and development.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b></b></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><b><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2021-09-04/Afghanistan-2001-2021-America-s-longest-war-13hvWcaTN3q/index.html" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="149" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2021-09-04/Afghanistan-2001-2021-America-s-longest-war-13hvWcaTN3q/img/f4e3ef6837884267b0806577928e4c2f/f4e3ef6837884267b0806577928e4c2f.jpeg" width="265" /></a></b></div><b>1. Launching wars, massacring civilians, and damaging the right to life and survival</b><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">American historian Paul Atwood, in his book titled War and Empire: The American Way of Life that came out in 2010, pointed out that "war is the American way of life." Since the founding of the United States, there were less than 20 years in which it has not participated in a war, making it a veritable "war empire."</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">Since the end of the Cold War, the United States has been involved in almost all major conflicts and wars in the Middle East and surrounding regions, which have become the area hardest hit by the external wars launched by the United States.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">Statistics from the U.S. Smithsonian Institution Magazine has shown that since 2001, wars and military operations launched by the United States in the name of "anti-terrorism" covered "about 40% of the countries on the planet."</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">The United States not only rallied its allies to launch the Gulf War (1990-1991), the Afghanistan War (2001-2021), the Iraq War (2003-2011), and so on, but also was deeply involved in the Libyan War and the Syrian War, creating a humanitarian disaster rarely seen throughout the world. The warmongering United States has caused direct, serious and lasting damage to local people's right to life and survival.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">First, wantonly waging wars in violation of international law. The Afghanistan War and the Iraq War are the two largest wars launched by the United States in the Middle East and surrounding regions, spelling dreadful disasters to the lives and living condition of the people of the two countries.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">The Brown University's Costs of War Project pointed out that more than 174,000 people died directly in the war in Afghanistan, of whom more than 47,000 were civilians.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the nearly 20-year war in Afghanistan forced 2.6 million Afghans to flee abroad and displaced 3.5 million others.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">In 2003, the United States bypassed the United Nations and violated the basic international law principle of the prohibition of the use of force to launch the Iraq War with excuses fabricated out of thin air, constituting aggression against Iraq.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">According to Statista, a global statistical database, from 2003 to 2021, about 209,000 Iraqi civilians died in wars and violent conflicts, and about 9.2 million Iraqis became refugees or were forced to leave their homeland. The United States launched wars in the Middle East and other places, seriously undermining the right to life and survival of the people in the region.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">Second, trampling on international law and killing innocent civilians indiscriminately. In order to achieve its own military goals, the United States disregards the lives of civilians in other countries.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">Firstly, the United States has repeatedly and indiscriminately attacked civilians in the Middle East and other places.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">On Aug. 12, 2005, a U.S. armored patrol vehicle shot at people coming out of a mosque in the suburban town of Ramadi, Iraq, killing 15 Iraqis, including eight children, and injuring 17 others.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">On Nov. 21 of the same year, the U.S. troops stationed in Iraq opened fire on a civilian vehicle in northern Baghdad, killing a family of five, including three children. The United Nations Commission of Inquiry accused the U.S. military of launching indiscriminate attacks in Syria, causing civilian casualties and showing a reckless disregard for consequences, which constituted war crimes.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">A United Nations report released in September 2019 noted that many of the airstrikes carried out by the U.S.-led coalition in places like Syria "did not take the necessary precautions to distinguish between military targets and civilians."</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">Secondly, the United States has widely used air strikes to carry out so-called "anti-terrorism" operations, which often killed civilians "by mistake," injured innocent people, and arbitrarily deprived them of the right to life.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">The New York Times reported that based on an investigation of classified Pentagon documents, frequent U.S. airstrikes in Syria caused a large number of civilian casualties due to "serious intelligence deficiencies" and "mistargeting," which the Pentagon usually chooses to cover up or not to penalize.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">In 2017, the U.S. military launched what it called "the most precise airstrike" on the Syrian city of Raqqa. The RAND Corporation, a U.S. think tank, pointed out in a released report that the U.S. military operation resulted in 38 incidents inflicting civilian casualties, killing 178 civilians and wounding dozens of others. Some human rights groups have estimated the number of civilian casualties could be as high as 1,600.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">On March 18, 2019, U.S. drones killed at least 64 civilian women and children as they searched for "extremist groups" in the town of Baghouz on the Syrian-Iraqi border.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">In February 2022, the U.S. military launched a raid in Syria's Idlib province, killing at least 13 people, including six children and three women.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">On Aug. 29, 2021, a drone attack by the U.S. military in Kabul, the capital of Afghanistan, killed 10 local civilians, including seven children.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">Thirdly, U.S. military contractors killed civilians for no reason.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">The United States is given to using military contractors to exercise hegemonic repression in the Middle East, and they often escape accountability for their illegal and criminal acts there.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">In 2007, employees of the American Blackwater Company carried out a massacre in Nisour Square in Baghdad, killing 14 civilians, including two children, and injuring at least 17 others.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">In 2020, then-President Donald Trump even pardoned Blackwater employees who committed war crimes in Iraq.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">The United Nations Human Rights Council's Working Group on Mercenaries said in a statement that this act by the U.S. government has breached international humanitarian law and human rights and was an affront to justice and the victims and their families, calling on all States parties to the Geneva Conventions to jointly condemn it. The U.S. military troops' wanton massacre of civilians abroad undoubtedly constitutes a crime against humanity.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">Third, indirect participation in wars resulted in a large number of civilian casualties.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">The United States has extensively cultivated proxies in the Middle East and other places, and sold weapons in large quantities, causing large-scale humanitarian disasters.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">The United States has been deeply involved in the war in Syria and the domestic conflict in Libya by fostering multiple proxies, causing the local wars and conflicts to drag on till today and the situation to become increasingly complex, which makes political reconciliation and social stability a faraway prospect.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">Mustafa Abdul Jalil, former chairman of the Libyan National Transitional Council, said that the persistent civil unrest has led to the death of many Libyans, "and the United States does not care about the consequences of military operations and wars."</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">According to data released by the United Nations, U.S. military intervention has claimed at least 350,000 lives in Syria, displaced more than 12 million people, and left 14 million civilians in urgent need of humanitarian assistance. The Syrian refugee issue has been called by the United Nations "the biggest refugee crisis of our time."</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">While Afghanistan and Iraq were still mired in wars, the U.S. government, which recklessly launched the wars, repeatedly decided to pull out its forces, with total disregard for the most basic humanitarianism, perpetuating the conflicts in those countries and further worsening their chaotic situation.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">By destroying the original state apparatus of Iraq by force, the United States has weakened the Iraqi government's ability of control and provided space and conditions for terrorism to expand.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">In 2011, the United States irresponsibly withdrew its troops from Iraq. Extremist groups such as "the Islamic State" took advantage of the situation and grew increasingly powerful. The ensuing frequent violent terrorist attacks become the biggest challenge threatening the security of Iraq and the region.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">In August 2021, the United States also irresponsibly withdrew its troops from Afghanistan, and again turned a blind eye to the safety of the lives of the Afghan people during the withdrawal, resulting in many shocking casualties.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b></b></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><b><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2022-04-14/U-S-human-rights-report-a-perfect-cloak-for-hegemony-19dTtTNsjni/index.html" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="148" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2022-04-14/U-S-human-rights-report-a-perfect-cloak-for-hegemony-19dTtTNsjni/img/4f20e806f95b44d692f58d6b53dbd2c4/4f20e806f95b44d692f58d6b53dbd2c4.jpeg" width="263" /></a></b></div><b>2. Forced transformation, unilateral sanctions, severe infringement of people's rights to development, life and health</b><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">The United States has wantonly suppressed non-compliant countries and organizations in the Middle East, and coercively promoted American values in the region, so as to ensure U.S.-dominated global political, economic and security orders.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">Its essential goal is to maintain America's military, economic and conceptual hegemony, which in consequence has altered the independent development paths of regional countries and severely undermined the sovereignty of related countries in the Middle East as well as their people's rights to development and health.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">First, the United States subverted governments, interfered in other countries' internal affairs, and infringed upon others' sovereignty and human rights.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">On one hand, after the end of the Cold War, in order to secure absolute dominance over the Middle East and other places, the United States launched wars against non-compliant sovereign countries in the region to directly push for regime change, and then forcibly transplanted "American democracy" and transformed regional countries' systems and development paths. The most typical examples are its invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq in 2001 and 2003 respectively to overthrow the governments it disliked.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">On the other hand, the United States has long supported the infiltration of non-governmental organizations and proxies in the Middle East society, and repeatedly changed the development paths of the Middle East countries by means of "color revolution."</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">As a "pawn" and "white glove" of the U.S. government in its bid to interfere in other countries' internal affairs and instigate separatism and confrontation, the National Endowment for Democracy has served the strategic interests of the United States by carrying out long-term infiltration and subversion activities against Middle East countries. Its record has been notorious.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">With continuous financial support from the White House and the U.S. Congress and by obeying orders from the U.S. government, the organization incited color revolutions in Egypt, Yemen, Jordan, Algeria, Syria, Libya and other countries by providing funding to pro-U.S. individuals and groups, and was the key mastermind of the "Arab Spring."</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">The United States attempts to transform regional countries and establish fragile, dependent regimes to serve its global hegemony. Its forced "institutional exports" with strong hegemonic undertones have crippled regional countries' efforts to independently explore their development paths and caused a series of disastrous consequences. Its forced transformation of Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria and Libya, among many others, has disrupted political order, and destroyed social and national cohesion in these countries.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">Such acts of toppling the governments of other countries by force, interference in the internal affairs of other countries, and forcible export of the so-called "democracy" not only violated the basic norms of international relations such as prohibiting the use of force and non-interference in internal affairs, but also seriously violated the rights of the people of the relevant countries to choose their own development paths as well as their basic human rights.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">Second, the United States has abused unilateral sanctions against sovereign countries, causing severe economic losses and a decline in the quality of life of the people in those countries. The United States is the only "sanctions superpower" in the world. According to the Treasury 2021 sanctions review, the United States has had more than 9,400 sanctions in effect by the 2021 fiscal year.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">Since 1979, the United States has imposed various unilateral sanctions on Iran and other countries. In 1996, it issued the Iran and Libya Sanctions Act of 1996, forbidding foreign companies from investing in Iran's and Libya's energy industry, and implementing long-arm jurisdiction, which is gravely harmful and has had a far-reaching impact.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">Since then, the United States has imposed more and more sanctions on Iran. The Trump administration exerted sanctions and maximum pressure on Iran in an attempt to effect change and overthrow the Iranian government. Former Iranian President Hassan Rouhani, while in office, said U.S. sanctions imposed by the Trump administration cost Iran at least 200 billion U.S. dollars in economic losses, describing U.S. sanctions as inhumane and a terrorist act against the entire Iranian nation.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">From 1980 to 1992, the United States imposed unilateral sanctions on Libya, and from 1992 to 2003, it coerced and roped in its allies to expand the unilateral sanctions against Libya. The World Bank said the Libyan economy has lost 18 billion dollars due to sanctions, while an official Libyan estimate put the loss at 33 billion dollars.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">After the first Gulf War, the United States imposed brutal unilateral sanctions on Iraq with severe consequences. From August 1990 to May 2003, sanctions cost Iraq 150 billion dollars in losses of oil revenues. To date, Iraq's per capita annual income has fallen short of its 1990 level (7,050 dollars).</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">In addition, the sanctions have caused a serious humanitarian disaster in Iraq, with the infant mortality rate doubling and the under-five mortality rate increasing sevenfold. Meanwhile, Iraq's education, health and social security systems were destroyed, and its literacy rate fell from 89 percent in 1987 to 57 percent in 1997.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">After withdrawing its troops from Afghanistan in 2021, the United States has not only imposed economic sanctions on Afghanistan, but also froze billions of dollars of foreign exchange reserves of the Afghan central bank, bringing the Afghan economy to the brink of collapse and worsening the life of the people. World Food Program officials pointed out that the U.S. economic sanctions on Afghanistan has exacerbated the local food crisis, with 98 percent of Afghans not consuming enough food and nearly half of children under 5-year-old going to be in a state of severe malnutrition.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">However, on Feb. 11, 2022, U.S. President Joe Biden signed an executive order demanding that the 7-billion-dollar frozen assets of the Afghan Central Bank in the United States be divided equally, with half of the money going to a fund for 9/11 victims and the other half to an account of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York to "help the Afghan people," while making clear that the assets would not be returned to the Taliban authorities. The U.S. government's blatant plundering of the Afghan people's properties, a hegemonic act, has been widely condemned by the international community.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">In an article published in Foreign Affairs magazine, Daniel W. Drezner, a professor with Tufts University, criticized the abuse of economic coercion by successive U.S. governments. Sanctions have become the go-to solution for nearly every foreign policy problem, which do not work but exact a humanitarian toll.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">The unilateral sanctions imposed by the United States against countries in the Middle East and elsewhere have ultimately hurt the ordinary people, and seriously undermined the right to development of the sanctioned countries and their people.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">Third, the United States has created humanitarians crises, severely undermining the right to health of the people in related countries. The U.S.-initiated Gulf War, the Iraq war and subsequent violent conflicts have destroyed much of Iraq's infrastructure, grossly reduced the capacity of the country's public services, and the people are faced with a lack of water, electricity and medical care, with the poor, children, widows, the elderly and other most vulnerable groups suffering the most.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">Take the health sector for example. After the Gulf War, the level of medical care in Iraq declined significantly. In 1990, 97 percent of Iraq's urban population and 71 percent of its rural population had access to public health services. After the Iraq war in 2003, some 20,000 local doctors fled and many medical facilities were ruined in the fighting. As a result of the damage to power plants and water treatment facilities caused by U.S. bombings, the number of people suffering from diarrhoeal diseases was four times higher than pre-war level. In Mosul, Iraq's second largest city, nine of its 13 hospitals were destroyed, leaving this city of 1.8 million people with a meager 1,000 hospital beds available.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">In addition, when the United States launched the Iraq War, it used depleted uranium munitions in large quantities, causing enormous damage to the health of the local population and seriously violating their right to health.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">Turning a blind eye to the global spread of the COVID-19 pandemic, the U.S. government still insists on imposing unilateral sanctions on Iran, Syria and other countries, making it difficult for the sanctioned countries to obtain medical supplies needed to fight the pandemic.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">In 2020, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet said: "At this crucial time, both for global public health reasons, and to support the rights and lives of millions of people in these countries, sectoral sanctions should be eased or suspended. In a context of global pandemic, impeding medical efforts in one country heightens the risk for all of us."</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">As a result of the sanctions, Iran has been unable to import essential medicines and medical equipment, which has seriously affected the health of millions of Iranians.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">The Iranian government applied for a 5-billion-U.S.-dollar special loan from the IMF to raise funds against the COVID-19 pandemic, but was blocked by the United States. The United States has blocked Iran's access to COVID-19 vaccines by freezing Iran's overseas funds and threatening vaccine suppliers.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">In 2020, Iran said it had tried three times to pay for vaccines under COVAX, the WHO's COVID-19 Implementation Plan, but failed due to U.S. sanctions and restrictions.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">According to an op-ed published by the Brookings Institute, rather than easing sanctions to help Iran manage the pandemic better, the United States piled on more sanctions. Had sanctions eased when the pandemic hit Iran, the article said, 13,000 lives could have been saved.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b></b></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><b><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2022-08-09/Chinese-NGO-reveals-U-S-violation-of-human-rights-in-Middle-East-1clNg10u7XG/index.html" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="157" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2022-08-09/Chinese-NGO-reveals-U-S-violation-of-human-rights-in-Middle-East-1clNg10u7XG/img/6cce273927f34fa18cac9b5013a29fc5/6cce273927f34fa18cac9b5013a29fc5.png" width="280" /></a></b></div><b>3. Create "clash of civilizations" and abuse imprisonment and torture, violating freedom of religion and human dignity</b><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">Showing no respect for the diversity of civilizations, the United States has been hostile to Islamic civilization, destroyed the historical and cultural heritage of the Middle East, imprisoned and tortured Muslims recklessly, and seriously violated the basic human rights of people in the Middle East and other places.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">First, the United States has spread the "Islamic threat theory" around the world. It has advocated the superiority of Western and Christian civilization, despised non-Western civilization, and stigmatized Islamic civilization by labelling it as "backward," "terror" and "violent."</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">Using the 9/11 incident as an excuse, the United States has hyped up the "Islamic threat theory" in the world, deliberately misled or even incited people to be hostile to Islam and discriminate against Muslims, and provoked a "clash of civilizations," mobilizing public opinion and inventing a pretext to justify its global war on terror.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">The "Islamophobia" created by the United States was once widespread in the country and other Western nations, seriously damaging the national dignity and international image of Islamic countries and violating the personal freedom and freedom of religious belief of Muslims.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">Obstructed by the United States, the legitimate national rights and legitimate demands of the Palestinian people have long remained unresolved, not to mention peace, development and human rights.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">Second, the United States has ruined the cultural heritage of the ancient civilization in the Middle East. The United States has pursued Western-centrism and advocated the "democratic peace theory" and "democratic transformation theory," disregarding the long history and splendor of the Middle Eastern civilizations.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">After the U.S. military launched the Iraq War, its military actions directly caused regime change, social unrest and prolonged conflicts. Worse still, during the U.S. invasion and occupation, Baghdad, the capital of Iraq, was once plunged into a state of anarchy, and the Iraq Museum, which is listed by UNESCO as one of the top 11 museums in the world, was plundered of 170,000 artifacts featuring the essence of ancient art and civilization of Sumerian, Babylonian, Assyrian and other historical stages in the region. Human civilization were tragically destroyed.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">Under international law, such as Convention (IV) respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land and its annex: Regulations concerning the Laws and Customs of War on Land, and the Geneva Convention, the occupant is required to maintain social order in the occupied area.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">However, after occupying Baghdad, the U.S. military, under the excuse of not being a police officer, refused to take timely measures and avoided its obligation under international law to maintain social order. This led to the biggest case of cultural destruction in human history, and its harm was so profound that it completely ran counter to the modern civilized world.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">The deputy director of the museum was outspoken in his accusation in 2003 that the U.S. military was responsible for what had happened.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">In addition, the United States has suppressed, insulted and bullied Middle Eastern countries, undermining the cultural confidence of the nations and their people, and destroying the national pride and self-confidence of the Middle Eastern people.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">Third, prisoner abuse and torture seriously undermined Muslims' right to human dignity. Since the United States launched its global war on terrorism, prisoner abuse scandals against Muslims have been heard all the time.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">According to a report from the Costs of War Project at Brown University, following the 9/11 attack, the United States orchestrated a system of black sites in at least 54 countries and regions worldwide under the guise of "anti-terrorism," involving hundreds of thousands of people, including Muslims, women and children.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">As early as 2003, the U.S. military, in serious violation of international human rights law, blatantly abused detainees at Abu Ghraib Prison in Iraq, many of whom were detained without just cause, resulting in a large number of deaths.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">In addition, the United States established Guantanamo Bay detention camp to lock up a total of nearly 780 "terrorists" from the Middle East and elsewhere total, many of whom have been held without bringing any criminal charge.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">More than 30 people, old and frail, remain in the prison, who are deprived of liberty for long periods of time and subjected to endless mental and physical torture.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">In addition to widespread abuse and torture at Guantanamo, U.S. personnel have tortured prisoners by desecrating the Quran and violating Islamic beliefs, including throwing the Quran into toilets, tearing to pieces or burning the Quran under the guise of searching for weapons, and having female guards spy on naked prisoners in bathrooms, which sparked collective protests and even caused mass suicides among the detainees.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">In September 2021, the U.S. prison and prisoner abuse practices at Bagram Air Base in Afghanistan were exposed by the media. Evidence from the International Criminal Court investigation revealed that U.S. forces in Afghanistan ignored international justice and trampled on international norms, and inflicted "torture, cruel treatment, outrages upon personal dignity, rape and sexual abuse" on detainees for a long time, including putting at least 30 prisoners in a cage, leaving tortured prisoners to die in concealed areas, parading naked prisoners with blindfolds, among others.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">The humiliating and cruel treatment of prisoners by the U.S. military constitutes a grave violation of their fundamental right to human dignity and of the U.S. obligation under international human rights law to prohibit torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">Facts show that the United States has seriously violated the basic human rights of local people in the Middle East and other places, causing permanent damage and irreparable losses to countries and people in the region. The nature of American hegemony and the barbarity, cruelty and perniciousness of its power politics have been completely exposed, and the people of the world have a better understanding of the hypocrisy and deception of the American democracy and the American human rights. </span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><b><span style="color: #81b0ea; font-size: medium;"><a href="http://en.humanrights.cn/html/2022/TRENDS_0809/18700.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Chinese NGO reveals U.S. violation of human rights</a></span></b></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://en.humanrights.cn/html/2022/TRENDS_0809/18700.html" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="539" data-original-width="800" height="329" src="http://en.humanrights.cn/uploadfile/2022/0809/20220809104056206.jpg" width="489" /></a></div><br /><p style="text-align: justify;"><br /></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><br /></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; display: inline; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="72" data-original-width="490" height="72" src="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/statics/images//zgrq_en/logo_PC.png" width="490" /></a></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">December 30, 2022 By: Xinhuanet</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>U.S. path to hegemony leads to dead end</b></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><b>T</b></span>he United States earlier this month gathered 49 African heads of state and the head of the African Union in Washington for its ambitious U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit after an eight-year hiatus, to demonstrate its "unchanging" commitment to the developing continent. However, the White House has not been met with the expected response, but with growing skepticism and criticism, as with so much on the international stage so far this year. U.S. website Politico commented on the summit that African leaders "feel like they've already been fooled once -- when former President Barack Obama used the first such summit in 2014 to signal growing commitment to the continent. Instead, Obama cut funding to combat AIDs in Africa and reduced foreign aid to the region." Such reaction of African leaders is understandable. The overbearing role of the United States backfires -- it frequently and unscrupulously bullies other countries, and breaches trust on bilateral and multilateral diplomatic occasions. The United States, for long, has blatantly invaded many countries under various pretexts, causing lasting disasters to the victims. The country has invaded 84 out of the 194 countries recognized by the United Nations and has been militarily involved with 191 of those, according to "America Invades: How We've Invaded or been Militarily Involved with almost Every Country on Earth," co-authored by Christopher Kelly and Stuart Laycock. Besides the invasions, Washington, labeling itself a "beacon of democracy," has also intensified its bullying practices under the guise of "democracy" and "human rights," including coercing others to take sides, imposing unilateral sanctions on non-compliant countries, provoking conflicts in many regions and profiting from the chaos.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://english.pladaily.com.cn/view/2022-12/30/content_10208620.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://english.pladaily.com.cn/view/2022-12/30/content_10208620.htm</a></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">December 26, 2022 By: William Jones</span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>Biden's defense bill merely a cover for containment of China</b></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2022-12-26/Biden-s-defense-bill-merely-a-cover-for-containment-of-China-1g3nHaukq1q/img/82de733f69104c39a589f225c32c5a57/82de733f69104c39a589f225c32c5a57.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="274" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2022-12-26/Biden-s-defense-bill-merely-a-cover-for-containment-of-China-1g3nHaukq1q/img/82de733f69104c39a589f225c32c5a57/82de733f69104c39a589f225c32c5a57.png" width="488" /></a></div><br /><p style="text-align: justify;"><br /></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b><span style="font-size: medium;">J</span></b>ust in time for Christmas, U.S. President Joe Biden signed a big Christmas bonus for the Pentagon in the form of a $863 billion bill to fund the Department of Defense (DoD) for 2023. Rather than a Defense Authorization bill, it should be characterized as a whole-of-government mobilization bill to contain China. The bill pertains to military outlays for the Pentagon. There is a significant increase for the U.S. Navy, which will carry the brunt of U.S. operations in the declared "Indo-Pacific" region. But with regard to the People's Republic of China, which is mentioned 268 times in the bill, the powers of the DoD have expanded far beyond the sphere of national security. The legislation calls for the U.S. National Security Council to create a Task Force, to examine so-called Chinese economic coercive policies and implement a strategy to counter them, as well as to prevent the federal government from purchasing semiconductors from several Chinese chip firms. The DoD will likely use the authority of the Pentagon under the expanded "national security" label to prevent much of the cooperation, which already exists between the U.S. and Chinese companies. This will be especially targeted to those companies that engage in high-tech production as most such production is of a so-called "dual-use" character. The document also calls for an investigation into the educational facilities of the U.S. military, including military schools to assure that materials that are produced under the aegis of the Communist Party of China or the Chinese People's Liberation Army (PLA) are eliminated. But it is not only military schools that are getting targeted, but also civilian educational institutions, particularly those receiving funding from the Defense Department. Apparently, if a university or college is receiving such funding and has courses that don't exude absolute hostility toward the lawful government of China, they could have their funding slashed. The tactic has already been used extensively to target Confucius Institutes, which conduct Chinese language courses and are partially supported by funding from the Chinese government; many of them have been forced to close under similar DoD pressure. The legislation also calls for reporting on educational institutions "domiciled in China," which have connections to the PLA.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2022-12-26/Biden-s-defense-bill-merely-a-cover-for-containment-of-China-1g3nHaukq1q/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2022-12-26/Biden-s-defense-bill-merely-a-cover-for-containment-of-China-1g3nHaukq1q/index.html</a></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">December 22, 2022 By: Global Times</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>Peace prospects dim as US ratchets up aid to Ukraine</b></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2022/2022-12-22/7e1b7690-e381-4d5f-8e30-bbaf5816e5e6.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="480" data-original-width="800" height="294" src="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2022/2022-12-22/7e1b7690-e381-4d5f-8e30-bbaf5816e5e6.jpeg" width="490" /></a></div><br /><p style="text-align: justify;"><br /></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b><span style="font-size: medium;">W</span></b>hile Washington and Kiev strengthen their united front against Moscow, Russia has to consider increasing its military response to the tighter cooperation between the US and Ukraine. The conflict is bound to become even more brutal, intense, and prolonged as the US increases its support for Ukraine. With the risk of spillover of the Russia-Ukraine military conflict, the world, already in crisis, is unlikely to see peace soon in the new year. US President Joe Biden welcomed Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky to the White House on Wednesday local time. This is the first known overseas visit of the Ukrainian president since Russia launched its special military operation against the country in February. Zelensky was reportedly greeted with extended applause from US lawmakers across the aisle when delivering a speech to the US Congress. For many US politicians who want their country to sustain support to Kiev in the attempt to continue exhausting Russia, the Ukrainian leader's visit might be a good Christmas gift. In many senses, the White House needs such a high-profile event to maintain its advantages in public opinion. As the Republicans are about to take control of the House of Representatives in January, Biden is expected to face more trouble from the GOP, including more uncertainties regarding the Ukraine crisis. Therefore, the Democratic Party has to take the opportunity while it still can to pressure Republicans to keep supporting Ukraine.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202212/1282425.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202212/1282425.shtml</a></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">December 21, 2022 By: Fei Xue</span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>Is Washington’s selfishness crumbling US alliance system?</b></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b><span style="font-size: medium;">R</span></b>ecently, the Diplomat magazine published an article titled "Are US Allies Falling out of 'Alignment' on China?" The author of the article claims that the CHIPS and Science Act and the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA), both of which Washington regards as major domestic achievements, have raised concerns among US allies because they unfairly favor US firms over foreign counterparts. Given this, the fact that the US alliance system has become unsustainable under "America First" conditions is becoming more and more apparent. Following Donald Trump's four years in power, the US alliance system has suffered a devastating blow. Joe Biden has continuously emphasized the importance of allies to the US since he took office, precisely because alliances are one of the most strategically valuable tools in US diplomacy. But if Washington wants to continue using alliances to satisfy its interests, it has to shape enemies around the world. In Europe, it has made Russia an enemy, and in the Asia-Pacific region, it is framing China as an enemy. By constantly hyping up the so-called Russia and China threat theories, the US aims to strengthen its alliance system. In particular, by creating a series of crises and exaggerating a divided world, it can push forward confrontation and reap benefits</span>.</p><p style="text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202212/1282356.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202212/1282356.shtml</a></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">December 17, 2022 By: Hu Yuwei </span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><b>US prolongs Russia-Ukraine conflict for three aims, aggravates nuclear war risk: experts at GT annual forum</b></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2022/2022-11-13/a19762f7-7d80-45d1-b137-b735e91b6be1.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="480" data-original-width="800" height="291" src="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2022/2022-11-13/a19762f7-7d80-45d1-b137-b735e91b6be1.jpeg" width="486" /></a></div><br /><p style="text-align: justify;"><br /></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-size: medium;">A</span></b> prolonged and expanded Russia-Ukraine conflict will have a far-reaching impact and damage the future of the globe, and increase the risk of a runaway control and nuclear crisis, Chinese foreign affairs experts and scholars warned at the 2023 Global Times Annual Conference on Saturday. "The conflict between Russia and Ukraine is a typical 'proxy war.' The prolonged conflict in Ukraine is inevitable, and its troubles and shocks will further spill over to other parts of the world," Zhu Feng, a professor of international relations at Nanjing University, said, addressing the 2023 Global Times Annual Conference, held both online and off-line. The US and the EU have not made substantial efforts to ease Russia-Ukraine conflict, and have even moved in the opposite direction by providing weapons and ammunition. The key to solving the crisis lies in the hands of the US and EU, Zhou Li, former vice minister of the International Department of the Communist Party of China Central Committee, noted at the conference. There are three major uncertainties in the future development of the Russia-Ukraine conflict - direct military confrontation between Russia and NATO members, nuclear contamination in Ukraine, and Russia being forced to use nuclear weapons, Zhu said. "It is fair to say that the prolonged conflict between Russia and Ukraine is the most important strategic challenge and the most serious uncertainty facing the world today," Zhu stressed.</p><p style="text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202212/1282059.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202212/1282059.shtml</a></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">December 08, 2022 By: Li Zhe</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>Three questions not answered in US 2022 Nuclear Posture Review</b></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b><span style="font-size: medium;">T</span></b>he US Department of Defense released in a package its National Defense Strategy (NDS), Nuclear Posture Review (NPR) and Missile Defense Review (MDR) on October 27, 2022, to further elaborate on the incumbent administration’s security outlook after issuing the National Security Strategy on October 12. Among them, the NPR gave a pretty comprehensive review of the main nuclear security challenges faced by the country now and its countermeasures in store, coming to the strategic judgment that China is a pacing threat to the US. The document has inherited both Trump’s “major-country competition” theory and Obama’s arms control vision of a “nuclear-free world”, which is just one example of its logical paradoxes. There are three questions the document doesn’t answer, at least not clearly. How to realize the ideal of nuclear arms control in the context of major country competition? How to maintain “strategic stability” in the context of major country competition? How to balance “extended deterrence” with “nuclear non-proliferation” in the context of major country competition?</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://english.pladaily.com.cn/view/2022-12/08/content_10204319.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://english.pladaily.com.cn/view/2022-12/08/content_10204319.htm</a></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">December 08, 2022 By: Ministry of National Defense</span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>China strongly opposes US arms sale to Taiwan: Defense Spokesperson</b></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: medium;"><b>C</b></span><span style="color: #444444;">hina is strongly dissatisfied with and firmly opposed to the US’s recent announcement that it will sell military aircraft parts and related equipment worth$428 million to Taiwan, and has lodged solemn representations with the US side, said Senior Colonel Tan Kefei, spokesperson for the Chinese Ministry of National Defense, in a written statement on Thursday. The defense spokesperson said that the US’s move has blatantly ignored China's solemn position and once again grossly interfered in China's internal affairs. It has gravely violated the one-China principle and the three China-US joint communiqués, severely jeopardized China's sovereignty and security interests, and seriously undermined the relations between the two countries and two militaries as well as peace and stability in the Taiwan Straits. The spokesperson pointed out that in recent years, while making serious commitments to China on the Taiwan question, the US has hollowed out the one-China principle, continued arms sales to Taiwan, kept introducing negative bills related to Taiwan, and sent senior officials to visit Taiwan, further aggravating tensions across the Taiwan Straits. The US breaks its promises while its words still ring in the ears. Such self-contradictory move fully reveals its hypocrisy of saying one thing but doing another, and seriously damages its political credibility and international reputation.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span></span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://eng.mod.gov.cn/news/2022-12/08/content_4928236.htm#:~:text=8%20%2D%2DChina%20is%20strongly,the%20Chinese%20Ministry%20of%20National" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://eng.mod.gov.cn/news/2022-12/08/content_4928236.htm#</a></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">December 01, 2022 By: Global Times</span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>US curbs national security threats at home, but fuels them abroad</b></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2022/2022-12-01/659e58d9-b45c-4dbc-a2ea-43e127a02087.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="480" data-original-width="800" height="289" src="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2022/2022-12-01/659e58d9-b45c-4dbc-a2ea-43e127a02087.jpeg" width="482" /></a></div><br /><p style="text-align: justify;"><br /></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b><span style="font-size: medium;">S</span></b>ome US elites have a shameless double standard when dealing with forces threatening national security. They condemn and even sentence those who incite violence in the US to long prison terms, but when it comes to anti-China disruptors, they spare no effort to defend them. A US federal jury on Tuesday found two members of the far-right organization Oath Keepers, including founder Stewart Rhodes, guilty of seditious conspiracy in connection with the attack on the US Capitol on January 6, 2021. The two are expected to face the maximum sentence of 20 years in prison. According to The New York Times, seditious conspiracy is the most serious charge leveled against January 6 rioters. Experts told the Global Times that the verdict confirms for the first time that there was a conspiracy to undermine or even subvert the regime in the Capitol riots. The sedition convictions have a positive effect on maintaining US national security and social stability, intending to deter and curb the violent impulses of extreme right-wing forces that tend to turn to violence to express their political demands. The Capitol riots have severely traumatized the already unstable US politics and society, making Americans distinctly feel the dangers of violent confrontation and realize the importance of national stability. However, when talking about the recent high-profile trial of Jimmy Lai Chee-ying, an instigator of the Hong Kong riots in 2019, some US forces have portrayed Lai as a "fighter for democracy." For example, a Washington Post editorial on Tuesday said Hong Kong's right to freedom of expression and association will be "in the dock" with Lai. All governments, including that of China and the US, firmly oppose inciting riots and violence in their country. But when it comes to China, some forces in the US suddenly lose common sense. Waving the banner of human rights, they turn a blind eye to the secessionist behavior of these "fighters." This reveals the hypocrisy of some US elites regarding internal and external affairs. When there is an attack on the US Capitol, it is a seditious conspiracy and a danger to US national security. However, when a similar situation occurs in Hong Kong, it is about democratic expression and protecting freedom of speech. Such hypocritical behavior originates from the hysteria in Washington's strategy toward Beijing. The US political elites have positioned China as the strategic competitor that poses the greatest threat to their country. Now all they can think about is how to engage in a confrontation with China and win it. This means they support all voices and forces that could smear and undermine China's development. In their eyes, anything that could create unrest in China should be encouraged. They wish for more opposition forces in China that the country's rule of law cannot constrain. Therefore, these elites try to rationalize all the behaviors of the Hong Kong rioters. Some US elites fantasize about making Hong Kong a model for promoting "color revolutions" in other parts of China, weakening the power of the central government and ultimately achieving the Westernization, or to be more specific, Americanization, of the Chinese system.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202212/1280928.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202212/1280928.shtml</a></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">November 18, 2022 By: Lao Du</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>In-depth report on US unilateral sanctions in cyberspace</b></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b><span style="font-size: medium;">T</span></b>he 77th United Nations General Assembly recently adopted a resolution demanding the US to end the economic, commercial and financial embargo against Cuba with 185 votes in favor, 2 votes against, and 2 abstentions. This is the 30th consecutive time that UN member states have overwhelmingly supported the end of the US embargo against Cuba. The US has already become a "United States of Sanctions" in the real sense of the word. It has applied economic, financial and other traditional tools to implement sanctions, while continuously upgrading sanctions in the cyber world. In August 2022, a special rapporteur of the United Nations Human Rights Council on the negative impact of unilateral coercive measures on human rights submitted a special report entitled Unilateral Sanctions in the Cyberworld: Tendencies and Challenges, detailing the unilateral cyber sanctions by the US-led countries and condemning their violations of human rights. The special report has noted "the accelerating expansion of unilateral sanctions involving cyber means or in cyberspace". From 2011 to 2021, the US sanctioned 303 individuals and entities from 10 countries, including Russia, for the so-called reason of engaging in "malicious cyber activities". The means of sanctions are various, including blocking access to public online platforms, banning trade in software or information and communication devices, and blocking social media accounts. In addition, the US has also expanded the list of restrictions on software trade, and it is more commonly seen to block the social media accounts of targets under sanction. The US has insisted that the targets under its sanctions all have engaged in "malicious cyber activities". However, the special rapporteur found after investigation that the US tends to widely spread negative information about relevant individuals and enterprises with no sufficient evidence while "bypassing the presumption of innocence and due process guarantees". This move is in a flagrant violation of international conventions. Unilateral sanctions in the cyber field have seriously violated the human rights of other countries, including the right to information, education, health, life and development.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://english.pladaily.com.cn/view/2022-11/18/content_10200191.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://english.pladaily.com.cn/view/2022-11/18/content_10200191.htm</a></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">November 17, 2022 By: CGTN</span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>The U.S., champion and vindicator of her own</b></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="409" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/VDcFvGB7yH8" width="491" youtube-src-id="VDcFvGB7yH8"></iframe></div><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b><span style="font-size: medium;">T</span></b>he United States has for long championed the cause of democracy; however, the ground reality reveals an ugly undemocratic side that is widely prevalent across the U.S. CGTN's five-episode documentary series "Fragile Democracy, Divided America" showcases the deep political, social, economic, and cultural divisions in a country that is arguably the world's oldest democracy. The series illustrates the contradictions of the U.S.'s self-proclaimed mission of promoting the "American model of democracy" globally with how an exalted political idea has been subverted in practice and backfired at home. The fifth episode focuses on the role America plays in human right protection at home and abroad. On November 3, the UN General Assembly approved its 30th non-binding resolution calling for an end to the U.S. economic embargo of Cuba. While 185 countries voted in favor, the U.S. still voted against for the 29th time, having abstained in 2016. Saying "no" is a routine act for the United States. The UN resolutions that the U.S. most commonly rejects are the ones that support the common interests of humankind, but do not serve in favor of the U.S.'s national interests. The former U.S. Secretary of State John Quincy Adams said, "(America) is the well-wisher to the freedom and independence of all. She is the champion and vindicator only of her own." The U.S. has always remained unilateralist, especially when it comes to human rights and the use of force.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/REVIEW_1117/2358.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/REVIEW_1117/2358.html</a></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">November 14, 2022 By: Xinhua</span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>Thousands of Iranians died of COVID-19 due to US sanctions: official</b></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><b>A</b></span> top Iranian human rights official on Sunday blamed US sanctions that deny Iranians access to essential medicines for thousands of deaths in the country during the first two years of the COVID-19 pandemic. Kazem Gharibabadi, secretary of the Iranian High Council for Human Rights and deputy chief of the Iranian Judiciary for international affairs, made the remarks while speaking to Iranian media in New York, Iran's official news agency IRNA reported. During the visit, he will attend the United Nations General Assembly Third Committee meetings, according to IRNA. Gharibabadi noted that the sanctions, preventing Iran from transferring money through financial channels, made it difficult for the country to import COVID-19 vaccines and the necessary medicine during that period. The United States and some European countries claimed to support Iranians' human rights, particularly during the recent "riots" in Iran, while the lives of millions of Iranians have been affected by the US unilateral sanctions and some European countries' compliance, he said. "We see that those countries that consider themselves human rights advocates, particularly the United States and some other Western states, are extensively violating such rights in their own territories or in other countries. We maintain that these states are in no way eligible for being the flagbearers of human rights," he noted.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/WORLD_1114/19223.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/WORLD_1114/19223.html</a></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">November 14, 2022 By: Veronika S. Saraswati</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>Dominative mentality of US, its allies must be countered with power of solidarity of East</b></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">Economic certainty and security stability are the two main factors needed for successful development. These conditions should not only be met for domestic governance, but also global governance. Development and security, as the two main driving wheels of governance, are two wings of one body. The two factors are very prominent to maintain stability. Instability, insecurity and economic uncertainty are not merely natural phenomena. This situation is a result of a disorientation of development, which puts the ambitions of dominance of hegemonic powers ahead of people's life. The fall of Global North countries (the US and North Europe) into a great economic recession is inseparable from an individualistic mentality and monopolistic economy. It can be clearly seen on how the UK decided to withdraw from the European Union (EU) as economic recession began to bring economic bankruptcy in the EU's regionalism. In the West, there is no sense of solidarity and mutual aid. The UK does not want to be co-opted into huge economic debts by other EU member states. And it is precisely China, through the Belt and Road Initiative, that strongly supports many EU member states' economic sectors so that the EU member states, such as Portugal, Italy, Greece, and Spain, can still survive in economic development. Even more EU countries, such as Germany and France, have sought to build a closer relationship with China recently. These countries in the EU have faced a worsening economic situation due to the pandemic and the effects of US sanctions on Russia. This worsening situation led to social unrest, economic uncertainty, and a gloomy future.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span></span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202211/1279473.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202211/1279473.shtml</a></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">November 12, 2022 By: CGTN Insight</span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>Cyberbully U.S.: Weaponizing content, manipulating minds</b></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="405" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/SnfjYnWeFO4" width="488" youtube-src-id="SnfjYnWeFO4"></iframe></div><p style="text-align: justify;"><b style="color: #444444;"><span style="font-size: medium;">T</span></b><span style="color: #444444;">he United States has for long championed the cause of democracy; however, the ground reality reveals an ugly undemocratic side that is widely prevalent across the U.S. CGTN's five-episode documentary series "Fragile Democracy, Divided America" showcases the deep political, social, economic, and cultural divisions in a country that is arguably the world's oldest democracy. The series illustrates the contradictions of the U.S.'s self-proclaimed mission of promoting the "American model of democracy" globally with how an exalted political idea has been subverted in practice and backfired at home. The fourth episode focuses on how the cyberbully U.S. endangers global freedom and cyber security. "Congress must ensure that the next generation of Americans is able to speak and associate freely, without fear of surveillance," warned the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU). In 2021 alone, the FBI has conducted up to 3.4 million warrantless searches of Americans' phone calls, emails and text messages. For decades, the U.S. has conducted indiscriminate mass surveillance of its citizens, foreign governments and even its allies. Nadim Siraj, an India-based journalist and author of Secret Notes from Iran: Diary of an Undercover Journalist said: "It's just a paradox. In fact, it's not just in 2013 that we first got to know that the NSA was running a sweeping espionage program on Americans also. It has been happening for a long time. Now we've entered the realms of the digital world. The hunger to carry out surveillance programs of their own people is now happening on the digital front." Besides mass surveillance, it influences the internet through media manipulation, cyberattacks and cyber espionage. This kind of cyber hegemony is endangering both its own and global freedom and security.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"></span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2022-11-12/Cyberbully-U-S-Weaponizing-content-manipulating-minds-1eSJBOmcvx6/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2022-11-12/Cyberbully-U-S-Weaponizing-content-manipulating-minds-1eSJBOmcvx6/index.html</a></span><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;"> </span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">November 10, 2022 By: Li Jiabao</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>US nuclear arsenal upgrade scourges Europe, world</b></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b><span style="font-size: medium;">A</span></b>ccording to a report by American magazine Politico, American officials told their NATO allies in Europe in a recent closed-door meeting in Brussels, Belgium that they will accelerate the deployment of the enhanced nuclear bomb B61-12 at multiple NATO bases across Europe. Britain’s The Guardian reported that the national defense budget document for the fiscal year of 2023 submitted by the Biden administration to the US Congress planned to allocate US$384 million to upgrade America’s nuclear storage facilities in six NATO member states – the UK, Belgium, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, and Türkiye– to enable them to deploy B61-12. The B61-12 nuclear bomb is the latest version of America’s B61 series of tactical nuclear bombs and a key member of its future tactical nuclear attack system. The US side’s evasiveness cannot hide its obvious intention of upgrading the nuclear arsenal in Europe, and its accelerated deployment of new tactical nuclear weapons amid the ongoing geopolitical conflict now will incur dire consequences in many ways.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span></span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://english.pladaily.com.cn/view/2022-11/10/content_10198407.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://english.pladaily.com.cn/view/2022-11/10/content_10198407.htm</a></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">November 09, 2022 By: Xin Ping</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>Russia-Ukraine crisis, a bonanza for U.S.</b></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">For the United States, war is an extremely profitable business. In fact, the country was crowned as the world's sole superpower by the largest and most devastating war in human history. Its gross national product (GNP), measured in constant dollars, grew from 88.6 billion U.S. dollars in 1939 to 135 billion dollars in 1944, and the share of war-related production in GNP jumped from only 2 percent to an astonishing 40 percent, according to British economic historian Alan Milward. Right now, history seems to be repeating itself. Eight months into the Russia-Ukraine conflict, when the flames of war are putting ordinary folks in Europe through a hard time, Uncle Sam's war business is also on fire -- riches are piling up from arms sales, Europe's energy crunch, and dollar weaponization. Arms production and sale have always been a cash cow for the United States. Just when the country's general economy is struggling against multiple headwinds, its notorious military-industrial complex is enjoying a golden opportunity.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span></span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://en.people.cn/n3/2022/1109/c90000-10169045.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://en.people.cn/n3/2022/1109/c90000-10169045.html</a></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">November 07, 2022 By: Global Times</span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>Drop any illusions that Washington could promote peace for Ukraine</b></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b><span style="font-size: medium;">W</span></b>hat Washington is concerned about isn't the peace of Europe and Ukraine, but how to bring down Russia using Ukraine as a pawn and taking advantage of Europe, as well as how to consolidate its hegemony in Europe and across the whole world. The international community should discard any illusions about any of the US' moves which appear to promote peace. The Biden administration is privately encouraging Ukraine's leaders to signal an openness to negotiate with Russia and drop their public refusal to engage in peace talks unless Russian President Vladimir Putin is removed from power, according to people familiar with the discussions, the Washington Post reported on Saturday. Instead of relieving or addressing the ongoing conflict between Russia and Ukraine, Washington's main purpose is actually to adopt a new strategy diplomatically in which Ukraine can gain more lasting support from US' European allies in its conflict with Russia.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202211/1278956.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202211/1278956.shtml</a></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">November 06, 2022 By: Xin Ping</span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>Why is the world's richest country starving its people?</b></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2022-11-06/Why-is-the-world-s-richest-country-starving-its-people--1eJOMvcVTRS/img/e6b60421911b457986e5660eb6b9392d/e6b60421911b457986e5660eb6b9392d.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="276" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2022-11-06/Why-is-the-world-s-richest-country-starving-its-people--1eJOMvcVTRS/img/e6b60421911b457986e5660eb6b9392d/e6b60421911b457986e5660eb6b9392d.png" width="490" /></a></div><br /><p style="text-align: justify;"><br /></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b><span style="font-size: medium;">W</span></b>eeks before Americans line up to vote for the midterm elections, another line is swelling at LeMoyne Community Center in Washington County, Pennsylvania: more than 100 people turn up as early as 7 a.m. every Saturday, waiting for food distribution. Similar stories could be heard from food banks across the U.S. Last year, one-third of people in Washington D.C. experienced food insecurity at some point and many relied on food banks and food stamps to get by, including those who were college-educated and full-time employed, according to a report released by the Capital Area Food Bank in June. The long queue for food should be an embarrassing scene for one of the wealthiest countries worldwide, but it is only the tip of the iceberg. The U.S. Department of Agriculture estimates that 34 million people in America are food insecure, including 12 million children. One in 10 American households struggled to feed their families last year, with more than five million families missing meals and cutting portions due to poverty – many of them did not qualify for federal nutrition programs for extra support.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2022-11-06/Why-is-the-world-s-richest-country-starving-its-people--1eJOMvcVTRS/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2022-11-06/Why-is-the-world-s-richest-country-starving-its-people--1eJOMvcVTRS/index.html</a></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">November 03, 2022 By: Hu Xijin</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>US better give up attempt to contain China by utilizing Southeast Asian countries</b></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2022/2022-11-03/e2b6ee1a-142d-4582-99ef-124066921523.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="480" data-original-width="800" height="292" src="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2022/2022-11-03/e2b6ee1a-142d-4582-99ef-124066921523.jpeg" width="487" /></a></div><br /><p style="text-align: justify;"><br /></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">General Secretary of the Communist Party of Vietnam Central Committee Nguyen Phu Trong's visit to China has achieved remarkable results. Ties between China and its neighboring countries are mainly supported by inter-governmental relations and huge trade volumes. But when it comes to China and Vietnam, the ruling parties of the two have maintained a close relationship, providing additional solid bonds and resilience for ties between the two countries. China and Vietnam are two countries led by the Communist Party. Both are facing the common task of developing their economies, continuously improving people's living standards, supporting each other politically, taking a socialist path that suits their own national conditions, and avoiding being overthrown by external forces. Trong's visit has greatly consolidated the relationship between the two parties and injected more stability into the relationship between the two countries. Both general secretaries spoke highly of the relations between the two parties and the two countries, and appreciated each other's great achievements. The strong foundation and development momentum of bilateral relations were fully displayed during this visit. Trong said that Vietnam attaches great importance to its ties with China and regards developing friendly cooperation with China as a top priority in its foreign policy. It is the common will and task of both China and Vietnam to handle disputes in the South China Sea and not let it disturb the bigger picture of relationship between the two countries. This principle has been reinforced during the visit. The two sides agreed to properly manage differences and maintain peace and stability in the South China Sea. They also agreed to, through consultations and negotiations, discuss temporary, transitional solutions that do not affect stances and policies of each side and seek basic long-term solutions acceptable to both sides. This further eliminates the risk of bilateral ties being distracted by the South China Sea issue. The US has always wished to build an anti-China united front in the South China Sea with Japan, Australia, and Southeast Asian countries. Among them, Vietnam is a key US target to rope in. However, Vietnam is clearly aware that the US wants to use it as a pawn, so Hanoi is vigilant while developing relations with the US. During this visit, Trong reiterated that Vietnam will not allow any country to establish a military base in Vietnam, or join any military alliance, or use force against any country, or work with one country to oppose another. He also said that Vietnam firmly follows the one-China policy, opposes any form of "Taiwan independence" separatist activities, and will not develop any official relations with Taiwan island.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202211/1278649.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202211/1278649.shtml</a></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">November 02, 2022 By: Global Times</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>The US and its allies’ efforts of sowing discord between China and Vietnam will be doomed</b></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="397" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/CENiPZUX1NY" width="482" youtube-src-id="CENiPZUX1NY"></iframe></div><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b><span style="font-size: medium;">T</span></b>he ruling parties of China and Vietnam have maintained a close relationship, providing additional bonds and flexibility. The US and its allies’ efforts of sowing discord between China and Vietnam will be doomed.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span></span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202211/1278574.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202211/1278574.shtml</a></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">October 28, 2022 By: CGTN</span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>Event on Xinjiang organized by U.S. and others is a political farce</b></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/uploadfile/2022/1028/20221028114830772.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="275" src="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/uploadfile/2022/1028/20221028114830772.jpeg" width="489" /></a></span></div><span style="color: #444444;"><br /><b><br /></b></span><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b><span style="font-size: medium;">O</span></b>n October 26, the Spokesperson of the Permanent Mission of China to the United Nations expresses firm opposition to a side event on the so-called human rights situations in Xinjiang organized by the United States, the United Kingdom and a few western countries. The Spokesperson points out that the side event is full of lies and disinformation, further exposing their political attempt to use Xinjiang to contain China. Such an event is widely resisted by the overwhelming majority of Member States and is a self-staged political farce. </span><span style="color: #444444;">The Spokesperson points out that the side event is a desperate struggle of the U.S. and a few western countries after their lies about Xinjiang exposed. The U.S. fabricated lies of "genocide" in Xinjiang, which finds no support at all and only shamed itself. They tabled a draft decision on Xinjiang to the Human Rights Council in Geneva with attempt to put Xinjiang-related issues on the agenda, but failed in the vote. The Human Rights Council explicitly rejected their political maneuver and refused to endorse the so-called "assessment" on Xinjiang released by the OHCHR under Western countries' coercive diplomacy. Not willing to accept failure in Geneva, they turned to New York to continue to hype up the issue of Xinjiang, and invited a few anti-China "experts" and "witnesses" to perform such a farce. No matter how the U.S. and a few Western countries glamorize the side event, it is a political farce contrary to the fact and truth and has been rejected by the majority. The Spokesperson stresses that the side event serves the political interest of the U.S. to suppress others and maintain its hegemony. The U.S. fears the rise of developing countries, and regards China's development as a challenge and threat to its hegemony. So the U.S. and a few Western countries are trying to use Xinjiang to create mess in and contain China. The U.S. turned a blind eye and a deaf ear to the terrorist attacks on Xinjiang. Now when Xinjiang enjoys stability and prosperity, the U.S. began to make political farce and maliciously attack and smear China. It is clear to all that the U.S. cares nothing about human rights in Xinjiang but its own hegemony. The U.S.'s attempt to undermining China's development is against the trend of the times and doomed to fail. Human society has entered the 21st century, the days when Western countries intimidated and bullied developing countries are long gone.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/WORLD_1028/19185.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/WORLD_1028/19185.html</a></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">October 26, 2022 By: Jerry Grey</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>NED's Taipei stunt shows it is a 'national endowment for hypocrisy'</b></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b><span style="font-size: medium;">T</span></b>he National Endowment for Democracy (NED) is set to hold its annual democracy assembly in Taipei. Some people find this news surprising. That the meeting is being hosted by NED is not a surprise at all, but that they chose China's Taipei as the venue may be something of a surprise to some people. The NED was formed in 1983 to "promote freedom around the world." To the casual observer, this is a noble and righteous cause, but if one looks a little deeper it becomes less noble. The NED is not the righteous campaigner for democracy and freedoms it claims to be. Rather, it is a deliberate cut-out for what used to be CIA funding. Its leadership is not promoting democracy, rather they do the opposite by promoting American interests wherever they are. This might seem to be a conspiratorial view but it is one held by many researchers and a very interesting fact sheet on the NED from the Chinese government released just a few months ago. People may wish to ignore China's input into this or even criticize it as being biased against an organization formed as a nonprofit by Ronald Regan, but the well-researched and supported information provided by China's Ministry of Foreign Affairs makes that a very difficult position to defend. The NED does not have the democratic rights of the people in the 100 plus countries in which it operates at heart, it is solely interested in the maintenance of US power. Once the reader embraces the information found in the report, the obvious answer to any questions as to why Taipei was chosen as the site of this summit will become clear. Taipei is a city on China's Taiwan island and NED is never happier when it is prodding US-perceived enemies with a sharp stick. So, holding a democracy meeting on a Chinese island, so soon after the visit by US House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, is exactly that.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202210/1278061.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202210/1278061.shtml</a></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">October 19, 2022 By: Xinhua</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>OHCHR should investigate U.S. human rights violations: Chinese envoy</b></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="color: #444444;"><iframe allowfullscreen='allowfullscreen' webkitallowfullscreen='webkitallowfullscreen' mozallowfullscreen='mozallowfullscreen' width='325' height='270' src='https://www.blogger.com/video.g?token=AD6v5dyT6K44r2r4XZLX6NldN2MenDTmP7KVwO8WL9454vl5oCabgWxm_pnYIPTlH6cL9yMMS-4CgpIDUcLv3cXvMA' class='b-hbp-video b-uploaded' frameborder='0'></iframe></span></div><span style="color: #444444;"><p style="text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-size: medium;">A</span></b> Chinese envoy on Thursday called on the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) to investigate U.S. infringement on human rights and release relevant reports. He also urged the United States and a few other countries to face up to and address their own poor human rights records.</p></span><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/REVIEW_1019/2329.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/REVIEW_1019/2329.html</a></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">October 18, 2022 By: Wang Shida</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>US pushes nuclear fears for strategic self-interest</b></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b><span style="font-size: medium;">U</span></b>S President Joe Biden made astonishing remarks at the reception of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee (DCCC) a few days ago. He said that Pakistan has "nuclear weapons without any cohesion" and may be "one of the most dangerous nations in the world". In his speech, Biden also exaggerated that the threat of nuclear war caused by the Ukraine crisis is "at the highest level since the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis." This remark also caused huge controversy. Washington has frequently created nuclear fears recently but what is its real intention? The relationship between the US and Pakistan has not been very pleasant in recent years, and the US is the main reason. On the one hand, the Bush and Obama administrations maintained cooperation with Pakistan and took care of Pakistan's sensitivities and concerns to resolve the Afghanistan issue. However, since the Trump administration, the US has continued to adjust the focus of its global national security strategy, shifting from counter-terrorism to major power competition. The Biden administration has inherited and developed the "Indo-Pacific strategy" proposed by the Trump administration, and deal with other countries based on its self-confidence and strength. For this reason, it is necessary for the US to reduce investments in things that are not priorities such as the Afghanistan issue. Against this backdrop, Pakistan's importance to the US has clearly declined. On the other hand, Pakistan has made great sacrifices in cooperating with the US in its war on terror. The war in Afghanistan has cost Pakistan tens of thousands of casualties and tens of billions of dollars in damage. However, Washington took anger at Pakistan because of the defeat in the war in Afghanistan and repeatedly accused Pakistan of poor cooperation. Recently, US-Pakistan relations have improved thanks to the joint efforts of personnel from both sides. However, Biden's remarks about Pakistan's nuclear weapons being poorly controlled and Pakistan probably being one of the most dangerous countries in the world caused an uproar in Pakistan. Pakistani Prime Minister Shabazz Sharif stressed that Pakistan is a responsible nuclear state, and its national nuclear security is protected by the highest standards. Former Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan questioned, "What basis does Biden have to question Pakistan's nuclear security?" "When did Pakistan show aggression compared to the US's involvement in wars around the world?" And Federal Minister for Energy of Pakistan Khurram Dastgir Khan accused Biden of baseless. All these reveal Pakistan's anger at Washington's irresponsible behaviors.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://english.pladaily.com.cn/view/2022-10/18/content_10193277.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://english.pladaily.com.cn/view/2022-10/18/content_10193277.htm</a></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">October 13, 2022 By: Xin Ping</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><b><span style="color: #444444;">US disinformation campaigns on Xinjiang: A playbook of "thief crying 'stop thief'"</span></b></p><p style="text-align: justify;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://en.people.cn/mediafile/pic/BIG/20221013/41/12164659924217602245.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="583" data-original-width="500" height="569" src="http://en.people.cn/mediafile/pic/BIG/20221013/41/12164659924217602245.png" width="488" /></a></div><br /><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b><span style="font-size: medium;">I</span></b>n July and August 2022, Twitter and Facebook removed two overlapping sets of accounts for violating the platforms' terms of service. The suspended accounts, according to analysts, "consistently advanced narratives promoting the interests of the United States and its allies while opposing countries including Russia, China, and Iran". A detailed analysis of the suspicious accounts can be found in a report titled "UNHEARD VOICE: Evaluating five years of pro-Western covert influence operations", coauthored by the Stanford Internet Observatory (SIO) and Graphika. It turns out that the accounts are part of a series of covert campaigns over a period of almost five years rather than one homogeneous operation. As disclosed by the report, the disinformation campaigns used "inauthentic tactics" to flood the information space with pro-Western propaganda. The banned accounts, for instance, showed "clear signs of automated or highly coordinated posting activity". They created fake personas with sophisticated A.I.-generated images to manipulate the online discourse by sharing similar content, posed as independent media outlets to enhance the credibility of the fake users, launched online petitions and started hashtag movements in an attempt to hype up narratives that served the agenda of the forces behind the scenes. It came as no surprise that Twitter identified the US as one of the "presumptive countries of origin", and Facebook said the US was "the country of origin". As always, the US calls its mass production of disinformation "investing in its values". It has been scaling up input to make that happen. The Strategic Competition Act of 2021 adopted by the US Congress authorized $300 million each year to "counter the malign influence" of China. According to the SIO-Graphika analysis and US media reports, the US military is suspected to be involved in managing the "trolls"on these two social media platforms, with a purpose to conduct secret information warfare against China and others. This explains why the accounts have shown a particular interest in all the lies related to Xinjiang, such as the so-called "genocide" and "forced labor" of the Uyghurs.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://en.people.cn/n3/2022/1013/c90000-10157639.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://en.people.cn/n3/2022/1013/c90000-10157639.html</a></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">October 10, 2022 By: China Daily</span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>Racism stain of shame on 'world democratic paradise'</b></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/uploadfile/2022/1010/20221010090617156.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="444" data-original-width="800" height="271" src="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/uploadfile/2022/1010/20221010090617156.jpeg" width="490" /></a></div><br /><p style="text-align: justify;"><br /></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><b>I</b></span>n the 51st Regular Session of the United Nations Human Rights Council from Sept 12 to Oct 7 in Geneva, the Chinese representatives, along with representatives of some other countries, expressed their deep concerns over the United States' discriminatory law enforcement against minorities, urging the US to face its own racism and racial discrimination, so as to avoid the tragedy of George Floyd from happening again. The US administration has apparently not drawn its lessons from it, as more than 200 African Americans have been killed by police officers during law enforcement over the year following the death of Floyd. These tragedies have again and again exposed the hypocrisy of human rights in the US and made people see clearly that the US society is not the so-called "world democratic paradise" that its politicians boasted of, but instead a sick society in which even the basic rights of human survival are at stake. In addition to African Americans, Asian Americans, Muslims and other ethnic minorities have also been marginalized due to the COVID-19 pandemic and the discriminatory policies of the US government. When US politicians failed to deal with the COVID-19 pandemic, they openly scapegoated ethnic minorities and fueled racial conflicts and hatred to absolve their own responsibilities. In the US, ethnic minorities are only given symbolic attention when election politics demand it. The politicians have no interest in improving the social soil in which racism breeds and the various institutional flaws that reinforce it. In August this year, the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination criticized the deeprooted problem of racial discrimination in the US when reviewing its implementation of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/OPINIONS_1010/19070.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/OPINIONS_1010/19070.html</a></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">October 08, 2022 By: Global Times editorial </span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>Global audiences are fed up with US-led West’s ‘show’ on human rights</b></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><b>T</b></span>he 51st session of the United Nations Human Rights Council (HRC) on Thursday voted on a US-led Xinjiang-related draft decision. The result shows that the draft was strongly opposed by most members of the HRC, especially developing countries, and was not passed. The US and some other Western countries have already consumed a substantial quantity of resources in advance for propaganda and diplomatic agitation for the draft, hyping the vote as a "duel" with China, and sparing no effort to force other member states to be obedient. But this weaponization of human rights is deeply unpopular. This is the second time in the council's 16-year history that a draft decision has been rejected. Public opinions worldwide almost unanimously believe this is a "major setback" for Western countries. Some Western public opinion even made another stab - calling the outcome a setback to the "West's moral authority." This undoubtedly upset the sensitive nerves of some organizations and individuals in the US and the West. They argue that the result "makes a mockery of everything the Human Rights Council is supposed to stand for," the Muslim countries which voted down the motion are "shameful," and African countries "yielded." Some even call Ukraine's abstention "betrayal." The draft was put forward by Western countries including the US, the UK and Canada in a bid to hold a debate on "Xinjiang human rights situation" at its next session in March. Many Western media outlets said in their reports that the draft lowered the tone and "called just for holding a debate," in order to avoid the scenario in which enough other countries reject their proposal. Yet this exposes the real purpose of this draft: It is by no means to discuss any human rights issue, but to try to indefinitely hype up a "problem" that does not exist, so as to suppress and contain China.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://en.people.cn/n3/2022/1008/c90000-10155193.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://en.people.cn/n3/2022/1008/c90000-10155193.html</a></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: small;">October 07, 2022 By: CGTN First Voice</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>U.S. presence a key factor of instability in the Korean Peninsula</b></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2022-10-07/U-S-presence-a-key-factor-of-instability-in-the-Korean-Peninsula-1dW1moWofZu/img/d8e6ccb8b3be47538d8c2811de81d8b1/d8e6ccb8b3be47538d8c2811de81d8b1.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="451" data-original-width="800" height="276" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2022-10-07/U-S-presence-a-key-factor-of-instability-in-the-Korean-Peninsula-1dW1moWofZu/img/d8e6ccb8b3be47538d8c2811de81d8b1/d8e6ccb8b3be47538d8c2811de81d8b1.jpeg" width="489" /></a></div><br /><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b><span style="font-size: medium;">T</span></b>ensions are high in the Korean Peninsula, yet again. The Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) on Thursday fired two more ballistic missiles toward its eastern waters and scrambled a squadron of 12 fighter jets close to the airspace of the Republic of Korea (ROK). This was the DPRK's 6th ballistic missile test within the past two weeks – including the one on Tuesday that flew over Japan – and came a day after the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) met to discuss the situation in the peninsula. If one goes by the narrative the U.S. and its allies have traditionally pushed as they did at Wednesday's UNSC meeting, it would appear as if Pyongyang is solely responsible for the heightened tensions in the peninsula. "These launches violate multiple Security Council resolutions and pose a threat to not only the region but to the entire international community," Linda Thomas-Greenfield, the U.S. Ambassador to the UN, said, presenting a joint statement at the UNSC meeting on behalf of a handful of allies including ROK and Japan. "We will not stay silent as the DPRK works to undermine the global nonproliferation regime and threaten the international community," the U.S. envoy said as she called on all UN member states, and especially UNSC members, to join Washington in condemning Pyongyang's "reckless behavior." What this narrative conveniently, or rather deliberately, overlooks is Washington's relentless incitement against the DPRK for decades – including the ongoing joint U.S.-ROK military exercises – that is at the core of the volatile situation in the Korean Peninsula. These exercises have seen the redeployment of the nuclear-powered aircraft carrier, USS Ronald Reagan, in Korean waters and involved joint bombing and missile drills. The DPRK has fervently justified its tests as necessary countermeasures against the U.S.-ROK joint military drills as it blamed Washington for intensifying military tensions in the region. Any objective observer would agree that there certainly is merit to Pyongyang's assertions. As such, the recent spate of DPRK's missile launches shouldn't be seen in isolation but as a response to the latest U.S. provocation along with the relevant historical background and contexts, a point that was rightly highlighted by the Chinese envoy to the UN at Wednesday's UNSC meeting. "We have taken note of the recent launches by the DPRK. We have also noticed the multiple joint military exercises held by the U.S. and other countries recently in the region. A brief examination will reveal that the DPRK launch activities took place either before or after such military exercises, and did not exist in isolation," stated Geng Shuang, the Chinese Ambassador to the UN.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span><span style="color: #444444;"></span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2022-10-07/U-S-presence-a-key-factor-of-instability-in-the-Korean-Peninsula-1dW1moWofZu/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2022-10-07/U-S-presence-a-key-factor-of-instability-in-the-Korean-Peninsula-1dW1moWofZu/index.html</a></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="color: #444444;">September 27, 2022 By: </span><span style="color: #444444;">China Daily</span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>US is 'largest spreader of disinformation'</b></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/uploadfile/2022/0927/20220927110919245.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="393" data-original-width="600" height="320" src="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/uploadfile/2022/0927/20220927110919245.jpg" width="489" /></a></span></div><span style="color: #444444;"><br /><b><br /></b></span><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b><span style="font-size: medium;">T</span></b>he United States is "the largest spreader of disinformation", Foreign Ministry spokesman Wang Wenbin said, adding that the disinformation it has fabricated is being seen through and rejected by more and more people. Wang made the remark on Monday at a daily news conference when a reporter sought his comments on a report issued by the Stanford Internet Observatory in August. The observatory said it has found in a joint investigation "an interconnected web of accounts "on social media platforms that "used deceptive tactics to promote pro-Western narratives". "These campaigns consistently advanced narratives promoting the interests of the United States and its allies while opposing countries including Russia, China, and Iran," the observatory said. Wang cited the report, and said, "Many US media have disclosed that these fake accounts are suspected to have been managed by the US military with a purpose to conduct secret information warfare."</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/WORLD_0927/18979.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/WORLD_0927/18979.html</a></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">September 26, 2022 By: CGTN</span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>China urges U.S. to stop military interventions in Syria at UN session</b></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b><span style="font-size: medium;">A</span></b> senior Chinese diplomat on Thursday urged the U.S. to stop illegal military operations in and stealing oil from Syria, and stop unilateral sanctions against Syria to return human rights, wealth, freedom and dignity to Syrians. "We strongly condemned the illegal military intervention by the United States in Syria that undermines the basic human rights of the Syrian people and urged the United States to immediately stop its human rights violations," said Jiang Duan, minister of the Chinese Mission to the UN at Geneva, at the 51st regular session of the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in Vienna. Noting the Syrians still struggling with the poverty and war, Jiang said the U.S. and other Western countries should bear the responsibility for the tragedy. "The U.S. has frequently launched military interventions in Syria, resulting in massive civilian casualties and displacement and incalculable property losses," he said. In August, the U.S. launched a new round of airstrikes in eastern Syria. Jiang said the strikes "continuously violated Syria's sovereignty and territorial integrity and exacerbated the suffering of the Syrian people."</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/WORLD_0926/18970.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/WORLD_0926/18970.html</a></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">September 23, 2022 Source: China Military Online Editor: Chen Zhuo</span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>US seeking hegemony with nuclear force to harm other countries and itself</b></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://english.pladaily.com.cn/view/attachement/jpg/site2/20220923/1c697a5565c32497c96b1e.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="266" data-original-width="399" height="323" src="http://english.pladaily.com.cn/view/attachement/jpg/site2/20220923/1c697a5565c32497c96b1e.jpg" width="485" /></a></div><br /><p style="text-align: justify;"><br /></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b><span style="font-size: medium;">R</span></b>ecently, according to a report from the website of the US Defense News, Gen. Anthony Cotton, commander of the US Air Force Global Strike Command, stated that the US military enterprises are facing supply chain problems due to the impact of the COVID-19 epidemic and the recent international situation, which have shown influence on the progress of the US nuclear-weapons modernization programs. Analysts believed that the supply chain problem is just one of the multiple problems faced by the US nuclear-weapons modernization programs, and the negative consequences of the US’ “seeking hegemony with nuclear force” to others will boomerang on itself as well.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://english.pladaily.com.cn/view/2022-09/23/content_10186894.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://english.pladaily.com.cn/view/2022-09/23/content_10186894.htm</a></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">September 23, 2022 Source: China Military Online By: Zhang Jiadong Editor: Li Jiayao</span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>Why America's "new alliance system" is doomed to fail</b></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b><span style="font-size: medium;">I</span></b>n the history of international politics, the domination of a few countries over world politics is often transient and unsustainable. In terms of the West as a whole, it has dominated the world for more than 500 years, a rather long time in human history. In terms of sovereign states like Spain, the Netherlands, the UK and the US, the US has dominated world politics for nearly 100 years, the second longest after the old British Empire. The challenge to America’s domination in the 20th century and the first decade of the 21st century comes from within the West, which in the broad sense includes the Soviet Union, Germany, and Japan. During the Cold War, the West was split into two blocs, one headed by the Soviet Union and the other by the US, while countries like China and India belonged to the Third World whose relation with both blocs was unstable. As America’s rival, the Soviet Union in a way consolidated the alliance between the US, Japan and Europe, which gave Germany and Japan strategic opportunities after WWII. After the end of the Cold War, the world regained peace under American rule, but has also brought itself another crisis as, with the disappearance of a common threat, the global values were no longer able to resist the revolutionary pressure stemming from the adjustment of the international landscape. From the 80s to the 90s of the last century, Japan and European countries were on a constant rise while the US was on a relative decline. In 1995, Japan and Germany had a combined GDP larger than America’s. Under such circumstances, they were moving increasingly away from the US and dared to say “no” to it more often. When the financial crisis broke out in 2008, the West’s global position suffered a serious blow, and so did America’s leadership within the western hemisphere. In Asia, on the contrary, Southeast Asian countries, Japan, ROK and China were growing ever closer in economic and trade ties. In Europe, Germany and France had widening divergences on the Russian issue, with French President Macron claiming NATO is “brain dead”. America itself felt lost too, as people represented by former President Trump began to lose confidence and interest in maintaining American hegemony.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: small;"></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://english.pladaily.com.cn/view/2022-09/23/content_10186896.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://english.pladaily.com.cn/view/2022-09/23/content_10186896.htm</a></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">September 19, 2022 By: Ecns.cn Editor: Chen Tianhao</span><span style="color: #444444;"> </span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>(W.E. Talk) The U.S. 'Indo-Pacific Strategy' set to counter China and harms Asia-Pacific peace and security</b></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://image.cns.com.cn/ecns_editor/transform/20220919/zW7E-hceauqk3928759.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="309" data-original-width="550" height="274" src="http://image.cns.com.cn/ecns_editor/transform/20220919/zW7E-hceauqk3928759.jpg" width="487" /></a></div><br /><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b><span style="font-size: medium;">S</span></b>ince taking office, the Biden administration has gone all out to promote the Indo-Pacific Strategy, trying to draw in regional countries to contain China. But why is the strategy more of a threat to the peaceful development of the Asia-Pacific region? How does the Republic of the Philippines and other Southeast Asian countries view this strategy? In the face of American containment, how should China respond? In the latest W.E. Talk, Hu Bo, director of the South China Sea Strategic Situation Probing Initiative, Research Professor of the School of International Studies at Peking University and Lucio Blanco Pitlo III, research fellow at the Asia-Pacific Pathways to Progress Foundation, Member of the Board of Directors of the Philippine Association for Chinese Studies were invited to discuss on the above topics. Hu Bo pointed out that the U.S. has viewed the Asia-Pacific region as the most important theater of operations, and it has deployed more than 60% of U.S. air and marine military platforms in this region. He emphasized that although the United States is trying to piece together an anti-China alliance in Asia, Southeast Asian countries are generally reluctant to take a side. Facing the complicated situation, China has the confidence and ability to face the challenge. Lucio Blanco Pitlo III said that ASEAN members are concerned that competition of great powers may force them to choose sides, so they hope to de-escalate the situation through dialogue.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: small;"></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.ecns.cn/news/cns-wire/2022-09-19/detail-ihceauqk3928761.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.ecns.cn/news/cns-wire/2022-09-19/detail-ihceauqk3928761.shtml</a></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span>September 08, </span></span><span style="color: #444444;">2022</span><span style="color: #444444;"> By Li Jiabao</span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>Violations by US troops overseas arouse public outcry</b></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://english.pladaily.com.cn/view/attachement/jpeg/site2/20220908/1c697a556ddb2483fa0101.JPEG" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="257" data-original-width="400" height="312" src="http://english.pladaily.com.cn/view/attachement/jpeg/site2/20220908/1c697a556ddb2483fa0101.JPEG" width="486" /></a></div><br /><p style="text-align: justify;"><br /></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><b>F</b></span>or a long time, the American troops stationed overseas have claimed to maintain the so-called “order” and “rules” in the host countries under the pretext of “security cooperation”, while actually, they place themselves above the local laws under the protection of extraterritoriality. Their misconduct and violations have triggered a public outcry.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://english.pladaily.com.cn/view/2022-09/08/content_10183682.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://english.pladaily.com.cn/view/2022-09/08/content_10183682.htm</a></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span>September 07, </span></span><span style="color: #444444;">2022</span><span style="color: #444444;"> By Guo Xiaobing</span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>Why is US so eager to relax arms export?</b></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b><a href="https://opinion.huanqiu.com/article/49YAVydRcGD" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">美国为何急于放宽军火出口?</a></b></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b><span style="font-size: medium;">A</span></b>merican media reported that the US Department of Defense formed a so-called Tiger Team last month to be responsible for examining the efficiency of America's foreign arms sales and streamlining the process of the transactions. America's arms export is divided into two types. One is foreign military sales (FMS), which is implemented based on intergovernmental agreements; the other is direct commercial sales (DCS), which is through commercial channels. The limited information revealed by US media shows that the attempt to simplify the process mainly involves the intergovernmental FMS. This type of arms export is subject to the management of the Office of Regional Security and Arms Transfers (RSAT) under the Bureau of Political-Military Affairs, US Department of State, which, however, needs to work closely with the DoD's Defense Security Cooperation Agency (DSCA) in the approval process, and much of the work is carried out by the DoD too. The new Tiger Team will reform the part of the FMS process involving the DoD, and perhaps also relax the screening of the final users of the exported military equipment. The US is the world's largest arms exporter. Statistics from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) show that during the five years from 2017 to 2021, America's arms deals accounted for 39% of the global total, twice as large as the second-ranking Russia's. Why then is it so eager to relax the regulations and expand its arms export?</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://english.pladaily.com.cn/view/2022-09/07/content_10183746.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://english.pladaily.com.cn/view/2022-09/07/content_10183746.htm</a></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">August 23, 2022 Source: ECNS.CN Editor: Wang Xinjuan </span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>Plundering oil and food in Syria makes U.S. a world robber</b></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b><span style="font-size: medium;">U.</span></b>S. forces have stolen 398 tankers of Syrian oil since Aug. 11 and sent them to bases in Iraq, the Syrian state news agency SANA reported on Tuesday. On Aug. 8, the Ministry of Petroleum and Mineral Resources of Syria said that the average daily output of Syrian oil in the first half of 2022 was 80,300 barrels, while U.S. occupying forces and their "mercenaries" are grabbing an average of 66,000 barrels a day, accounting for over 83 percent of Syria's oil output. The ministry said that total losses in the oil sector amounted to about $105 billion by the end of the first half of 2022 since the beginning of the war on Syria, causing significant losses to the country's oil industry. The U.S. has listed Syria as a "state supporting terrorism" and occupied a large area of northeast Syria in the name of "anti-terrorism." But what it has actually done is plundering oil and gas resources in the country. Syria, which used to be an oil exporter, is now an oil importer, aggravating its energy crisis and hindering its reconstruction. The U.S. has long coveted oil in the Middle East. Former U.S. President Donald Trump has admitted in public that U.S. troops were left in Syria “only for the oil.”</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: small;"></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://english.pladaily.com.cn/view/2022-08/23/content_10179935.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://english.pladaily.com.cn/view/2022-08/23/content_10179935.htm</a></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">August 22, 2022 By: CGTN</span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>CGTN documentary ‘Remote Killing’ released</b></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="398" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/A99tzzochvY" width="480" youtube-src-id="A99tzzochvY"></iframe></div><span style="color: #444444;"><p style="text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-size: medium;">I</span></b>n the five years between January 2015 and January 2020, drone strikes killed 909 Afghan civilians, according to the Bureau of Investigative Journalism. Through interviews with victims, civilians who were mistakenly targeted, a former U.S. drone operator and independent investigators, "Remote Killing" exposes the numerous human tragedies caused by these unmanned but ruthless killers.</p></span><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/REVIEW_0822/2230.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/REVIEW_0822/2230.html</a></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">August 22, 2022 By: People's Daily </span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>Crimes U.S. has committed in Middle East: Establishing black sites, inhumanly treating prisoners</b></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">The United States has committed a series of crimes that have seriously violated international law in the Middle East and surrounding regions. Its torturing of prisoners from the Muslim community has become an indelible stain on the country’s human rights record. The “Costs of War” Project at Brown University in the U.S. has noted that following the 9/11 attacks, Washington orchestrated a system of black sites in at least 54 countries and regions across the world. Hundreds of thousands of people were detained at these sites, including Muslims, women and children. As early as 2003, the U.S. military blatantly abused detainees at Abu Ghraib Prison in Iraq, resulting in a large number of deaths. In September 2021, the U.S. prison and prisoner abuse practices at Bagram Air Base in Afghanistan were also exposed by the media. The Guantanamo Bay detention camp in Cuba, which the U.S. has continuously failed to shut down, is one of the notorious “black sites” the U.S. has established overseas to detain “terrorists” from the Middle East and elsewhere. The detention camp has locked up a total of some 780 prisoners, many of whom have been held without bringing any criminal charge. More than 30 people, old and frail, remain in the prison. They are deprived of their liberty for long periods of time and subjected to endless mental and physical torture.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span></span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://en.people.cn/n3/2022/0822/c90000-10138190.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://en.people.cn/n3/2022/0822/c90000-10138190.html</a></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">August 19, 2022 By: Xinhua</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>Biden's PACT Act highlights US double standards on human rights: US scholar</b></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/uploadfile/2022/0819/20220819022057907.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="520" data-original-width="800" height="317" src="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/uploadfile/2022/0819/20220819022057907.jpg" width="490" /></a></span></div><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></span></p><span style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-size: medium;">U</span></b>S President Joe Biden's PACT Act, which aids 3.5 million injured American veterans linked to toxic exposure in Iraq and Afghanistan, highlights the US double standards on human rights, as the Iraqis having the same sufferings have never been recognized and compensated, a US scholar has said. Carly A. Krakow, a writer and scholar at the New York University (NYU) School of Law's Center for Human Rights and Global Justice, made the remarks in an article published by Qatar's Al Jazeera website on Wednesday. Krakow revealed that during the US occupation of Iraq, a large number of military wastes such as ammunitions and chemicals were burned in the open air, causing serious toxic pollution in Iraq and endangering the health of Iraqis. "Many of those paying the highest price are Iraqi infants born two decades ago," wrote Krakow, adding that diseases linked to genetic damage in the Iraqi city of Fallujah, which was contaminated with depleted uranium munitions used by the US-led forces, have been documented at higher rates than in Hiroshima.</div></span><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/WORLD_0819/18762.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/WORLD_0819/18762.html</a></span></p><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">August 19, 2022 By: Xinhua</span></div><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>U.S. military interventions undermine world peace, violate human rights: Jordanian expert</b></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen='allowfullscreen' webkitallowfullscreen='webkitallowfullscreen' mozallowfullscreen='mozallowfullscreen' width='322' height='268' src='https://www.blogger.com/video.g?token=AD6v5dzaEl2nEcTUwRf9OMmcseF43tRqz7wCLqQHtAuRc8HupW8gumCaoQ2bQHOF8Oa_Mv87XHfjPtlogtnKfsqEIg' class='b-hbp-video b-uploaded' frameborder='0'></iframe></div><span style="color: #444444;"><p style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/REVIEW_0819/2226.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/REVIEW_0819/2226.html</a></p></span><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">August 18, 2022 By: Xinhua</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>U.S. violates human rights willfully, acting with arrogance and hegemony: Iraqi politician</b></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen='allowfullscreen' webkitallowfullscreen='webkitallowfullscreen' mozallowfullscreen='mozallowfullscreen' width='321' height='267' src='https://www.blogger.com/video.g?token=AD6v5dwK3q-P3jXNfe-8EQCydvVD52MjinfbLuVTn0bpV0GmA8qlTU8ubb19G-U9CW8Tsy5BlAg6l-xDjiJ31sE3pA' class='b-hbp-video b-uploaded' frameborder='0'></iframe></div><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b><span style="font-size: medium;">A</span></b>n Iraqi politician has said that the U.S. uses economic sanctions on other countries to achieve its political goals, exercises arrogance and hegemony and violates human rights by any standard. Dr. Kawa Mahmoud, secretary of Central Committee of Kurdistan Communist Party, said in a recent interview with Xinhua that no one should be exempted from the consequences of human rights violations.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/REVIEW_0818/2222.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/REVIEW_0818/2222.html</a></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">August 12, 2022 By: Xinhua</span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>U.S. abuses imprisonment, torture in Middle East: experts</b></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><iframe allowfullscreen='allowfullscreen' webkitallowfullscreen='webkitallowfullscreen' mozallowfullscreen='mozallowfullscreen' width='322' height='267' src='https://www.blogger.com/video.g?token=AD6v5dxw3ZbWWOvWrEd_jrbb8JDiEyXQWwfu-X_RWm5MfN2YpGXVx5Df-Q_nD3aREPxcGHu4UYEbMraeNpJDMJxMhQ' class='b-hbp-video b-uploaded' frameborder='0'></iframe></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><b>T</b></span>he U.S. has created "clash of civilizations," and has abused imprisonment and torture, violating freedom of religion and human dignity in the Middle East and surrounding areas. This is according to a report released by the China Society for Human Rights Studies (CSHRS) on Tuesday. The report said the U.S. has been hostile to Islamic civilization, destroyed the historical and cultural heritage of the Middle East, imprisoned and tortured Muslims recklessly, and seriously violated the basic human rights of people in the Middle East and other places. Check out what experts and former prison detainees have to say.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/REVIEW_0812/2216.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/REVIEW_0812/2216.html</a></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="color: #444444;">August 12, 2022 By: </span><span style="text-align: left;"><span style="color: #444444;">JAN YUMUL in Hong Kong/ </span></span><span style="color: #444444;">China Daily</span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>US deemed top culprit on rights abuses</b></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://global.chinadaily.com.cn/a/202208/12/WS62f590d9a310fd2b29e71b9d.html" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="500" data-original-width="750" height="325" src="http://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/202208/12/62f590d9a310fd2bec9bb333.jpeg" width="487" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><b style="color: #444444; font-size: large;">T</b><span style="color: #444444;">he United States has been the worst violator of human rights in nations around the world since the end of World War II, analysts say. Many of them say that when it comes to starting wars, illegal occupations, crimes against humanity and the backing of proxy conflicts around the globe, the US is second to none. Jawaid Iqbal, chairman of the Department of West Asian and North African Studies at Aligarh Muslim University in India, said the US has emerged as "the greatest violator of human rights". "The US government has attempted to hide these violations by superficially deploying the language of democracy and rules, a language that results in the further attrition of human rights," said Iqbal.</span></div></div><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span></span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/WORLD_0812/18719.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/WORLD_0812/18719.html</a></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">August 10, 2022 By: Xinhua</span></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>U.S. violation of human rights in Middle East denounced by experts</b></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><iframe allowfullscreen='allowfullscreen' webkitallowfullscreen='webkitallowfullscreen' mozallowfullscreen='mozallowfullscreen' width='322' height='267' src='https://www.blogger.com/video.g?token=AD6v5dxPwPvejkMAyDu2s6iJIvwhLHZxfyU0hWh5myhQPz71Tm60KS18IQWxnCOr2yG-eFCqk-vk594rc0imyt8aKA' class='b-hbp-video b-uploaded' frameborder='0'></iframe></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b style="font-weight: bold;"><span style="font-size: medium;">T</span></b>he China Society for Human Rights Studies (CSHRS) on Tuesday released a report, revealing a series of crimes committed by the United States in the Middle East and surrounding areas that seriously violated international law. Titled U.S. Commits Serious Crimes of Violating Human Rights in the Middle East and Beyond, the CSHRS report focused on Washington's systematic violations of human rights, including launching wars, massacring civilians, and damaging the right to life and survival; forced transformation, unilateral sanctions, severe infringement of people's rights to development, life and health; creating "clash of civilizations" and abusing imprisonment and torture, and violating freedom of religion and human dignity. It underlined that the United States has committed war crimes, crimes against humanity, arbitrary detention, abuse of torture, torture of prisoners, and indiscriminate unilateral sanctions in the Middle East and surrounding areas. Facts show that the United States has seriously violated the basic human rights of people in the Middle East and other places, causing permanent damage and irreparable losses to countries and people in the region, the report said.</span></div><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/REVIEW_0810/2213.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/REVIEW_0810/2213.html</a></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">August 09, 2022 By: Leng Shumei</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><b><span style="color: #444444;">Report on human rights violations in Middle East exposes US' barbarity, cruelty and hypocrisy</span></b></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><b>T</b></span>he China Society for Human Rights Studies (CSHRS) on Tuesday released a report, revealing a series of crimes committed by the US in the Middle East and surrounding areas that have seriously violated the basic human rights of people and caused permanent damage and irreparable losses to countries and people in the regions. The report, coming ahead of the first anniversary of the US' hasty withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan, which was left with a dire humanitarian crisis, shows that as the nature of American hegemony and the barbarity, cruelty and perniciousness of its power politics have been completely exposed, people of the world would have a better understanding of the hypocrisy and deception of American democracy and American human rights. Titled "US Commits Serious Crimes of Violating Human Rights in the Middle East and Beyond," the report focused on Washington's systematic violations of human rights, including launching wars, massacring civilians, and damaging the right to life and survival; forced transformation, unilateral sanctions, severe infringement of people's rights to development, life and health; creating a "clash of civilizations" and abusing imprisonment and torture, and violating freedom of religion and human dignity. The report said that the US has committed war crimes, crimes against humanity, arbitrary detention, torture of prisoners, and indiscriminate unilateral sanctions in the Middle East and surrounding areas.</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202208/1272590.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202208/1272590.shtml</a></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">August 09, 2022 By: CGTN</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>The Human Toll of U.S. Meddling</b></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="400" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/G9PvLZJ5hNU" width="481" youtube-src-id="G9PvLZJ5hNU"></iframe></div><span style="color: #444444;"><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><b>F</b></span>or more than two decades, from Afghanistan to Iraq and Libya to Syria, what type of human rights has the U.S. advocated? Are U.S. conflicts in the Middle East and beyond wars of necessity or wars of choice? Join us for "The Human Toll of U.S. Meddling," only on CGTN's "Dialogue".</p></span><p></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Jkb1f5eqUpM" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Jkb1f5eqUpM</a></span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">May 27, 2022 By: CGTN</span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><b><span style="color: #444444;">CGTN documentary: The Warmonger's Legacy</span></b></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="398" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/Jkb1f5eqUpM" width="478" youtube-src-id="Jkb1f5eqUpM"></iframe></div><p style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b><span style="font-size: medium;">S</span></b>ix hundred and twenty thousand civilians died in the Vietnam War, yet they have never received justice… Iraq was invaded, accused of developing weapons of mass destruction, yet this has been shown to be a lie. And for 20 years Afghanistan was a battleground in the war on terror, yet ultimately the Taliban regained power. Lies, self-interest and profit have created a vast web of international conflict, devastating the lands and peoples caught in it. And the responsibility rests with one country alone. The documentary "The Warmonger’s Legacy" reveals the shocking truth. </span></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2022-05-27/CGTN-documentary-The-Warmonger-s-Legacy-1anA8t6Mbn2/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2022-05-27/CGTN-documentary-The-Warmonger-s-Legacy-1anA8t6Mbn2/index.html</a></p><p style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/Features/06/" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; display: inline; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="418" data-original-width="1332" height="151" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiD1mOY1rA0UpqUlqiem8Czbp_jI3bzwqTUY_LnJwzC8DwEl6VFQksD48NZvWsHJmkp9L8PtGiL6oiLmc0ibOHEuQ5xC2ispceHA4GhRqfFIUY0_HiajRN8WB814Uu1aOsZ79SvXFk7TAqebgp-GFL2T5yfiC5-A2MTH-QYXNhUazrns3G3Lh-u06K1VA/w485-h151/Captura%20de%20pantalla%20(15).png" width="485" /></a></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; 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text-align: left;"><a href="https://traces-migrations.org/category/ressources/cinema/" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="435" data-original-width="800" height="266" src="https://www.acnur.org/thumb1/59a000284.jpg" width="488" /></a></div><br /><p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.oldbookillustrations.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/one-eyed-woman.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><br /></a><a href="https://www.oldbookillustrations.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/one-eyed-woman.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><br /></a><a href="https://www.oldbookillustrations.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/one-eyed-woman.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><br /></a><a href="https://www.oldbookillustrations.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/one-eyed-woman.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><br /></a><a href="https://www.oldbookillustrations.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/one-eyed-woman.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><br /></a><a href="https://www.oldbookillustrations.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/one-eyed-woman.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><br /></a><a href="https://www.oldbookillustrations.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/one-eyed-woman.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><br /></a><div style="text-align: left;"><b style="text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: medium;">Hipertelia
de la discusión filmada.</span><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-large;"> </span><span style="color: #444444; font-size: medium;">O la imposibilidad cierta </span></span></b><b style="text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: medium;">de <i>enceguecer</i> a un mundo entero </span></span></b></div></div><div style="text-align: left;">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"> </span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"> </span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #20aff6;">¿Cómo
se concatenan, a la manera de una <i>semiosis</i>
del proceso vincular (el relativo a relaciones humanas a pequeña escala y a
alguna perspicacia ideológica), las realidades filmográficas y las filmografías
de una realidad?</span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: left;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">Pablo P</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ALLAS</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: left;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;"><a href="https://www.dropbox.com/s/2uvunf412tiz9f0/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.pdf?dl=0" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Versión en PDF</a></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small; line-height: 150%;">Actualización última: 2021, diciembre 19</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><i><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"> París es</span></i><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
<i>la ciudad más bella</i>, ¿o es sólo un
mote que se torna en oxímoron despiadado para los miserables que injustamente
la padecen? La belleza en sí misma no resuelve el propósito de conmiseración o
de morigeración al impartir justicia, definitivamente a su vez no es condición
suficiente para aniquilar las miserias del mundo. El director Claus D</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">REXEL</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
realizó previamente al filme <i>Sous les
étoiles de Paris</i> un documental sobre las personas sin hogar a partir de un
título igual de poético: <i>Au bord du monde</i>.
Acaso acompasada esa sucesión a una trilogía, en referencia a una posterior
historia y proyecto cinematográfico: <i>Des
Hommes</i> (un relato acerca de cómo la guerra en Argelia ha quedado aunada a
la descompensada sociedad francesa). En este caso, pues, la propia antecedencia
indica.<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> No
es, claro, el mundo parisino de D</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">REXEL</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
la París idílica de 1900 que registraran los hermanos L</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">UMIÈRE</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">,
de aquella cinematografía afortunadamente recuperada, mediante breves tramos de
iteraciones, en sus fotogramas y etalonaje, donde e.g. se presentan párvulos que
rodean alguna fontana entre la arboleda invernal junto a sus veleros que hacen
de trebejo para un entretenimiento dominical, al hacerlos surcar en
circunvalación a la orilla, según los avatares de la propia brisa y los empujes
de su <i>jet d'eau</i>.<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
No hay una destacada cinematografía europea sin el despliegue de una
historia que trate acerca de la pregnancia de ese mundo francés que múltiples
directores han reinterpretado en el cierre fílmico, para bien de quienes
aprenden a realizar la videncia de un intelecto vívido y avizoran a su vez cómo
es que acaso se convence, si es que resultara posible, acerca de lo verdadero. No
habría erudito cinematográfico que no reconozca que la propia <i>Cinémathèque Française</i> de París es en sí
misma una institución referencial del producto narrativo que es preludio de
pensamiento nuevo. No trataría ese <i>oficio
de mitos</i> sólo acerca de la posible compilación narrativa de un editor de
cine que toma el metraje de un director que graba, sino a su vez de una comprensión
ideológica necesaria acerca de un estado del mundo y de aquella <i>teoría cinematográ</i>-<i>fica</i><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> que orienta la sintaxis escénica y la interclusión de otras formas de
representación que resuelven el contenido cinematográfico. No hay manera de
mantenerse indiferente a los avatares de aquel ensayo estético que discute cómo
acaso se concibe una película acerca de lo concreto de un mundo vívido. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
Es como la vida política misma que es intrínseca a las decisiones
políticas y que se hallan dadas sin sujetarse a la sola condición volitiva o al
poderoso <i>voto a bríos</i>, o como una
barca en medio de una tempestad que abruma debido a la lejanía de su puerto y
que vuelve al hombre cotidiano, incluso al hombre moralmente insulso, en el
propio mundo de su eje radial, un hombre necesitado de defenderse. La
pregnancia fílmica es inestimable en lo relativo al problema de su propósito en
el proceso vincular contemporáneo, no sólo respecto de su filmología, sino asimismo
de aquella filosofía del cine</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="color: black; letter-spacing: 0.3pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Arial Unicode MS";"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face="Calibri, "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 11pt; letter-spacing: 0.3pt; line-height: 115%;">[4]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
que atiende su producto en un bloque <i>crítico</i></span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: 0.3pt; line-height: 150%;">‑</span><i><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">regresivo</span></i><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
o <i>sintético</i></span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: 0.3pt; line-height: 150%;">‑<i>progresivo</i></span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">, tanto para
sumir al mundo en imágenes elusivas o alucinatorias como para especificar la
narrativa del mundo a partir de imágenes verdaderamente revolucionarias que
intervienen univer-salmente ese problema radical de sindéresis, y abrumador, y
que trata acerca de la «experiencia personal».</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"> «Christine» es el personaje
protagónico, es el protago-nismo que resuelve la actriz Catherine F</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">RONT</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
para el filme <i>Sous les étoiles de Paris</i>.
La actriz nutrió su interpretación de grabados antiguos como los publicados en <i>Les Mystères de Paris</i> de Eugène S</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">UE</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">.<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[5]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> El
filme resuelve su escena actante al encontrarse la protagonista con «Suli», un migrante
de ochos años que provendría de Burkina Faso —un personaje logrado mediante la
labor actoral del maliense Mahamadou Y</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">AFFA</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">—.
Ambos carecen de hogar. Ambos padecen el capitalismo de las calles parisinas
durante el invierno, su falta de abrigos y de alimentos y de dinero. A Christine
sólo le habría faltado el gorro frigio para parecerse a una república
envejecida y olvidada de sí misma. A Suli nada le faltaba para ser admirado
como un mundo africano excesivamente jovial que no comprende de imposibles y
que en la Europa</span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: 0.3pt; line-height: 150%;">‑</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">dédalo, a donde ha
sido arrastrado, en esa urbe parisina agrietada y resuelta <i>in medias res</i>, hurga desesperadamente entre los atisbos de su raíz
en el plano de la comunicación interpersonal, orienta su mundo entero al
hallazgo de su propia madre de quien se lo ha separado y que se hallaba en un
Centro de Retención Administrativa. A Suli, el sistema de deportación lo ha
separado de su madre a quien no sabe cómo volver a encontrar. Es Christine a
quien encontrará Suli en la París de heladas calles. Ambos se abocarán
desesperadamente a hallar a la madre desapa-recida, quien habría de ser
deportada de Francia a Austria.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
<u>De la realidad resuelta imagen.</u> El personaje de Christine de Catherine
FRONT trata acerca de la vida de una mujer sin hogar que vive al borde de un
puente. Es una mujer extrañada de sí misma, deshabituada al reconocimiento de
su <i>intimidad vital</i>, ensimismada en
los hábitos de la miseria, silenciosamente agradecida de los mendrugos que
recibe, a quien la palabra se le ha vuelto escasa. Y sus <i>relaciones humanas</i>, acompasadas en un campo de congruencias a las <i>relaciones del mundo</i> (al menos, a la
manera de un ensayo de «igualdades fuertes»<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn6" name="_ftnref6" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[6]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>), acaso
como operación material de intercambios entre personas, y acompasada a un
efluvio de tradiciones, se han reducido en el caso de su pauperismo a la
aceptación tácita y táctica del trato indignante hacia sí misma y de un carácter
y voluntad disueltos además en el anonimato que provoca la indefensión. Esa
París se vuelve inverosímil, así, incluso si se es crítico de aquella
francofilia que retrotrae a los aromas de una desgraciada servidumbre colonial
(un veneno fatal del que un poeta en armas y heroico como </span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="background: white; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;">H</span><span face=""Arial","sans-serif"" style="background: white; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ascii-font-family: "Arial Narrow";">ồ</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="background: white; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;"> Chí Minh </span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">intentaría curar, en un
mundo cruelmente desgarrado y con heridas de sangre sin cicatrizar). La
vagabunda Christine al principio no habla, o advierte poco de su propia razón,
instaurándose una escasez de sentido, o gruñe, o se sume en una pronunciación
meramente gutural, aunque después finalmente nacerá de esa mujer una voz
destemplada, una exaltación gular, y vociferará frenéticamente y toda su
persona se volvería una boca que blasfema contra de aquel mundo que no sabe
verla o incluso se niega a verla. Sólo es advertida entre excepcionales. De
todas maneras, a partir de estas impresiones audiovisuales rememoradas no se
esgrime que se trate de un filme contestatario; su relato se halla <i>cosido con hilo blanco</i> (así se apreciaría
en <i>Le Figaro</i>).<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn7" name="_ftnref7" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[7]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> Aunque,
igualmente, el filme <i>traza una
cartografía muy documentada de los lugares de la miseria</i> (es un plano de
exposición que se destacaría a su vez en <i>La</i></span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: 0.3pt; line-height: 150%;">‑</span><i><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">Croix</span></i><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">).<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn8" name="_ftnref8" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[8]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
No habría una imagen más sometida a la carne que una mujer que en vez de
vociferante se retrotrae a la sola conducta receptiva, como la nacida de los
desgarramientos de una república que ha olvidado sus ensueños de libertad, de
fraternidad y de igualdad —y que se deslinda del propósito moral de erradicar
del mundo, al fin, los silencios injustos, esos que no traducirían la <i>herida abierta</i> en una queja positiva,
sosteniéndose de una lógica de respuestas asertivas—. La desobediencia cartesiana,
al menos esa que aniquila el <i>fijismo</i>
del silencio injusto mediante el que se recubre a los oprimidos, se nutre de
tecnologías aprehendidas a sangre y fuego, sobre todo en los territorios
africanos neocoloniales, como bien puede remedarse de un acertado florilegio que
critica la acritud moral del liberalismo ramplón, ese que pulula en sociedades
pauperizadas, y siendo que los comunistas de Zimbabwe han sabido volverlo además
una iteración propagandista y, a la vez, un dispositivo de razón: <i>When I give food to the poor they call me a
saint</i>. <i>When I ask why are the
poor hungry they call me a communist</i>.<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn9" name="_ftnref9" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[9]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> En
el filme, se muestra a Christine, verdaderamente mimetizada, y de manera
bellamente undívaga, además, junto a personas pobres y sin hogar acogidos para
alimentarse en el primer distrito de París, a la entrada del templo católico de
Saint</span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: 0.3pt; line-height: 150%;">‑</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">Leu</span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: 0.3pt; line-height: 150%;">‑</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">Saint</span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: 0.3pt; line-height: 150%;">‑</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">Gilles.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
Ese corpúsculo social de silencio en que se sume el indigente, incluso
en las condiciones de una iconografía del miedo (o del agradecimiento sumiso),
implicaría a su vez la imposición política <i>del
no saber hablar con el otro</i>. Implicaría carecer propiamente de esa
necesaria <i>capacidad para la experiencia </i>que
torna al sujeto lógico una criatura verdaderamente majestuosa, si se asume la
metafísica semiótica de su proceso vincular implicado, y no debido a que el
habla del otro resultara un objeto extraño (en tanto problema material de la <i>cosignificación</i> y de la existencia misma
de la lengua sólo como L<sub>k</sub>), siendo que esto se resuelve en el
ejercicio de la traducción, o porque acaso no hubiese una <i>telecomunicación</i> posible entre diálogos resquebrajados, entre las
condiciones <i>cronolectal </i>o <i>sociolectal </i>en que se realizaran, algo
posible de solucionar asimismo mediante pedagogos, sino porque los mundos de una
persona y de otra se hallaran ensimismados y cada quien en su propia
alucinación (el proceso vincular no se torna orgánico, la valoración histórica
e institucional de los actos se disuelve en el perspectivismo). <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
<u>De la imagen amplificada.</u> Habrá incluso un presente
teletecnológico que discurrirá tal vez esta cuestión de las relaciones humanas,
en un plano de clases de comunicación (regidas mediante la psiquiatría o la
política), así como su propósito de organización y sentido, mediante tecnicismos
que permitan argumentar algún «metaverse». De ese <i>metaverso</i> que hubo sido ensayado e.g. por Neal S</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">TEPHENSON</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
en su obra <i>Snow Crash</i>. Es de suponerse
que sus nuevos mundos se convalidarán a partir de la sofisticación de las
ortopedias hápticas, u otras, además, asociándose a tecnologías que remitan a aplicaciones
digitales cognitivas, a dispositivos ópticos, a vestuarios electrónicos
acondicionados a esa operatoria, a interfaces nuevas relativas al tipo de telemundo,
al control de los intercambios en su <i>condición
humana</i>, a nuevas redes de comunicación, a una telemática cuántica, a una criptoeconomía
y una ciberseguridad orientadas a esa nueva radicación de las transacciones, al
almacenamiento de datos, valiéndose de la biología sintética, etc., resueltas
mediante una robótica blanda y la ciencia perceptiva (además de otros múltiples
cierres categoriales pertinentes o atingentes a la vivificación de todo mundo
remoto).<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn10" name="_ftnref10" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[10]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Esos nuevos actos de <i>imitación aún
autómata de una fuente viva</i>, se habrán de enserir al enfrentamiento del
relato del sujeto lógico con la supervivencia del valor político de sus condiciones
materiales de vínculo, siendo que podrían reducirse incluso a la sola
complementariedad social o estilización de los intercambios, y quien
ensimismado en lo ficcional del avatar, en su sintaxis de <i>gadgets</i>, (algo que comenzó a revisarse mediante el argot de la <i>antisocialización</i>), acaso no logre
desbordar las condiciones de un entretenimiento</span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: 0.3pt; line-height: 150%;">‑</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">de</span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: 0.3pt; line-height: 150%;">‑</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">sólo</span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: 0.3pt; line-height: 150%;">‑</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">relato
que lo inhabilite finalmente a decidir al influjo de los géneros de
materialidad, y de su relación no</span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: 0.3pt; line-height: 150%;">‑alternativa de géneros,</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
para reconocer y deslindarse de toda hipotética delirante, y que debido a sus amplificaciones,
se volviese torpe y funcional a la ideología del deleite necio habido en la opresión
a la racionalidad de un estado del mundo (volviéndose acaso el sujeto</span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: 0.3pt; line-height: 150%;">‑</span><i><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">conectado</span></i><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
un alucinado crónico de nuevo tipo). Esto, claro, no sería un mero objeto de
distopía, el sólo escopo de un plano de <i>interpretación
ciberpunk</i> acerca de los procesos vinculares, sino un problema radical de
geo</span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: 0.3pt; line-height: 150%;">‑</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">antropografía
donde las decisiones políticas sólo resulten remitidas a claustros racistas y a
elites de eruditos —u otras formas de areópago—. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
En una noche fría de luna llena en París (no podría haber un cuadro de
mayor realce cinematográfico), Suli desaparece de la vista de la vagabunda. Dormitaban
al resguardo de una plaza. Hay un cantante de calle que interpreta con su
acordeón una melodía. Y delante del cantante pasa una mujer negra, acaso la
personificación de la mismísima África, vestida como entre tules sanguinos. El infante
la mira o la admira e irreflexivamente se conduce tras aquella dama nocturnal,
como si un guerrillero aventurero siguiese el <i>progressus</i> de su tierra madre robada por una Europa que no se
emblematizaría tanto como una «madre patria» sino, sobre todo, sólo como una <i>mala madrastra</i>. El relato
cinematográfico, acaso a la manera de una cesura enserida a una noche parisina
de invierno, como la métrica aplicada a la poesía moderna (distinto a la
sucesión de la poseía clásica), hace aparecer a aquella dama envuelta en
volutas enrojecidas mientras el extranjero trovador le canta a la noche. Suli la
mira, vive acaso un ensueño despierto, y la confunde a esa dama extraña con su
madre, la desaparecida a causa de la deportación. La sigue, prosigue su
devenir. Es, esa dama de la noche, un África misma inalcanzable. La semejanza con
su madre desaparecida que impone a esa mujer que transita las despobladas
calles parisinas de invierno, es de suponerse sólo causada por la desesperación
y su infantilidad esperable. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
La vagabunda es esa otra mujer que recorre en las condiciones de la
desesperación y el agobio los recovecos de su París, hasta que debajo de un
puente, en ese submundo parisino, reencuentra al infante ido de su lado y junto
a otros varones provenidos de su patria, sólo varones migrantes adultos, de la misma
patria africana de que es oriunda su madre apresada. Uno de los migrantes
africanos se acerca a la vagabunda parisina. Debajo del puente, el migrante
le cuenta a la vagabunda acerca de la valentía de Suli que ha llegado en patera
y ha surcado desiertos, montañas y guerras (una geografía humana que en efecto
intervienen otras geografías). La vagabunda elogia el francés que habla el migrante.
Y el migrante se lo aclara: es la colonización —y agrega que tiene estudios—. Y es </span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="line-height: 150%;">la <i>Françafrique</i> y su legado sangriento de relaciones coloniales; y a pesar de su hedor a muerte, ¿acaso no continuría añorada entre la seductora oligarquía parisina y sus financistas y burócratas? </span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">La vagabunda, así, se contrapondría a otra dimensión de análisis que no será el
de la colonización sino el de la universalización de las formulaciones que
resuelve la civilización: <i>los astros se
atraen de forma proporcional al producto de su masa que es inversamente
proporcional al cuadrado de la distancia que los separa</i>. ¿<i>Sabe qué es eso</i>?, pregunta la vagabunda
(iluminándose su rostro, al saberse causa de la erudición). Ella misma lo responde:
<i>Newton</i>, <i>la teoría de Newton</i>. El migrante africano que se hallaría perplejo
(a la manera que discerniese Maimónides), ante esa universalidad tácita sólo
atina a comentarle <i>no tengo INTERNET</i>.
¿Cómo podría acaso volverse un objeto de interés estadístico y de urbanización
ese diálogo entre miserables, ese <i>no
tengo INTERNET</i>, siendo que de alguna manera justifica por <i>refractación</i> el ostracismo que padecen
en lo socio</span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: 0.3pt; line-height: 150%;">‑</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">espacial y en las
propias redes digitales (las aplicadas como «redes sociales» o «redes
antisociales»)?<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn11" name="_ftnref11" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[11]</span></span></span></a></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
<u>Del sólo individuo desbordado.</u> Es Suli quien bajo un puente juega
con un caleidoscopio obtenido por la vagabunda —se lo obsequiaba acaso para que
mirara con sus ojos nuevos—. Luego, el párvulo gime y solloza bajo el puente a
causa de la ausencia continuada de su madre capturada. Estos varones bajo un
puente en que los cobijaron son de Burkina Faso, de una heroica tierra
refundada, aquella que hubo sido la nación del Alto Volta y que sería
transformada en el <i>País de los hombres
íntegros </i>—como ese patriota que sería Thomas S</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">ANKARA</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">,
su prócer—.<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn12" name="_ftnref12" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[12]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
¿Sería acaso posible abatir la alienación a partir de la empatía?
Definitivamente es insuficiente. La vagabunda pregunta al migrante de Burkina
Faso a <i>dónde lleva la policía a gente
como tú</i>. Le muestra una hoja documento —la vagabunda se lo presenta al
migrante— y advierten que es una orden de expulsión, para que se vuelva a
Austria a causa de la ley europea o, como lo aclarará el migrante a la mujer
mendiga, a <i>causa de la dublinización</i><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn13" name="_ftnref13" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[13]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> de
la ley y de los registros de huellas. El migrante le cuenta que en Austria es
donde se le habrían tomado las huellas digitales a esa madre atrapada en
Francia. El asilo se le circunscribe al territorio de Austria. El espacio Schengen
es inexistente o apenas artilugio para el africano migrante que busca refugio
(no se le permite salir de su propio <i>gueto
administrativo</i>). Para el africano perseguido solo hay espacios de «apartheid»
en la propia Europa (como el <i>apartheid</i>
sudafricano que la misma Francia durante la otrora administración M</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">ITTERRAND</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
silenciara, al mismo tiempo que la revolución de Burkina Faso justamente lo denunciaba).<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn14" name="_ftnref14" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[14]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Quedó obligada la madre de Suli a pedir el asilo en Austria y no podría
relocalizarse dentro de la propia Europa, no en Francia. El migrante bajo el
puente le dirá a la vagabunda adepta a los principios newtonianos: <i>No nos queda más remedio</i>. <i>Si la policía francesa te detiene</i>, <i>te deportará a Austria</i>. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
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Este largometraje, algo propio, además, y, en general, de la mismísima parsimonia
cinematográfica francesa, de aquella cinemateca que sabe referirse a la
exaltación de la lentitud y flema de su obrar narrativo, permite algún <i>regressus</i> al propósito de <i>una construcción de la idea de persona</i>.<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn15" name="_ftnref15" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[15]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> Aunque,
claro, en el arquetipo pedagógico del discurso, de ese que existe en el reflujo
hegemónico dado acaso como <i>lado activo
del idealismo</i><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn16" name="_ftnref16" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[16]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><i> </i>en que se encastilla el <i>sentido común</i> o la <i>opinión</i>, no debe confundirse acaso la moralidad de un <i>testimonio</i><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn17" name="_ftnref17" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[17]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
que se formula con fervor y anhelo de veracidad, siendo además un dispositivo
transaccional interpersonal, a aquella otra expresión intrínsecamente colectiva
de lo narrado que cristaliza, y en su condición de registro, en unas <i>ciencias humanas</i> que se refractan como <i>ideologías confusas e incontroladas</i><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn18" name="_ftnref18" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[18]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>.
Permite el transcurrir del filme no sólo la reflexión acerca de la persona</span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: 0.3pt; line-height: 150%;">‑</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">y</span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: 0.3pt; line-height: 150%;">‑</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">su</span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: 0.3pt; line-height: 150%;">‑</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">carácter
como producto radial necesario de una <i>sociedad
de personas</i> y de su proceso vincular sino de la persona</span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: 0.3pt; line-height: 150%;">‑circular</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
a su vez en su <i>estado solitario</i>.<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn19" name="_ftnref19" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[19]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
<u>De la sola personificación desbordada.</u> Así, el relato fílmico que
trata acerca de la <i>vagabunda parisina</i>
y el (o su) <i>párvulo ilegal</i> —una pieza
más finalmente de entre tantos otros relatos cinematográficos, de una
cinemateca irremisi-blemente vuelta, además, un verdadero cosmos simbólico— hasta
retrotrae, y es que es capaz de provocarlo, a la manera de escopos relativos a
ese proceso vincular que existe revestido de testimonios, al problema de la
mismísima <i>ciencia interesada</i> que
tratara un sabio de Córdoba como Ibn Hazm.<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn20" name="_ftnref20" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[20]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
La vagabunda finalmente parecería lograr la comprensión de sí misma,
volviéndose ese relato cinematográfico, su exacto propagandismo de la
esperanza, una forma posible de <i>Oda a la
alegría</i>, de comprensión posible de esa sinfonía beethoveniana, nacida del
poema de Friedrich S</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">CHILLER
</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">y
devenida en himno comunitario europeo (en algunas ocasiones velarizado, a causa
de su cuerpo de malos tribunos). En escenas finales la actriz se golpea y
lacera la cabeza sobre la traslucidez de una vidriera blindada del aeropuerto
para que al otro lado, donde su voz no alcanza la razón del otro ni es
percibida y no hay símbolo de palabra escuchada (sino sólo fenómeno apotético),
el escándalo se vuelve semejanza o continuidad definitiva de su justa desesperación
por el otro. Es mirada. Acaso sólo al final de todo, es mirada. La guardia se
encamina hacia ella, la vagabunda. La madre negra a ser deportada, al mirarla,
advierte tras de aquella otra mujer desamparada a su propio hijo que la buscara
durante los días invernales y las noches invernales de las calles parisinas.
Igual es deportaba. Igual se ejecuta ese <i>artilugio
aduanero</i>. Aunque no se hallará solitaria, su hijo la acompaña en el acto de
deportación. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
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El relato de la libertad finalmente es «superado» por el de la alegría
(donde la realización de sí no impide proyectarse, dado que se continúa como
vivificación de sí mismo en la dedicación al otro incluso como consolación
esperanzada). Aquellas últimas escenas de alguna manera parecerían ensamblarse
críticamente acaso a una <i>geopolítica del
maltrato</i>. Valdría rememorar la sentencia que Miquel B</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">ARCELÓ</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
en <i>Cuadernos de África</i> retomara de
François A</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">UGIÉRAS</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
y de su obra <i>Le voyage des morts</i>:
«África: último campo de experimentación de Occidente».<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn21" name="_ftnref21" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[21]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> No
es un problema sólo aquella carencia de habla consigo mismo mediante la que el
propio ahogo del sujeto —y respecto de sí mismo— se resuelve en una nada de
introspección, o en una profundísima analgesia culpógena, o en un
ensimismamiento necio, etc., lo es asimismo la inhabilidad social para
confrontar colectivamente y a tiempo los <i>indicios
de deshumanización</i><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn22" name="_ftnref22" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[22]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
por los que el sujeto positivo de videncia se amilana al mecanismo vincular de
la recepción y las aceptaciones perpetuadas a causa del horror plutocrático impuesto
a sus asociaciones determinadas —al que ciertamente acostumbra el paisaje
capitalista—. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
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El producto audiovisual, como dispositivo didascálico, interviene
efectivamente aquellos sentidos estéticos mediante los que el sujeto lógico, y
por su atributo alotético, reconoce, delimita e identifica las cosas del mundo
y las define para resolver el mismísimo producto de la razón. Y sin bien remite
a planos inconmensurables entre sí, refiere a un obrar en el mundo que permite
incluso discutir <i>el problema de la bondad</i>.
No trata acerca de su condición gramatical que hasta permitiría ensoñar alguna
estética acerca de la bondad, sino de su ejercicio de arqueología política
(i.e. de una orientación aplicada, propiamente socrática del interés
transaccional habido entre sujetos de decisiones), a partir de diferentes
cierres categoriales, así como de cierres tecnológicos o procesuales respectivos
que se codeterminan, puesto que podrían comprenderse sus múltiples <i>registros de bondad</i> en la condición </span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="line-height: 150%;"><i>β</i><span style="font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: 0.3pt;">‑</span></span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">operatoria
de sus análisis, i.e., sobre todo, enciclopédicamente y por su praxiología.<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn23" name="_ftnref23" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[23]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Esto, lo audiovisual como ensayo acerca de la miseria y del ostracismo a partir
del relato fílmico (aunque cabe la desorientación de radicar los diálogos, los
monólogos y hasta el discurrir de las escenas sólo en el plano del oropel, al
igual que el rico oropel de aquella realidad que es vívida, impidiéndose así la
tarea pedagógica de ver aquello que <i>existe
detrás</i>), finalmente, su propedéutica, es una materia política que refiere a
la Francia de siglo XXI, aunque, incluso, asimismo, a aquella otra Francia, a
la Francia anterior que sería la vivida por un Jean</span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: 0.3pt; line-height: 150%;">‑</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">Paul
S</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">ARTRE</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
excepcional, la de una Francia a su vez en resistencia antinazi. Una Francia a
la que pertenece ese pensador, quien supo ser a la vez filósofo e intelectual —al
menos esa es la relevancia que le dictaría B</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">UENO</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">, quien además
afirmará que nunca ha existido en Europa esa <i>inteligencia</i>, siendo que se recae en confundir el acto de hablar acerca
de alguna cuestión académica en un plano de doxografía con el del análisis de
la realidad a la que remite el intelectual y el filósofo, a la que remite en
resumidas cuentas el verdadero filosofar—.<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn24" name="_ftnref24" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[24]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
<u>Del sistema opresivo.</u> Es, pues, en todo caso, esa bondad
referida, una bondad que se resuelve de manera no</span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: 0.3pt; line-height: 150%;">‑</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">alternativa
en las condiciones de la experiencia no</span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: 0.3pt; line-height: 150%;">‑</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">personal.
Aunque los procesos vinculares intervenidos por el oligopolio de la telemática
no necesariamente permitirían, no ya la bondad como carácter intrínseco a la
relación social, sino, ni tan siquiera una propedéutica a la bondad como
alternativa transaccional: «La periodista filipina Maria R</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">ESSA</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
criticó a Facebook por "priorizar la difusión de mentiras junto con la
agresión y el odio frente a los hechos"».<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn25" name="_ftnref25" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[25]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> Ha
comenzado a ser paradigmático, al fin, el señalar a las «empresas gigantes», y
en un marco oligopólico, y vueltas imperio, integradas a lo que se ha dado a
conocer como la GAFAM, entre las que se reconocen Google, Amazon, Facebook,
Adobe, Microsoft, siendo unidades económicas tecnológicas que han llevado
demasiado lejos sus silos de información y con ello las trabas a un deambular
libre de vallas por la INTERNET, algo que sucede cada vez con mayor frecuencia a
partir de modelos de negocios excluyentes y sin suficiente justificación legal.
Dominan una red de redes que interviene —distinto del mito de la robotización—
el mundo del trabajo, y, orientándolo a una precariedad aberrante, mediante
modelos de economía GIG y volviéndose paradigma neoliberal su nueva esclavitud
(la del <i>emprendedurismo</i>, la del <i>freelance</i>, la de su economía
colaborativa que transforma en quimeras derechos laborales y previsionales basales
para la dignificación del acto de trabajar), además de confirmarse mediante
operaciones de obtención de recursos sin contribución fiscal o de distorsiones
que provoca en los mercados y las finanzas públicas, dándose una ausencia de
gravamen aunque se produce valor añadido. Y se agrega a esto la economía de los
<i>clicks</i> y los <i>likes</i>, su propio ambiente basado en <i>influencers</i> y <i>meta
influencers</i>.<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn26" name="_ftnref26" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[26]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Esos <i>Goliat</i> procuran definitivamente
obtener inmunidad fiscal, los <i>David</i>
los vencerán. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
La propia relación docente</span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: 0.3pt; line-height: 150%;">‑</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">discente
que implica la relación discente</span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: 0.3pt; line-height: 150%;">‑</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">mundo
se hallaría intempestivamente abrumada por el oligopolio telemático y su
esquema anglosajón de intervención de procesos. Las relaciones humanas de las personas
con sus mundos de interés, y entre las personas, así, finalmente, así como el
problema moral y abrumador de la deshumanización del acto civilizado (incluso
por la absolutización de la vía del tecnicismo, harto aplicada por el estado
nazi y algo así debe remarcarse una y otra vez), si se recreara la asignatura
de su problema como el ejercicio de un contenido programático que forma al
sujeto de trabajo y de república, cabría discutirlas no como un mero objeto
doxográfico sino como un escopo pedagógico relativo a aquellas realidades a las
que se les identifica un criterio de relación que cristaliza el porqué de sus
propias transformaciones. Esto implica definir las realidades en su condición
adjetivada. E implica lógicamente a la situación interrogativa. Un caso lo es
el presentado por otro filme que nuevamente tiene <i>a la París</i> <i>de los mendigos</i>
como protagonista: <i>Fahim</i> —del
director Pierre</span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: 0.3pt; line-height: 150%;">‑</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">François M</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">ARTIN</span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: 0.3pt; line-height: 150%;">‑</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">L</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">AVAL</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">—.
En ese filme, el personaje de «Mathilde» interpretado por Isabelle N</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">ANTY</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">,
siendo la funcionaria de una escuela de ajedrez, formula una pregunta desesperada
en un programa radiofónico en que se entrevista a un político francés, y, a la
manera de un evangelio, inyecta su queja moral interrogada: ¿<i>La Francia es el país de los derechos
humanos o simplemente es el país de la declaración de los derechos humanos</i>?
Lo pregunta consternada, ante la deportación inminente de un avanzadísimo
estudiante de ajedrez de su escuela, y que trata justamente acerca de «Fahim»,
interpretado por Ahmed A</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">SSAD</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">,
y también acerca de su padre, quien es un vendedor ambulante de rosas rojas, ambos,
oriundos de Bangladesh y venidos a Francia, y siendo que superviven padre e
hijo a la intemperie en la Porte des Lilas junto a otros bangladesíes (y
padecen las calles, también junto a otros excluidos sociales, a otros
migrantes, nombrados como «los vagabundos», al igual que los afganos que se
hallan en el Canal Saint</span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: 0.3pt; line-height: 150%;">‑</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">Martin, o los
somalíes en Porte de La Chapelle). <o:p></o:p></span></p>
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París, ¿qué sucede contigo París y con tu histórica comuna? ¿O cómo es
que lo preguntarían los narradores como Victor Hugo? ¿Qué sucede contigo vieja Europa?
¿Acaso la París de la Comuna simplemente mirará impertérrita, de brazos
cruzados, <i>una mañana</i>, <i>tras un sueño intranquilo</i>, cómo la vieja
Europa adquiere un rostro deforme de toda humanidad, acaso deformado por un «Éric
Zemmour» y su patética <i>Reconquista</i>?
¿Acaso es razonable ser testigo ciego de esa horrorosa <i>metamorfosis kafkiana</i>? No sea que como le sucediera a «Gregor Samsa»
(ese personaje sometido y sin derecho a enfermar de Franz K</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">AFKA,</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
ese escritor judío que mediante su admirable alarma en<i> Die Verwandlung</i> se funda como autor universal, siendo que a partir
de ese personaje observa, a su vez, las condiciones del trashumante enajenado,
de las propias relaciones humanas enajenadas y de sus actos codeterminados), o será
simplemente que apenas atine a la sola perplejidad de sí mismo: —¿<i>Qué me ha ocurrido</i>? Mejor sería para la
anquilosada Europa una anterioridad presente que le permita ciertamente
revelarse contra toda lengua carcunda, proclive y ansiosa en destilar el veneno
racista y xonófobo: —¿<i>Qué me ocurre</i>? Ahora,
¿<i>qué me ocurre</i>?<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"> Habría
que recordar a su vez que Gregor Samsa acostum-braba a dormir <i>sobre su lado derecho</i>, aunque luego de
la «metamorfosis» sólo le sería posible <i>quedar
de espaldas</i> y siendo que <i>su costado
izquierdo parecía una única y larga cicatriz que le daba desagradables tirones</i>
—todo le resulta difícil <i>debido a su
delicado costado izquierdo</i>—. Y ya no le resultaría posible a su vez conciliar
el sueño. Gregor se vuelve, según los literatos, algo así como un «escarabajo»
(un coleóptero que según el simbolismo egipcio que lo refiere, retomado posteriormente
entre griegos y romanos, si es de alas recogidas tratará acerca de la vida que
aún no ha podido florecer, o, si además de sus élitros posee alas posteriores
desplegadas implicaría por otra parte la posibilidad de resucitar). Es <i>el escarabajo</i> que dedica su vida
pedestre a hacer rodar una borla de estiércol que se descompone, más cada vez,
aunque, es, no obstante, también un elemento nutricio para aquellas semillas que
acaso lograran fructificar. Gregor se vuelve un escarabajo de textura coriácea;
abandonado y raquítico, le tomó el gusto a las <i>verduras pasadas medio podridas</i>, a los <i>huesos de la cena</i>, al <i>queso
rancio e incomible</i>, a <i>restos de pan</i>,
entre otros desperdicios acompañados por agua —puesto que la leche agradablemente
fresca le resultaría imbebible—. Luego simplemente muere abandonado y postrado
en su propio hogar, en su alcoba despersonalizada, o vacía de misericordia a
sus propios restos mortales, localizado en algún tramo de la Charlottenstraße
de su ciudad</span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: 0.3pt; line-height: 150%;">‑</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">mundo. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
Así, a partir de la recurrencia cinematográfica de unos «derechos
humanos» ufanamente proclamados por la vieja Europa, en Estrasburgo, a la vez,
mediante un Parlamento Europeo que los tremola injustificadamente, es que se resuelve
el reconocimiento de la tragedia, de una maldad expandida, acaso a la manera del
personaje de Mathilde, en el filme <i>Fahim</i>,
mediante formulaciones interrogativas, como <i>functor</i>
del propio objeto fílmico, incluso si es dado en la condición degradada del
enigma (capaz de <i>quitar el sueño</i>, o de
obliterar los sueños), o incluso como mero objeto de intertextualidad. Discute ese
mundo fílmico a una vieja Europa que vuelve, sí, otra vez, a pecar de
fariseísmo (siendo e.g. el</span> «<span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">Premio
Sájarov a la Libertad de Conciencia» uno de sus dispositivos civilizatorios de
siglo XX que resultó devenido, fariseísmo mediante, a homenaje de causas
reaccionarias, a mero propagandismo obtuso y tenebroso para la facilitación de
su intervencionismo). Es un relato europeísta rasguñado en su ideología racista,
a partir e.g. de una relación de relatos de migración y de estéticas en los
planos audiovisual y fotográfico posibles de reconocer en la labor documental de
cineastas como Ferruccio G</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">OIA</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn27" name="_ftnref27" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[27]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
o Iván L</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">ÓPEZ</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn28" name="_ftnref28" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[28]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
entre tantas otras personalidades que destacan por su comprensión de esa
faraónica cinemateca. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
<u>De la opresión cierta.</u> Esta crisis migratoria se trasluce en toda
la Europa, en sus fronteras aceradas, en toda su sensibilidad social
petrificada en los tecnicismos de sus aduanas, aunque se halla la propia <a href="https://www.openarms.es/es/que-hacemos/lesbos" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Lesbos</a>
que lastimosamente sobresale como símbolo de ese desprecio al necesitado, a quien
cada vez más se lo difumina en el disimulo de su desaparición narrativa. A ese
corazón del martirio donde Lesbos es, no sólo una ínsula, sino, toda una Europa
entretejedora de fronteras y más fronteras inexpugnables contra del menesteroso
y hambriento, a esa Lesbos es que retornaría Franciscus PP para reiterar una
sentencia moral: «(...) Y, ¡cuántas condiciones indignas del hombre! ¡Cuántos
puntos críticos donde los migrantes y refugiados viven en situaciones límite,
sin vislumbrar soluciones en el horizonte! Y, sin embargo, el respeto a las
personas y a los derechos humanos —especialmente en el continente que no cesa
de promoverlos en el mundo— debería ser salvaguardado siempre, y la dignidad de
cada uno debería ser antepuesta a todo. Es triste escuchar que el uso de fondos
comunes se propone como solución para construir muros».<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn29" name="_ftnref29" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[29]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
Y si de muros se trata, la propia agencia de fronteras <i>Frontex</i> parecería reconocerse
definitivamente como una organización criminal de la Unión Europea que se
asocia ilegalmente a operaciones de financiamiento para la patrulla y persecución
costera en el Mediterráneo, el saboteo de operaciones de rescate humanitario,
la captura de migrantes, el secuestro, la detención en cárceles clandestinas
africanas como la de Al Mabani en territorio libio, la tortura, el comercio
esclavo y hasta el asesinato de migrantes que finalizan su travesía en
sepulcros innominados —es un corolario razonable, y horroroso, si se asumen
como referencias los nefastos casos denunciados que publicaran <i>SWI</i><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn30" name="_ftnref30" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[30]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> o
<i>The Outlaw Ocean Project</i><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn31" name="_ftnref31" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[31]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>,
entre otros múltiples órganos periodísticos—. ¿El propósito de la Unión Europea
es que los migrantes africanos, en resumidas cuentas, incluso al precio que
resultara necesario de la fatalidad, nunca lleguen a Europa, salvo en raras
excepciones sólo para que sean un objeto de propagandismo de democracia capitalista,
funcional a las relaciones públicas de sus <i>oficinas
de prensa</i>? La propia cinemateca europea, en su multiplicidad estética,
parecería ofrecer por respuesta un sí rotundo, una horrorosa afirmación que
sume en la inmoralidad a toda una existencia posible de relaciones humanas
supuestamente orientadas a la ayuda humanitaria, siendo que la Unión Europea
termina por contrariar con su racismo y xenofobia toda dignificación de la
persona, en el mundo transaccional de las naciones que implica mucho más que el
sólo propagandismo filantrópico operado mediante publicitadas donaciones de
fondos. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
<u>De la necesidad del otro.</u> La necesidad social y vital de mirar a
ese otro sin el veneno racista o xenófobo, además, trata acerca de una práctica
moral que ha impregnado como objeto narrativo al propio registro
cinematográfico. Podría remedarse un
filme con tinte de comedia que acentúa o replica con su título, y hasta la
irrealidad, la sentencia <i>Je pourrais être
votre grand</i></span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: 0.3pt; line-height: 150%;">‑</span><i><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">mère</span></i><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
—un cortometraje de Bernard T</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">ANGUY</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">,
de 2010—. Esa sentencia es un cartel escrito por «Olivier», el protagonista, un
abogado decoroso interpretado por Jean</span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: 0.3pt; line-height: 150%;">‑</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">Toussaint
B</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">ERNARD</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">.
Es un cartel que elabora o reescribe para una anciana vagabunda rumana que no
sabe cómo anotar o hablar fluidamente en lengua francesa —y escribe la
sentencia para que sea más convincente su pedido de ayuda y de dinero en plena
calle, en pleno invierno—. Ese otro personaje, la vagabunda rumana, volverá a
su tierra, a causa de enfermarse durante el invierno, para obtener atención
hospitalaria, aunque luego retornará a la París de los mendigos (visitará sólo
brevemente su <a href="http://imbratisare.blogspot.com/2021/12/el-63-de-los-rumanos-consideran-que-se.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Rumanía</a>, otra vez retrogradada al sistema capitalista, al endeudamiento
externo y a la ideología monárquica; preferirá seguir siendo vagabunda en las
calles parisinas). ¿No cabría saber, al menos mediante abducción moral, si esa dama de la calle —u otra, alguna otra vuelta pordiosera rumana en París, alguna <i>otra hambrienta europea</i>— no añora acaso el <i>salami con soja</i>, ese mismo que se elaborara en la época revolucionaria de Ceaușescu, el <i>mezeluri hecho de ceafa de porc</i>, o <i>de muşchiulet</i>, el que tanto <a href=" https://elcomidista.elpais.com/elcomidista/2021/01/07/articulo/1610042627_674298.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">se denostara por parte de la clase ecuestre rumana anticomunista</a>, la de sutil encanto y de paladar negro, así como de lengua dedicada a la sola pirotecnia irracional de su <i>alegría capitalista</i>? El énfasis moral de una sentencia radicada en las angustias de la intemperie invernal, o en la del no saber dónde vivir, podría así volverse axioma: <i><a href="http://imbratisare.blogspot.com/2022/06/crece-el-numero-de-rumanos-que-opinan.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">capitalismul me-a distrus tara</a></i>. Y en el filme descubre ese abogado que es protagonista del cortometraje que
el cartel escrito a la vagabunda rumana es sólo el inicio de la historia,
puesto que proseguirá la producción de carteles para cada menesteroso que se le
acerca y es que sus <i>actos literarios</i> lo
preceden. Los escribirá con vuelo y pluma esmerada, para que llamen a la
filantropía aunque mediante formulaciones cada vez más especializadas —para
alcanzar la susceptibilidad y sensibilidad del transeúnte francés—. Esto,
claro, la ayuda a los menesterosos y migrantes, lo hará entrar en conflicto al
abogado con la propia vigilancia policíaca en el espacio público puesto que se
intentarían tildar de delito sus actos de escritura o reescritura y repartición
de carteles donde se anotan contenidos para invitar a la ayuda social.<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn32" name="_ftnref32" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[32]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
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De alguna manera, el referir a la economía de las rela-ciones humanas y
de las revoluciones que le competen, para volverse dignas, antes o después
conduce a París. Es un hito terrenal, esa París, en el que múltiples temas
existencialistas (sin que el término acaso remita a ninguna premura escolástica)
se detienen y la circunvalan; no necesariamente a causa de sus filósofos sino
sobre todo debido a sus autores literarios. Esto mismo podría invitar al intento
de un ensayo acerca de la antropología material de las relaciones humanas como
asignatura de una operatoria didascálica, o como un escopo de la propia
economía de la conducta, vuelta acaso relato de una sucesión sociológica. El
relato filmográfico que expone <i>Sous les
étoiles de Paris</i>, al menos como escopo pedagógico de la problemática
vincular (e.g., según un reconocimiento de <i>círculos
globulares</i>, o en el hacerse de planos diamérico o metamérico), acaso a
partir de la propia interpretación de las relaciones de sojuzgamiento que se
expresan, no trataría sólo de aquel proceso vincular que es dado como «narrativa»,
referenciado a partir de una pequeña escala entre personajes, o mediante su
gran escala entre países como los de Francia o Austria en su dialéctica de
instituciones, sino de ciencias humanas que discuten su sentido en un marco
abarcador de factores esenciales que serán a la vez fenómenos oblicuos.<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn33" name="_ftnref33" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[33]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> Su
escopo pedagógico trataría pues acerca de cómo saber definir los nuevos objetos
de <i>sensibilidad social</i> que produce y
cómo acaso se aplican a las nuevas situaciones de un estado del mundo (donde las
predicciones que se proyectaran resultarían posibles, en su gnoseología, a
partir de una ciencia no</span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: 0.3pt; line-height: 150%;">‑</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">humana aunque
propiamente atinentes de igual manera a un campo material humano). <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
La vieja París filmada es sin
duda y por excelencia una narratología atinente a las luces y las sombras de
una metrópoli que aún preserva neciamente en ultramar vestigios de su imperio de
colonias (incluso mediante el tecnicismo jurídico, como lo es el caso del
archipiélago de la Nouvelle</span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: 0.3pt; line-height: 150%;">‑</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">Calédonie o «the pebble»
que se ha <i>negado a independizarse</i><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn34" name="_ftnref34" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[34]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> y
mantiene sojuzgado al soberano: el <i>kanak</i>,
a quien vergonzosamente se excluye de la economía de sus propias islas y se lo reduce
políticamente al eufemismo de habitar sólo en «reservas territoriales» en las
que se lo retiene). Es una París que refiere a sí misma y a sus multiplicadas
relaciones humanas de mundos (de su tráfago o de personas o de inmorales). Es
la vieja París y la nueva París, es la vieja y provincial <i>Lutetia
Parisiorum</i> y la nueva y cosmopolita París de los <i>gilets jaunes</i> y de los <i>gilets
rouges</i> (de ese mundo de trabajadores desesperados ante tanta parvedad
laboral y salarial del capitalismo neoliberal europeo), quienes aunados con el
mundo síndico convergían en los años de 2018 y 2019 en la defensa del mundo
laboral: «œuvrons main dans la main pour de meilleurs lendemains» —esto mismo
supo remarcarlo un tribuno como Céline B</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">RULIN</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">,
anunciándolo como indicio de la unión de intereses forjada entre los
necesitados de siempre—.<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn35" name="_ftnref35" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[35]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> La
vieja y la nueva París, y no sólo para los cineastas, trata acerca de múltiples
historias, incluso a la vez imbricadas, aunque la actuación insurreccional de
los comuneros parisinos la volvería una <i>capital
de la historia de la clase obrera</i>, del proletariado, del explotado y
afligido, finalmente, del hombre desposeído que construye aquella riqueza que
aún no le pertenece —en una <i>economía</i></span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: 0.3pt; line-height: 150%;">‑</span><i><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">mundo</span></i><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
en que resultaría incluido el propio migrante—. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
<u>De la narrativa vívida.</u> El <i>joie
de vivre</i> parisino es mani-festado en <i>Sous
les étoiles de Paris</i> a la manera de una pasión del sacrificio o —acaso más
modestamente especificado— como un acto conmiserativo, el que ciertamente
orienta la mirada comprometida de lo vívido y lo vivido hacia ese otro que no
yo. Aparece una vida parisina descarnada, desarraigada del cliché parisino
relativo a ese flujo transaccional propio de lo coloquial</span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: 0.3pt; line-height: 150%;">‑</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">mundano
que habilitaría a infinitud de deliciosos libretos de comedia a partir de
mundos: el hedonismo, la libertad, el lujo, la moda, la bohemia, el arte, la
gastronomía, finalmente, el de los ritos de forjar día tras día, al menos
moderadamente, una realidad de razonables deleites. Aparece la París neoliberal
en sus composiciones radicales: la xenofobia, la injusticia, la
sociovulnerabilidad e indefensión, la miseria, el racismo, la soledad, la vida tugurizada,
la dignidad humana carcomida (reducida a «calidad de vida» o a «índice de
felicidad»), el escarnio, entre otros males desplegados. Es la comprensión de
las relaciones humanas (en un campo donde confluyen, necesariamente, afortunadamente,
personas e inmorales) a partir del intento de acercamiento a la sabiduría
literaria </span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 24px;">de un desterrado a la ínsula de Guernsey como Victor H</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">UGO</span><span style="font-size: 16px;">, en la intimidad vital de su ensoñada <a href="https://www.maisonsvictorhugo.paris.fr/es/museo-colecciones/visita-de-hauteville-house-en-guernsey" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Hauteville House</a>,</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"> donde formularía </span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><i>Les misérables</i>. <i>Vive Paris</i>!, para pensar <i>la Paris</i> de las revueltas
sociales, aquella que no es sumisa ni siquiera ante reyes, aquella que debería
de arder posteriormente en la carne de su resistencia, y hasta sus raíces, antes de ser tomada
por la horda nazi. Y es que París es la caldera de las insurrecciones, es una
luz sanguina para las hordas hambrientas. </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
En el filme de D</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">REXEL</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">,
aparece la vagabunda francesa encontrándose con otra mujer algo «saltimbanqui»
que habita a la intemperie en su propia furgoneta «Kombi» (como el <i>Kombinationfahrzeug</i> que produjo <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/431760-volkswagen-esclavitud-dictadura-militar-brasil" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">VW</a> a
partir de la década de 1950, el <i>Volkswagen
Kombiwagen</i> o <i>Volkswagen Kombi</i>);
ambas, revesadas por su Europa, parecerían inducir a la especificación de un
paisaje anclado en décadas anteriores a su propia vejez, a la manera de las
condiciones estéticas de un diorama. Y en el interior de ese templete o capilla
que es <i>la Kombi</i>, se hallaba «Ranko» que
parecería ser un <i>bonobo</i> disecado
(acaso, como si refiriera a un talismán apartado de alguna colonia europea en
las explotadas tierras africanas). Suli mirará algo espantado esa pieza muerta
y embalsamada. Es esa desconocida «saltimbanqui» quien orientará a la vagabunda
Christine, para que sepa llegar hasta el centro de detención donde se recluye a
los migrantes a deportar. Una vez que llegara a ese centro de detención, la
guardia policíaca no atiende balbuceos, tampoco fundamentos. Sólo retirarían a
la mujer vagabunda de aquel recinto de detención, se la apartaría del camino. El
bonobo de la Kombi, de pelaje bien atusado, vaya a saberse a manos de qué
naturalista, hace acordar a la taxidermia de siglo XIX, como un arte que
resuelve la recreación fiel del animal vivo y salvaje (la misma época en que se
publicaría en lengua española <i>El origen
del hombre</i> de 1876 y <i>El origen de las
especies</i> para la divulgación del darwinismo y que durante siglo XX tendrá
por continuidad de su apología a Julio C</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">ARO</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
B</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">AROJA</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
con su artículo en <i>Historia 16</i>
titulado <i>El miedo al mono</i>, para la
defensa de los progresos científicos y contra sectores reaccionarios de la
sociedad española atrincherados en el Concilio Vaticano I).<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn36" name="_ftnref36" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[36]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> El
párvulo se mostraría algo acobardado ante esa pieza de taxidermia que parecería
mirarlo fijo, como si se hubiese hallado, atrapado acaso en el mismísimo
habitáculo museístico de <i>La Salle des
Espèces Menacées et Disparus</i>, en el mismo París en que se había perdido, y
perdido a su madre, donde se expone a un gorila de montaña como el ejemplar de <i>Gorilla beringei beringei</i> y que allí
mismo se exhibe, siendo una pieza reconstruida por una compañía londinense (década
de 1920) y posteriormente adquirida por un aristócrata francés a causa de su
anhelo coleccionista (el primate muerto, rellenado y endurecido del museo
simplemente pasó de manos, de una flema a otra, igual que ocurría con la
población africana de las colonias, siendo que curiosamente los franceses,
ingleses o estadounidenses tan propensos a la conquista ilegítima de
territorios y de tráfico de esclavos eran a la vez durante siglo XIX verdaderos
cultores de las ciencias). <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
¿Cómo serían finalmente integrados estos miserables heroicos a la
historia más noble de una París que alguna vez supo unificarse, incluso ensangrentada,
para obtener su liberación de los monárquicos, de los nazis, de los fascistas,
para contribuir a su permanente liberación inacabada? La otrora interrogante
acerca de los «derechos humanos» de la actriz francesa N</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">ANTY</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
en <i>Fahim</i>, en su labor interpretativa
como Mathilde, cubre indefectiblemente como un penoso manto moral a la
totalidad de la Unión Europea. Allá por donde avanza la NATO, a la manera del
sagrado Othar, el corcel gris del rey Atila (según lo atestiguara el mismísimo
Prisco), nada vuelve a recuperarse, ninguna hierba vuelve a crecer, se
multiplican desesperadamente los migrantes necesitados de refugio que provienen
de tierras arrasadas. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
<u>De la narrativa encarnizada.</u> La Unión Europea parecería resuelta a
ejercerse en el personaje malévolo de una madrastra o hechicera radicada en sus
teúrgias, como las aparecidas en los cuentos de hadas de Occidente, siempre
enfermadas de celsitud, al decidir política comunitaria hacia aquella migración
que su misma NATO provoca a partir de <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0oG21hBJxGc" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">operaciones fatídicas o incluso genocidas</a>.
Es como una madrastra o hechicera malevolentes sólo verosímiles en la narrativa
del cuento que intentan fútilmente disimular el desprecio visceral que inoculan
hacia su objeto de opresión. La Unión Europea se ha reducido, en lo relativo a
la propia migración que propaga, definitivamente, a personaje malévolo. Se tuvo
el caso de la frontera polaco</span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: 0.3pt; line-height: 150%;">‑</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">bielorrusa, donde se
concentrarían unos tres mil migrantes en su mayoría de Oriente Próximo u
Oriente Medio y del norte africano (donde unos quinientos son sólo párvulos,
llevados en andas por sus padres que escapan de la guerra). Entre esa población
desplazada se encuentran asimismo personas oriundas de Iraq, identificadas como
kurdos étnicos, y que escapan del terror desplegado por la NATO durante décadas
en territorio iraquí, como el acontecido también en el territorio libio, o el sirio,
entre tantos otros países víctimas de agresión imperial. Polonia no les permite
ingresar a la Unión Europea (aunque desplegó soldados polacos en Iraq, para
orquestar su invasión, en el año de 2003, junto a la NATO, a partir de una
publicitada <i>Tormenta del desierto</i>); el
gobierno polaco despliega en la frontera a unos quince mil soldados polacos y
tanques <i>Leopard</i><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn37" name="_ftnref37" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[37]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> y
atacan a personas migrantes desarmadas con armas de fuego<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn38" name="_ftnref38" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[38]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> a
la altura de la cabeza mientras transitaban no por territorio polaco sino por territorio
bielorruso, sobrevolándolos con helicópteros a una altitud de veinte o treinta
metros, los diezman con gases lacrimógenos, se valen de golpizas<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn39" name="_ftnref39" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[39]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> a
civiles que rogaban protección y asilo y los señalan mediante cañones de luz al
enfocar el campamento improvisado de estos desplazados, a los que además se les
impide su necesario descanso durante la noche invernal y los amedrentan con su
esquema de <i>vigilancia cegadora</i>. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
A esto se agrega que los militares polacos amenazaron a los migrantes
que suplican refugio mediante altavoces, insisten en valerse de reflectores y
confunden su tránsito en territorio boscoso mediante estroboscopios.<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn40" name="_ftnref40" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[40]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
En cambio, el gobierno bielorruso, en vez de sólo militarizar su frontera, ha
desplegado a su contingente médico y su acceso a medicamentos, dado que hubo, entre
esa población de migrantes, mujeres en estado de gravidez, además de infantes<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn41" name="_ftnref41" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[41]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> iraquíes,
algunos provenientes de Solimania, afectados por la influenza invernal, dado
que no se hallan adaptados al invierno de los bosques bielorrusos. El gobierno
bielorruso, cerca de la aldea de Bruzguí, ha enviado también alimentos<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn42" name="_ftnref42" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[42]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> (inicialmente
dos toneladas de lotes de carne granulada, de confitería y una tonelada de
panadería y de frutas) y cinco toneladas de agua potable, un generador de energía
eléctrica, leña seca, mantas de abrigo, productos para la higiene personal, y
carpas para que los extranjeros no sean abandonados a la sola intemperie que
ronda los cinco grados de la escala Celsius y que a la noche desciende incluso
a menos de bajo cero. Es el gobierno bielorruso que sostiene la economía de esa
manutención de los migrantes en tránsito a Europa, siendo que su ayuda humanitaria al progresar superaría
las diez toneladas de suministro<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn43" name="_ftnref43" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[43]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>,
dado que finalmente promedió a su vez unas ocho toneladas de alimentos
entregados a diario<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn44" name="_ftnref44" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[44]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>, para
una atención de emergencia de esas personas solicitantes de refugio y víctimas del
<a href="https://kom-pol.org/2021/11/17/emigranci-na-granicy-polskiej/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">conflicto fronterizo iniciado arbitrariamente por la parte polaca</a>, (dado que la
Unión Europea se desentendió del caso, salvo por algunas mediaciones
interpuestas y algunos miles de euros ofrecidos, a pesar de ser, esos
mismísimos migrantes, debe insistirse en esta antecedencia, sólo una parte de
la miríada de víctimas de las guerras de invasión desplegadas por las propias
operaciones de guerra de la NATO sin cesar y durante décadas). <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
Polonia, mediante la anuencia de
la Unión Europea, actuaría a la usanza nazifascista, siendo que incluso se
habrían de enfrentar casos de presuntos asesinatos de migrantes por parte de la
fuerza de seguridad polaca, en zona declarada cerrada e impermeable al acceso
noticioso (excepto por el registro fotográfico y audiovisual del gobierno
bielorruso que lo denunciara, a pesar del silencio mantenido por las agencias
de noticias y de su omisión en las redes digitales, a excepción del seguimiento
que realizara el periodista germano Daniel B</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">AUER</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn45" name="_ftnref45" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[45]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
que analizó la destructiva ejecución europea que se realiza en la propia Europa
de su política migratoria). Bielorrusia no obstante orientó las relaciones
humanas y de asistencia de ese flujo poblacional de «indocumentados» a la
aplicación de una ayuda social en las condiciones de una acción humanitaria, a
pesar de las sanciones económicas de la Unión Europea (artilugio mediante el
que se desentiende ese conglomerado europeo de anteriores compromisos y
acuerdos asumidos para el ordenamiento de las migraciones provocadas). Esta
desnudez de inhumanidad se intentaría disimular por parte de la Unión Europea mediante
tecnicismos, para ignorar los aberrantes hechos de su racismo y xenofobia que
provocan la muerte de migrantes mediante la imposición del hambre o la muerte
por hipotermia y desabrigo, como si acaso la historia de las naciones y su
propia <i>Völkerwanderung</i> se pudiese
resolver mediante artilugios administrativos o a partir de una narrativa
subsumida en la hipálage, aplicándose exagera-ciones alucinatorias que enmarañen,
en lo posible, la identificación del discurrir diplomático europeo de <i>doble rasero</i>, un discursar diplomático
que criminaliza <i>per se</i> el flujo de
personas entre regiones. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
<u>De la imagen omitida.</u> La Oficina del Alto Comisionado de las
Naciones Unidas para los Refugiados (OACNUR) y la Organización Internacional
para las Migraciones (OIM) han impelido a la solución urgente de la situación
de estos migrantes en la frontera polaco</span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: 0.3pt; line-height: 150%;">‑</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">bielorrusa.<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn46" name="_ftnref46" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[46]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> Es
un asunto del que informó a la OACNUR y la OIM, así como a su Asociación Bielorrusa
de la Cruz Roja (ABCR), el propio Comité Fronterizo Estatal de Bielorrusia,
para que se efectivice una interacción operativa y el procedimiento necesario para
que se brinde asistencia humanitaria urgente a los refugiados en situación
crítica.<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn47" name="_ftnref47" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[47]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Esto, sin que acaso la ayuda bielorrusa se tradujese a impericia, en ningún
momento, en el cuidado que se operara de la propia frontera de manera rigurosa
y sistemática.<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn48" name="_ftnref48" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[48]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
La propia cancillería bielorrusa compartiría la evaluación permanente del
conflicto fronterizo con la OACNUR y la OIM.<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn49" name="_ftnref49" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[49]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> De
todas maneras, no es el buen ejemplo bielorruso el que cunde, sino el mal
ejemplo polaco de impune denigración de la persona migrante (incluso al extremo
del asesinato de civiles inocentes con armas de fuego por parte de los guarda fronteras),
violándose además la resolución del Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos que
había obligado al estado polaco a ayudar a las personas refugiadas.<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn50" name="_ftnref50" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[50]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> Esa
Polonia se ha vuelto la principal trama del <i><a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2022/0105/c31618-9941123.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">telón de acero</a></i> de la Unión Europea y de la NATO, para impedirles a esos migrantes
avanzar en el territorio y solicitar refugio en naciones comunitarias o
asociadas al tratado del atlántico norte.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"> Ese
movimiento polaco se beneficiaría, así, mediante su servilismo mercenario, de la
política occidental de intervencionismo, a partir del desvío de fondos
adicional que obtuviese por la escenificación que realizara de una crisis
migratoria.<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn51" name="_ftnref51" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[51]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Es una Polonia que incluso se ha rebajado a actos intrigantes, como lo es el
intento de desplazamiento de armas y municiones hacia territorio bielorruso
para la provocación de conflictos entre la población migrante, añorándose acaso
la propagación de un <i>casus belli</i> como
los orquestados en las anteriores guerras mundiales. Es, así, un acto demencial
increíble y a la vez cierto en su daño social. Y cuántos otros relatos se
conformarán como el del personaje párvulo habido en el filme <i>Sous les étoiles de Paris</i>, como el de Suli,
quien encuentra a su madre finalmente antes de que sea deportada, a partir de
las exquisitas imantaciones cinematográficas que un libreto resuelve para
evitar la excelsitud literaria de la tragedia (aunque la tragedia, sabido es a partir del teatro
griego, es una certeza narrativa). <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
¿Cómo proseguirá pues el relato de quienes no son personajes de un filme
donde el final animoso y esperanzado es sólo de alternativa para el cineasta,
donde la realidad del hambre no es el relato fílmico del hambre, o la realidad de fallecer a la intemperie en
pleno invierno no es el relato fílmico y esmerado de una muerte, o donde la
realidad de vivir la denigración padecida por el migrante inocente y víctima de
guerras en su decurso al mundo europeo no es el relato aterciopelado de un
héroe?</span> <span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">Luego
que los migrantes indefensos respondiesen al maltrato sistemático de Varsovia
durante interminables días y noches sólo momentáneamente con piedras y palos<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn52" name="_ftnref52" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[52]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>, su
policía polaca les respondería mediante cañones de agua, gases lacrimógenos y
granadas aturdidoras.<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn53" name="_ftnref53" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[53]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> A
esos migrantes, algunos incluso arrodi-llados a la manera de súplica en la
frontera, a quienes se atacara con cañones de agua, los desplegados por la
fuerza de seguridad polaca, para detenerlos sólo por rogar que se les
permitiese ser refugiados de la UE, se les eyectaron —esto se descubriría
posteriormente— no sólo furiosos golpes de agua sino asimismo en ese líquido químicos
tóxicos, pesticidas, herbicidas. La fuerza de seguridad polaca no se hallaba
disuadiendo a los migrantes sino envenenándolos.<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn54" name="_ftnref54" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[54]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> De
todas maneras, parecería que la presidencia de la Fundacja DIALOG<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn55" name="_ftnref55" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[55]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
nada sabe acerca de ese nazismo polaco aplicado contra los migrantes; no se
enteró, ni se entera, ni se enterará, o como <i>operador político</i> simplemente necesita omitirlo entre generalidades
vanas contra la administración polaca reaccionaria en las condiciones de su
narrativa humanitaria (apareciéndose en las noticias a partir de anécdotas
fijadas en el registro seudoetnográfico de casos que ciertamente edulcora),
dado que es funcional al secretismo exigido por su guardia fronteriza y a una
Unión Europea de discurso humanitario ambivalente y lábil al proponer acaso
alguna <i>humanidad fronteriza</i>. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
<u>De la imagen atroz.</u> Esos sucesos podrían hacer reme-morar el
nazifascismo, de cómo esa monstruosidad en celo trataba a aquella población
adversaria al autoritarismo, a la que detenía en los <i>Konzentrationslager</i>, al principio improvisados, para apresar e
intimidar, y posteriormente sistematizados mediante su terrorismo de estado para
la desaparición forzosa y el asesinato, hasta culminar fatalmente en la <i>Shoá</i>. Ese actuar polaco, al menos en el
plano de las semejanzas (y no como mero <i>símil
retórico</i>, sino, de aquellas que refieren a lo concatenado de la forma semántica
respecto de su <i>significante en relación a
la cosa</i>), provoca la rememoración misma de las <i>Schutzstaffel</i> que serían quienes administrarían aquellos nefastos
campos de concentración. El mundo racista será de futuro inverosímil, sólo fatídico, disuelto como una insuficiente onza de veneno en la mar mediterránea (como ocurriría a <a href="https://www.thepostil.com/the-wests-debacle-in-ukraine-a-conversation-with-jacques-baud/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">los voluntarios de la división «Charlemagne» de las SS</a> en el Berlín de abril de 1945: la historia antinazifascista una y otra vez los fulmina). ¿Y, en general, además, por qué parecería que la Unión
Europea no quiere aceptar a los migrantes en su condición de refugiados —y de <i><a href="https://pelismart.net/pelicula/ver-mediterraneo-gratis/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">sujetos de naufragio</a></i>— sino sólo tenerlos
recluidos, recluyen la postal de sus rostros, de unos rostros hechos de la
propia piel de la historia, ateniéndose a sujetarlos sólo aparte de la vida
social que vivifica, sólo circunscriptos a los límites, no de la poética de un
sitio asignado, sino, de un campo que administra el encierro de inocentes mediante
el mecanismo delirante e interminable de delimitar la existencia y el alcance de
un firmamento que recorren en su <i>concavidad
política</i> sólo para mantenerse vivos, para supervivir a la innecesaria
muerte a causa de guerras que no les pertenecen? Y cada vez que esta cuestión
dudosa se pronuncia para infundir razón, la UE, esa madrasta malévola, junto a
su aparataje noticioso, parecería dispuesta sólo a cumplir con un delicioso artilugio
narrativo mediante el que intenta argumentar su inaceptable orientación a la
discordia: <i>vamos a contar mentiras</i>,
acaso para convencer de que en <i>el mar
corren las liebres</i> y <i>por el monte las
sardinas</i>. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
La propia Francia de E. M</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">ACRON</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
sólo sabe concebir la realidad de la migración y de sus migrantes a partir de
la emergencia fronteriza que identifica Frontex, la funesta agencia europea de
guardacostas y fronteras. Muchos otros Suli padecerán ese parecer neoliberal
del problema humanitario revestido de inhumanidad europea.<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn56" name="_ftnref56" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[56]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> Y
así, la narrativa europea de derechos humanos europea se vuelve sólo un aparato
de aserción (como el recurrido en el teatro a partir de actores esmerados que
saben cómo tornarse convincentes, incluso a partir del absurdo). Este tipo de
fariseísmo contra los migrantes no sólo es un caso de narrativa ilusoria (como
si se intentara acaso emparentarse banalmente a la anteriormente mencionada
literatura del absurdo); es a su vez fuente recursiva de un mecanismo nazi y
fascista de terrorismo de estado que institucionaliza o al menos apaña
funcionalmente la muerte sistemática y progresiva de aquellos miserables que
intentan alcanzar las tierras del primer mundo. Se los conduce a la muerte, en
todas sus formas posibles.<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn57" name="_ftnref57" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[57]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> La
propia Unión Europea, fijada en el propósito de impedir la continuidad del recibo
de migrantes africanos, entrena y entrega recursos e.g. a la guardia costera
libia para que patrulle las aguas del Mediterráneo. Se dedica a sabotear las
operaciones de rescate humanitario y a la captura de los migrantes. Luego, los
miles y miles de migrantes son detenidos indefinidamente en prisiones, y los
trafican, como en el caso de los apresados en el anteriormente mencionado Al
Mabani (donde padecen abusos y torturas mediante descargas eléctricas, incluso
los párvulos resultan violentados por los guardias; incluso a los allegados de los
detenidos se los extorsiona para obtener rescate, aunque posteriormente a
mujeres y a varones que se detiene y por los que se pide ese rescate se los vende
a otros centros de reclusión para el desarrollo de trabajos forzados).<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn58" name="_ftnref58" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[58]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> Otros
migrantes sin embargo que sí alcanzan el espacio Schengen, en la Europa de los mentados
derechos humanos, e incluso obtienen un primer estatus de refugiados, su
invierno y la desprotección de un sistema social que los reduce a la mendicidad
los deriva prontamente, simplemente, a otro estatus definitivo: el de
cadáveres.<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftn59" name="_ftnref59" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[59]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Alcanzar el territorio europeo para supervivir, les implica morir. La Unión
Europea ha institucionalizado ese absurdo grotesco. El suponer que acaso el
problema del mantenimiento de la seguridad del espacio Schengen se halla dado a
causa de la <i>migración desmesurada</i> es
un caso específico de falso silogismo con el que retuercen una y otra vez su
esquema de aduanas —es el lastimoso <i>post
hoc</i>, <i>ergo propter hoc </i>que se inocula
neciamente al discurso europeísta y, así, aquello que dicen absurdamente terminarán
creyéndoselo—.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
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</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="line-height: 150%;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">Montevideo, 19 de diciembre de 2021 · República Oriental del Uruguay</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="line-height: 150%;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="line-height: 150%;"><br /></span></div><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="line-height: 150%;"><a href="https://migrationnetwork.un.org/international-migration-review-forum-2022" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; display: inline; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="337" data-original-width="800" height="205" src="https://www.ioe-emp.org/fileadmin/_processed_/a/8/csm_photo_20211118_N565_International_Migration_Review_Forum_logo_3fcdd0ca6a.png" width="487" /></a></span><p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.forumrefugies.org/" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; display: inline; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: center;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="73" data-original-width="292" height="98" src="https://www.forumrefugies.org/templates/frc/images/logo.png" width="356" /></a><a href="https://www.lacimade.org/" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; display: inline; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"></a><a href="https://www.secourspopulaire.fr/prendre-la-parole" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; display: inline; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="159" data-original-width="192" height="97" src="https://www.secourspopulaire.fr/sites/all/themes/custom/prototype_spf/logo.png" width="113" /></a><a href="https://www.comede.org/" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; display: inline; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: center;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="100" data-original-width="142" height="98" src="https://www.comede.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/cropped-logo_comede_RVB-2.jpg" width="130" /></a><a href="https://www.lacimade.org/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="800" data-original-width="800" height="96" src="https://lamaisonouvertedemontreuil.ouvaton.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/03/cimade_carre.jpg" width="96" /></a><a href="https://www.federationsolidarite.org/" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; display: inline; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="164" data-original-width="266" height="97" src="https://www.federationsolidarite.org/wp-content/themes/federation_solidarite/assets/images/logo.png" width="147" /></a><a href="https://www.france-terre-asile.org/" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; display: inline; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="250" data-original-width="250" height="97" src="http://siao92.fr/wp-content/uploads/2015/03/france-terre-asile.jpg" width="97" /></a><a href="https://www.singafrance.com/" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; display: inline; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="161" data-original-width="469" height="106" src="https://static.wixstatic.com/media/f50b6d_ad56469f47c3453c8776177a114cd1e5~mv2.gif" width="308" /></a><a href="https://www.caritas.org/category/europe/france/" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; display: inline; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="250" data-original-width="250" height="105" src="https://www.caritas.org/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/Caritas-France-Secours-Catholique-250x250.jpg" width="104" /></a></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><br /></p><div>
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
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<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. R</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">IVAS</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">, J. C. de RTVE (Días de cine). 2021, noviembre
28. «Bajo las estrellas de París» en URL: <a href="https://www.rtve.es/play/videos/dias-de-cine/bajo-estrellas-paris/5886703/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.rtve.es/play/videos/dias-de-cine/bajo-estrellas-paris/5886703/</a>
(Acceso 2021, noviembre 28).</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn2">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">
<i>Vid</i>. Nineteenth century videos. Back
to life. 2021, abril 25. «A Sunday in Paris» en URL: <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9VUVqWckLDo" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9VUVqWckLDo</a>
(Acceso 2021, octubre 30).</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn3">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. V</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ÁZQUEZ</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""> S</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">UÁREAZ</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">, R. y G</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ONZÁLEZ</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""> H</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">EVIA</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">, L. 2017. «Propuesta de una
teoría materialista del cine y de una clasificación de teorías
cinematográficas» en URL: <a href="https://www.nodulo.org/ec/2017/n179p02.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.nodulo.org/ec/2017/n179p02.htm</a>
(Acceso 2021, noviembre 06).</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
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<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[4]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. P</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">OZO</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""> F</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">AJARNÉS</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">, J. L. 2019, octubre 28.
«Filosofía del Cine» en URL: <a href="https://www.fgbueno.es/act/efo198.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.fgbueno.es/act/efo198.htm</a>
(Acceso 2021, noviembre 06).</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn5">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref5" name="_ftn5" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[5]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. L</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ACHASSE</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">, J. 2020, octubre 25. «"SOUS LES ÉTOILES DE
PARIS": COMMENT CATHERINE FROT S'EST MÉTAMORPHOSÉE POUR JOUER UNE SANS-ABRI»
en URL: <a href="https://www.bfmtv.com/people/sous-les-etoiles-de-paris-comment-catherine-frot-s-est-metamorphosee-pour-jouer-une-sans-abri_AN-202010250099.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.bfmtv.com/people/sous-les-etoiles-de-paris-comment-catherine-frot-s-est-metamorphosee-pour-jouer-une-sans-abri_AN-202010250099.html</a>
(Acceso 2021, octubre 13): <i>Dans ce film
qui est comme un conte, je me suis amusée à fabriquer une silhouette de
mendiante comme Honoré Daumier et Gustave Doré en dessinaient</i>.</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn6">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref6" name="_ftn6" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[6]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""> </span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><i>Vid</i>. B</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">UENO</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">, G. 1999. «Predicables de la Identidad» en URL: <a href="https://filosofia.org/rev/bas/bas22501.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://filosofia.org/rev/bas/bas22501.htm</a>
(Acceso 2021, diciembre 19).<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn7">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref7" name="_ftn7" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[7]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">
<i>Vid</i>. Eric N</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">EUHOFF</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">
<i>et al</i>. 2020, octubre 28. «<i>Sous les étoiles de Paris</i>, comédie
dramatique de Claus Drexel, 1h30» en URL: <a href="https://www.lefigaro.fr/cinema/sous-les-etoiles-de-paris-garcon-chiffon-adn-les-films-a-voir-ou-a-eviter-cette-semaine-20201028" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.lefigaro.fr/cinema/sous-les-etoiles-de-paris-garcon-chiffon-adn-les-films-a-voir-ou-a-eviter-cette-semaine-20201028</a>
(Acceso 2021, octubre 23).<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn8">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref8" name="_ftn8" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[8]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">
<i>Vid</i>. R</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">OUDEN</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">,
C. 2020, octubre 27. «"Sous les étoiles de Paris", conte de la rue en
hiver» en URL: <a href="https://www.la-croix.com/Culture/Sous-etoiles-Paris-conte-rue-hiver-2020-10-27-1201121552" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.la-croix.com/Culture/Sous-etoiles-Paris-conte-rue-hiver-2020-10-27-1201121552</a>
(Acceso 2021, octubre 23).<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn9">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref9" name="_ftn9" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 115%;">[9]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. Zim Communist Party. 2016, agosto 12. [«When I give food to
the poor they call me a saint. When I ask why are the poor hungry
they call me a communist»]. en URL: <a href="https://twitter.com/zimcommunistp/status/763972395262586881?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E763972395262586881%7Ctwgr%5E%7Ctwcon%5Es1_&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2Fpublish.twitter.com%2F%3Fquery%3Dhttps3A2F2Ftwitter.com2Fzimcommunistp2Fstatus2F763972395262586881widget%3DTweet" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://twitter.com/zimcommunistp/status/763972395262586881?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E763972395262586881%7Ctwgr%5E%7Ctwcon%5Es1_&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2Fpublish.twitter.com%2F%3Fquery%3Dhttps3A2F2Ftwitter.com2Fzimcommunistp2Fstatus2F763972395262586881widget%3DTweet</a>
(Acceso 2021, octubre 17).</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn10">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref10" name="_ftn10" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[10]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">
<i>Vid</i>. RT. 2021, octubre 13. «Qué es un
metaverso y qué papel juegan Facebook, Windows y Epic Games» en URL: <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FoSV41blmYY&t=264s" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FoSV41blmYY&t=264s</a>
(Acceso 2021, noviembre 17).<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn11">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref11" name="_ftn11" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[11]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">
Esta cuestión dudosa, e.g. acaso se podría considerar, a la manera de antecedencias
o prólogos, a partir de aquel entorno de investigadores que se han abocado a
los registros multifocales que respecto de París se revisaran, junto a otras
determinantes, para el análisis de la segregación residencial que en su
dinámica socio-espacial identifica vulnerabilidades a ser suplidas, es de
esperarse, justamente, mediante la política pública, siendo un estudio que
además permitió mostrar una mayor concentración del número de viviendas
sociales en la periferia de la capital francesa y siendo que si esa muestra es
intervenida por registros sociológicos o demográficos permite conocer que en
sus zonas habitan preeminentemente estudiantes y migrantes. <i>Vid</i>. G</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ARCÍA</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">
de A</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">RMAS</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">,
D.; O</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">LTEANU</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">,
M.; A</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">LLENDE</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">
A</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">LONSO</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">,
S.; A</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">LMEIDA</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">
C</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">RUZ</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">,
Y. 2020, julio-septiembre. «Análisis de Segregación Residencial como dinámica socio</span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; letter-spacing: 0.3pt; line-height: 150%;">‑</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">espacial
en grandes ciudades: caso de estudio París» en URL: <a href="https://rctd.uic.cu/rctd/article/view/52/15" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://rctd.uic.cu/rctd/article/view/52/15</a>
(Acceso 2021, noviembre 14; págs. 51, 54, 61 y ss.).<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn12">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref12" name="_ftn12" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[12]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">
<i>Vid</i>. RT. 2021. «'El Che africano' y
'el presidente más pobre': el carismático líder que creía que no se pueden
matar las ideas y fue asesinado por sus socios» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/408073-thomas-sankara-burkina-faso-pobre-presidente" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/408073-thomas-sankara-burkina-faso-pobre-presidente</a>
(Acceso 2021, octubre 23).<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn13">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref13" name="_ftn13" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[13]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""> Hay casos en que la <i>dublinización</i> se detuvo (e.g. respecto
de Grecia), a partir de sentencias dictadas de 2011 del Tribunal Europeo de
Derechos Humanos y el Tribunal de Justicia Europeo puesto <i>que las condiciones de recepción y detención ponían a los solicitantes
de asilo en riesgo de recibir tratos inhumanos y degradantes</i>.</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn14">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref14" name="_ftn14" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[14]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">
<i>Vid</i>. E</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ZEANYA</span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; letter-spacing: 0.3pt; line-height: 150%;">‑</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">E</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">SIOBU</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">,
CHika. 2021, junio 28. «President Thomas Sankara: A 70th Birthday Tribute» en
URL: <a href="https://panafricanreview.rw/president-thomas-sankara-of-burkina-faso-a-70th-birthday-tribute/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://panafricanreview.rw/president-thomas-sankara-of-burkina-faso-a-70th-birthday-tribute/</a>
(Acceso 2021, octubre 23).<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn15">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref15" name="_ftn15" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[15]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">
<i>Vid</i>. B</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">UENO</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">,
G. [1953, octubre-diciembre]. «Para una construcción de la Idea de Persona» en
URL: <a href="https://filosofia.org/hem/dep/rdf/047p503.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://filosofia.org/hem/dep/rdf/047p503.htm</a>
(Acceso 2021, octubre 15).<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn16">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref16" name="_ftn16" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[16]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. B</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">UENO</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">, G. </span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="letter-spacing: 0.3pt;">–</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""> L</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ASO</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">, J. M. [1987, abril 24]. «En
el cincuentenario de la muerte de Antonio Gramsci» en URL: <a href="https://fgbueno.es/med/19870424.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://fgbueno.es/med/19870424.htm</a>
(Acceso 2021, octubre 17).<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn17">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref17" name="_ftn17" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[17]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. B</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">UENO</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">, G. [1978, mayo</span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="letter-spacing: 0.3pt;">–</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">junio].
«En torno al concepto de 'Ciencias Humanas'. La distinción entre metodologías <i>α</i></span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="letter-spacing: 0.3pt;">‑</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">operatorias y <i>β</i></span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="letter-spacing: 0.3pt;">‑</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">operatorias» en URL: <a href="https://fgbueno.es/bas/pdf/bas10202.pdf" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://fgbueno.es/bas/pdf/bas10202.pdf</a>
(Acceso 2021, octubre 17; pág. 15). </span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn18">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref18" name="_ftn18" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[18]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. B</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">UENO</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">, G. [1978, mayo</span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="letter-spacing: 0.3pt;">–</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">junio].
Ídem en URL: <a href="https://fgbueno.es/bas/pdf/bas10202.pdf" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://fgbueno.es/bas/pdf/bas10202.pdf</a>
(Acceso 2021, octubre 17; pág. 12).</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn19">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref19" name="_ftn19" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[19]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""> Las anotaciones formuladas, y sólo
en la condición de la hipertelia, o de un filosofar mundano, valga la
advertencia ante quien con justicia tilde sólo de <i>ensayismo</i> este relato coloquial, no poseen una arquitectura
original; sólo refieren a un intento de continuidad narrativa, a la prosecución
de una «ecuación química» antecedente y que refiere a la <i>intersección geográfica</i> de una historia del mundo migrante (el
reactante) a partir del mundo fílmico (el producto). Esto mismo, e.g. ha sido
identificado por la propia academia cubana: la sintaxis operada entre el plano
audiovisual del cortometraje o del largometraje y del campo migratorio se ha
vuelto escopo pedagógico del mundo universitario latinoamericano y caribeño. <i>Vid</i>. M</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ARRERO</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""> P</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ENICHE</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">, G. </span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="letter-spacing: 0.3pt;">–</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">
M</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ARTÍN</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""> P</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ASTRANA</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">, A. 2021, julio 29. «La
universidad cubana ante el reto de la transdisciplinariedad: los Estudios
Migratorios y las relaciones internacionales» en URL: <a href="https://rpi.isri.cu/rpi/article/view/227" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://rpi.isri.cu/rpi/article/view/227</a>
(Acceso 2021, octubre 15; pág. 148).<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn20">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref20" name="_ftn20" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[20]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">
<i>Vid</i>. B</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">UENO</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">,
G. [1978, mayo</span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="letter-spacing: 0.3pt;">–</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">junio].
Ibídem en URL: <a href="https://fgbueno.es/bas/pdf/bas10202.pdf" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://fgbueno.es/bas/pdf/bas10202.pdf</a>
(Acceso 2021, octubre 17; págs. 14 </span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="letter-spacing: 0.3pt;">– </span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">15). <o:p></o:p></span></p>
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migrantes en territorio europeo. <i>Vid</i>.
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<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref23" name="_ftn23" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[23]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. B</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">UENO</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">, G. [1976]. «CIENCIAS HUMANAS/ CIENCIAS NO</span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="letter-spacing: 0.3pt;">‑</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">HUMANAS»
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<i>Vid</i>. Á</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">LVAREZ</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">,
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<i>Vid</i>. RT. 2021, octubre 10. «Facebook
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(Acceso 2021, noviembre 14; págs. 134 </span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="letter-spacing: 0.3pt;">– </span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">136).</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref27" name="_ftn27" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[27]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. WSI. 2015, junio 08. «D’Amato & Goia. <i>Mare Nostrum</i>» en URL: <a href="https://wsimag.com/it/economia-e-politica/15971-damato-e-goia-mare-nostrum" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://wsimag.com/it/economia-e-politica/15971-damato-e-goia-mare-nostrum</a>
(Acceso 2021, diciembre 14).</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref28" name="_ftn28" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[28]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. L</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ÓPEZ</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">, I. 2021, noviembre 01. «Los olvidados. Conciencia
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref29" name="_ftn29" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[29]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">
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<i>Vid</i>. U</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">RBINA</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">;
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<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref37" name="_ftn37" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[37]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. BelTA. 2021, noviembre 10. «Lukashenko sobre los culpables de
la crisis migratoria» en URL: <a href="https://esp.belta.by/president/view/lukashenko-sobre-los-culpables-de-la-crisis-migratoria-66802-2021/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://esp.belta.by/president/view/lukashenko-sobre-los-culpables-de-la-crisis-migratoria-66802-2021/</a>
(Acceso 2021, noviembre 14).</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn38">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref38" name="_ftn38" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[38]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. BelTA. 2021, noviembre 11. «Volodin: Polonia utilizó gas y
armas contra las personas sin mirar los valores humanistas» en URL: <a href="https://esp.belta.by/society/view/volodin-polonia-utiliz-gas-y-armas-contra-las-personas-sin-mirar-los-valores-humanistas-66832-2021/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://esp.belta.by/society/view/volodin-polonia-utiliz-gas-y-armas-contra-las-personas-sin-mirar-los-valores-humanistas-66832-2021/</a>
(Acceso 2021, noviembre 14).</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn39">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref39" name="_ftn39" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[39]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. BelTA. 2021, noviembre 10. «Encontrados en la frontera los
refugiados golpeados por agentes polacos» en URL: <a href="https://esp.belta.by/society/view/encontrados-en-la-frontera-los-refugiados-golpeados-por-agentes-polacos-66795-2021/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://esp.belta.by/society/view/encontrados-en-la-frontera-los-refugiados-golpeados-por-agentes-polacos-66795-2021/</a>
(Acceso 2021, noviembre 14).</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn40">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref40" name="_ftn40" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[40]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. BelTA. 2021, noviembre 12. «El Comité Fronterizo Estatal sobre
la situación en la frontera belaruso</span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="letter-spacing: 0.3pt;">‑</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">polaca: Es tensa» en URL: <a href="https://esp.belta.by/society/view/el-comit-fronterizo-estatal-sobre-la-situacin-en-la-frontera-belaruso-polaca-es-tensa-66865-2021/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://esp.belta.by/society/view/el-comit-fronterizo-estatal-sobre-la-situacin-en-la-frontera-belaruso-polaca-es-tensa-66865-2021/</a>
(Acceso 2021, noviembre 14).</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn41">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref41" name="_ftn41" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[41]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. BelTA. 2021, noviembre 11. «El cuarto día en el campamento de
refugiados: Casi todos los niños están resfriados» en URL: <a href="https://esp.belta.by/society/view/el-cuarto-da-en-el-campamento-de-refugiados-casi-todos-los-nios-estn-resfriados-66833-2021/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://esp.belta.by/society/view/el-cuarto-da-en-el-campamento-de-refugiados-casi-todos-los-nios-estn-resfriados-66833-2021/</a>
(Acceso 2021, noviembre 14).</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn42">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref42" name="_ftn42" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[42]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. BelTA. 2021, noviembre 10. «La ayuda humanitaria llega a la
frontera belaruso</span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="letter-spacing: 0.3pt;">‑</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">polaca» en URL: <a href="https://esp.belta.by/society/view/la-ayuda-humanitaria-llega-a-la-frontera-belaruso-polaca-66800-2021/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://esp.belta.by/society/view/la-ayuda-humanitaria-llega-a-la-frontera-belaruso-polaca-66800-2021/</a>
(Acceso 2021, noviembre 14).</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn43">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref43" name="_ftn43" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[43]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. BelTA. 2021, noviembre 12. «10 toneladas de ayuda humanitaria
llegan al campo de refugiados en la frontera» en URL: <a href="https://esp.belta.by/society/view/10-toneladas-de-ayuda-humanitaria-llegan-al-campo-de-refugiados-en-la-frontera-66869-2021/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://esp.belta.by/society/view/10-toneladas-de-ayuda-humanitaria-llegan-al-campo-de-refugiados-en-la-frontera-66869-2021/</a>
(Acceso 2021, noviembre 14).</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn44">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref44" name="_ftn44" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[44]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""> Vid. BelTA. 2021, noviembre
19. «Liskóvich: Cada día los refugiados en la frontera reciben 8 toneladas de
productos» en URL: <a href="https://esp.belta.by/society/view/liskvich-cada-da-los-refugiados-en-la-frontera-reciben-8-toneladas-de-productos-67048-2021/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://esp.belta.by/society/view/liskvich-cada-da-los-refugiados-en-la-frontera-reciben-8-toneladas-de-productos-67048-2021/</a>
(Acceso 2021, noviembre 20).</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn45">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref45" name="_ftn45" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[45]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. BelTA. 2021, noviembre 12. «Periodista alemán: Lukashenko
expuso toda la falsedad e hipocresía de la política de doble rasero de la UE»
en <a href="https://esp.belta.by/politics/view/periodista-alemn-lukashenko-expuso-toda-la-falsedad-e-hipocresa-de-la-poltica-de-doble-rasero-de-la-ue-66878-2021/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://esp.belta.by/politics/view/periodista-alemn-lukashenko-expuso-toda-la-falsedad-e-hipocresa-de-la-poltica-de-doble-rasero-de-la-ue-66878-2021/</a>
(Acceso 2021, noviembre 14).</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn46">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref46" name="_ftn46" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[46]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. BelTA. 2021, noviembre 10. «La ONU, dispuesta para ayudar a
resolver problemas de migrantes en la frontera belaruso</span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="letter-spacing: 0.3pt;">‑</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">polaca»
en URL: <a href="https://esp.belta.by/politics/view/la-onu-dispuesta-para-ayudar-a-resolver-problemas-de-migrantes-en-la-frontera-belaruso-polaca-66799-2021/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://esp.belta.by/politics/view/la-onu-dispuesta-para-ayudar-a-resolver-problemas-de-migrantes-en-la-frontera-belaruso-polaca-66799-2021/</a>
(Acceso 2021, noviembre 14).</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn47">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref47" name="_ftn47" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[47]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. BelTA. 2021, noviembre 10. «Discutida en el Comité Fronterizo
Estatal la ayuda a los refugiados en la frontera belaruso</span><span face=""Arial Narrow", "sans-serif"" style="letter-spacing: 0.3pt;">‑</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">polaca»
en URL: <a href="https://esp.belta.by/society/view/discutida-en-el-comit-fronterizo-estatal-la-ayuda-a-los-refugiados-en-la-frontera-belaruso-polaca-66807-2021/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://esp.belta.by/society/view/discutida-en-el-comit-fronterizo-estatal-la-ayuda-a-los-refugiados-en-la-frontera-belaruso-polaca-66807-2021/</a>
(Acceso 2021, noviembre 14).</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn48">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref48" name="_ftn48" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[48]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. BelTA. 2021, noviembre 10. «Makéi: Este año Belarús reprimió
en la frontera 11 flujos de migración ilegal» en URL: <a href="https://esp.belta.by/society/view/maki-este-ao-belars-reprimi-en-la-frontera-11-flujos-de-migracin-ilegal-66815-2021/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://esp.belta.by/society/view/maki-este-ao-belars-reprimi-en-la-frontera-11-flujos-de-migracin-ilegal-66815-2021/</a>
(Acceso 2021, noviembre 14).</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn49">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref49" name="_ftn49" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[49]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. BelTA. 2021, noviembre 10. «Los representantes de organismos
internacionales, informados sobre versión de Belarús de situación en la
frontera» en URL: <a href="https://esp.belta.by/politics/view/los-representantes-de-organismos-internacionales-informados-sobre-versin-de-belars-de-situacin-en-la-66794-2021/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://esp.belta.by/politics/view/los-representantes-de-organismos-internacionales-informados-sobre-versin-de-belars-de-situacin-en-la-66794-2021/</a>
(Acceso 2021, noviembre 14).</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn50">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref50" name="_ftn50" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[50]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. BelTA. 2021, noviembre 11. «Guiguin llama a investigación
internacional de actos de guardafronteras polacos respecto a refugiados» en
URL: <a href="https://esp.belta.by/society/view/guiguin-llama-a-investigacin-internacional-de-actos-de-guardafronteras-polacos-respecto-a-refugiados-66825-2021/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://esp.belta.by/society/view/guiguin-llama-a-investigacin-internacional-de-actos-de-guardafronteras-polacos-respecto-a-refugiados-66825-2021/</a>
(Acceso 2021, noviembre 14).</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn51">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref51" name="_ftn51" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[51]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. BelTA. 2021, noviembre 12. «El representante de Belarús ante
la ONU acusó a Polonia y Lituania de desviar dinero de la UE» en URL: <a href="https://esp.belta.by/politics/view/el-representante-de-belars-ante-la-onu-acus-a-polonia-y-lituania-de-desviar-dinero-de-la-ue-66860-2021/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://esp.belta.by/politics/view/el-representante-de-belars-ante-la-onu-acus-a-polonia-y-lituania-de-desviar-dinero-de-la-ue-66860-2021/</a>
(Acceso 2021, noviembre 14).</span><span lang="ES-UY"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn52">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref52" name="_ftn52" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[52]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">
RT. 2021, noviembre 16. «Lavrov: "Polonia se excede en la situación con
migrantes, mientras Bruselas aplica dobles estándares y se pone a sí misma en
una posición incómoda"» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/410516-lavrov-polonia-excederse-situacion-migrantes">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/410516-lavrov-polonia-excederse-situacion-migrantes</a>
(Acceso 2021, noviembre 19). <o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn53">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref53" name="_ftn53" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[53]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""> RT. 2021, noviembre 16. «La
Policía polaca usa cañones de agua, gases lacrimógenos y granadas aturdidoras para
detener a migrantes en la frontera» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/410480-policia-polaca-usar-canon-agua-migrantes-frontera" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/410480-policia-polaca-usar-canon-agua-migrantes-frontera</a>
(Acceso 2021, noviembre 19).</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" lang="ES-MX" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-MX;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn54">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref54" name="_ftn54" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[54]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. BelTA. 2021, noviembre 19. «"Этим тараканов
травят!". Лукашенко озвучил подробности атаки польских силовиков на
беженцевen» URL: <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RpWbuNinqmk" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RpWbuNinqmk</a>
(Acceso 2021, noviembre 20).</span><span lang="ES-UY"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn55">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref55" name="_ftn55" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[55]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. TVP3 BIAŁYSTOK. 2021. 2021, agosto 26. «Współpracujemy ze
strażą graniczną. Codziennie niesiemy pomoc cudzoziemcom» en URL: <a href="https://fundacjadialog.pl/wspolpracujemy-ze-straza-graniczna-codziennie-niesiemy-pomoc-cudzoziemcom/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://fundacjadialog.pl/wspolpracujemy-ze-straza-graniczna-codziennie-niesiemy-pomoc-cudzoziemcom/</a>
(Acceso 2021, diciembre 16).</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn56">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref56" name="_ftn56" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[56]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. RT. 2021, diciembre 10. «Macron anuncia una "reforma del
espacio Schengen" entre las prioridades de la presidencia de la UE» en
URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/413192-emmanuel-macron-anuncia-reforma-espacio-schengen" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/413192-emmanuel-macron-anuncia-reforma-espacio-schengen</a>
(Acceso 2021, diciembre 10).</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref57" name="_ftn57" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[57]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">
<i>Vid</i>. RT. 2021, diciembre 11. «Las
muertes de migrantes aumentan este año y superan ya los 4</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 8pt; line-height: 150%;">
</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">400
casos, revela la OIM» en <a href="url:https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/413294-muertes-migrantes-aumentan-superan-4400" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">URL:https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/413294-muertes-migrantes-aumentan-superan-4400</a>
(Acceso 2021, diciembre 11).<o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref58" name="_ftn58" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[58]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">
<i>Vid</i>. U</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">RBINA</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">,
I. 2021. «THE SECRETIVE PRISONS THAT KEEP MIGRANTS OUT OF EUROPE» en URL: <a href="https://www.theoutlawocean.com/investigations/the-secretive-libyan-prisons-that-keep-migrants-out-of-europe/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.theoutlawocean.com/investigations/the-secretive-libyan-prisons-that-keep-migrants-out-of-europe/</a>
(Acceso 2021, diciembre 15).<o:p></o:p></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn59">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="text-align: justify;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/OneDrive/Escritorio/Hipertelia%20de%20la%20discusi%C3%B3n%20filmada.doc#_ftnref59" name="_ftn59" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[59]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. B</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 115%;">ORRERO</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif""> B</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 115%;">ATISTA</span><span face=""Arial Narrow","sans-serif"">, D. 2017, enero 19. «La
migración africana: ¿qué hay bajo la cáscara?» en URL: <a href="https://www.granma.cu/mundo/2017-01-19/la-migracion-africana-que-hay-bajo-la-cascara-19-01-2017-20-01-53" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.granma.cu/mundo/2017-01-19/la-migracion-africana-que-hay-bajo-la-cascara-19-01-2017-20-01-53</a>
(Acceso 2021, diciembre 16).</span></p></div></div></div>Pablo Pallashttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02676986163926451532noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8368737022377042313.post-44086677320335596542021-05-14T21:08:00.220-03:002022-08-09T17:54:14.375-03:00De la verdad narrada: Caso IX<p></p><p style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: large;"><b></b></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: large;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/78637a4e3167444e3055444d7a55444f33676a4e31457a6333566d54/img/9d396be704d64077bcc6b5ee590ca20a/9d396be704d64077bcc6b5ee590ca20a.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="367" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/78637a4e3167444e3055444d7a55444f33676a4e31457a6333566d54/img/9d396be704d64077bcc6b5ee590ca20a/9d396be704d64077bcc6b5ee590ca20a.png" width="486" /></a><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/78637a4e3167444e3055444d7a55444f33676a4e31457a6333566d54/img/9d396be704d64077bcc6b5ee590ca20a/9d396be704d64077bcc6b5ee590ca20a.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><br /></a><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/78637a4e3167444e3055444d7a55444f33676a4e31457a6333566d54/img/9d396be704d64077bcc6b5ee590ca20a/9d396be704d64077bcc6b5ee590ca20a.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><br /></a><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/78637a4e3167444e3055444d7a55444f33676a4e31457a6333566d54/img/9d396be704d64077bcc6b5ee590ca20a/9d396be704d64077bcc6b5ee590ca20a.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><br /></a><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/78637a4e3167444e3055444d7a55444f33676a4e31457a6333566d54/img/9d396be704d64077bcc6b5ee590ca20a/9d396be704d64077bcc6b5ee590ca20a.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><br /></a><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/78637a4e3167444e3055444d7a55444f33676a4e31457a6333566d54/img/9d396be704d64077bcc6b5ee590ca20a/9d396be704d64077bcc6b5ee590ca20a.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><br /></a><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/78637a4e3167444e3055444d7a55444f33676a4e31457a6333566d54/img/9d396be704d64077bcc6b5ee590ca20a/9d396be704d64077bcc6b5ee590ca20a.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><br /></a><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/78637a4e3167444e3055444d7a55444f33676a4e31457a6333566d54/img/9d396be704d64077bcc6b5ee590ca20a/9d396be704d64077bcc6b5ee590ca20a.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><br /></a></div></span></div><p></p><p style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-align: center;"><br /></p><p style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-align: center;"><br /></p><p style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-align: center;"><br /></p><p style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-align: center;"><br /></p><p style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-align: center;"><br /></p><p style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-align: left;"></p><p dir="rtl" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-align: right;"><iframe allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/Tn7ekKaxUJM" title="YouTube video player" width="419"></iframe><iframe allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/PdvxuiFinvI" title="YouTube video player" width="419"></iframe></p><p></p><p style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-align: left;"><a href="https://www.un.org/en/durban-20-anniversary" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; display: inline; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="273" src="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/OHxXbjT8mAM/maxresdefault.jpg" width="486" /></a></p><p style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444;">Date: 22 September 2021, Second day of the GA-76th general debate</span></p><p style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-align: right;"><span style="color: #444444;">Location: General Assembly Hall, United Nations headquarters, New York</span></p><p style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-align: right;"><b><span style="color: #3d85c6;"><a href="https://media.un.org/en/asset/k17/k17oq7an86" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">WATCH THE MEETING</a></span></b></p><p style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-align: right;"><br /></p><p style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><b style="font-size: x-large;"><span face=""Arial","sans-serif"" style="color: #2f72ed;"></span></b></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><b style="font-size: x-large;"><span face=""Arial","sans-serif"" style="color: #2f72ed;"><a href="https://www.ohchr.org/en/countries/Menaregion/pages/psindex.aspx" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="500" data-original-width="500" height="114" src="https://images-wixmp-ed30a86b8c4ca887773594c2.wixmp.com/f/108fe05f-8fda-4e23-a367-a82912313633/d1epylp-cbca4e70-a622-4816-9252-e7c28b0b85e1.gif?token=eyJ0eXAiOiJKV1QiLCJhbGciOiJIUzI1NiJ9.eyJzdWIiOiJ1cm46YXBwOjdlMGQxODg5ODIyNjQzNzNhNWYwZDQxNWVhMGQyNmUwIiwiaXNzIjoidXJuOmFwcDo3ZTBkMTg4OTgyMjY0MzczYTVmMGQ0MTVlYTBkMjZlMCIsIm9iaiI6W1t7InBhdGgiOiJcL2ZcLzEwOGZlMDVmLThmZGEtNGUyMy1hMzY3LWE4MjkxMjMxMzYzM1wvZDFlcHlscC1jYmNhNGU3MC1hNjIyLTQ4MTYtOTI1Mi1lN2MyOGIwYjg1ZTEuZ2lmIn1dXSwiYXVkIjpbInVybjpzZXJ2aWNlOmZpbGUuZG93bmxvYWQiXX0.mQfqPCMGdu0fV9joTC2hrFtS5AbLCAsefWi4juA9RkA" width="114" /></a></span></b></div><b style="font-size: x-large;"><span face=""Arial","sans-serif"" style="color: #2f72ed;">East Jerusalem:</span></b><b style="font-size: x-large;"><span face=""Arial","sans-serif"" style="color: black;"> </span></b><p></p>
<p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; orphans: 2; text-align: justify; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"><b><span face="Arial, sans-serif"><span style="color: #5c5656; font-size: large;">UN experts deplore </span></span></b></p><p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; orphans: 2; text-align: justify; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"><b><span face="Arial, sans-serif"><span style="color: #5c5656; font-size: large;">brutal police response </span></span></b></p><p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; orphans: 2; text-align: justify; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"><b><span face="Arial, sans-serif"><span style="color: #5c5656; font-size: large;">to
protests, </span></span></b></p><p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; orphans: 2; text-align: justify; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"><b><span face="Arial, sans-serif"><span style="color: #5c5656; font-size: large;">urge eviction threats to be lifted </span></span></b><span face=""Arial","sans-serif"" style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; orphans: 2; text-align: justify; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"><span face=""Arial","sans-serif"" style="color: black;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; orphans: 2; text-align: justify; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"></div><p></p><p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; orphans: 2; text-align: justify; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif"><span style="color: #464141;"></span></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif"><span style="color: #464141;"><a href="https://www.ohchr.org/EN/pages/home.aspx" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="452" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://www.pazcondignidad.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/03/unct-kg-logo-profile-ohchr.jpg" width="200" /></a></span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif"><span style="color: #464141;">GENEVA (11 May 2021) - UN human rights experts today expressed
grave concerns about Israel's aggressive response to protests in East
Jerusalem, and called on Israel, as the occupying power, to immediately lift
its threat to evict hundreds of Palestinian households from their
legally-protected homes.</span></span></div><span face="Arial, sans-serif"><span style="color: #464141;"><o:p></o:p></span></span><p></p>
<p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; orphans: 2; text-align: justify; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif"><o:p><span style="color: #464141;"> </span></o:p></span></p>
<p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; orphans: 2; text-align: justify; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif"><span style="color: #464141;">"Re-establishing calm in Jerusalem is important, but creating
the conditions for justice and equality in the City are even more
important," the experts said. "Neither short-term calm nor long-term
peace will be accomplished as long as the national and individual rights of the
City's Palestinian population are routinely abrogated."<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; orphans: 2; text-align: justify; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif"><o:p><span style="color: #464141;"> </span></o:p></span></p>
<p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; orphans: 2; text-align: justify; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif"><span style="color: #464141;">Hundreds of Palestinians, as well as some Israeli police officers,
have been injured in clashes over recent days. The experts called on Israel to
exercise full restraint in its policing of the demonstrations by Palestinians
in Jerusalem, and to respect the freedoms of assembly, expression and religious
worship.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; orphans: 2; text-align: justify; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif"><o:p><span style="color: #464141;"> </span></o:p></span></p>
<p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; orphans: 2; text-align: justify; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif"><span style="color: #464141;">"The recent scenes of Israeli police and security forces
attacking large crowds of Palestinian residents and worshipers is only
intensifying a deeply inflammatory atmosphere in the City. A militarized
response to civilian protests against discriminatory practices only deepens
social divisions. Respecting rights is the only path forward,"<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; orphans: 2; text-align: justify; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif"><o:p><span style="color: #464141;"> </span></o:p></span></p>
<p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; orphans: 2; text-align: justify; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif"><span style="color: #464141;">The ongoing and threatened evictions of Palestinian families from
their homes, primarily in the East Jerusalem neighbourhoods of Sheikh Jarrah
and Silwan, are based on two Israeli laws: the Absentee Property Law of 1950
and the Legal and Administrative Matters Law of 1970. The 1950 law prohibits
Palestinians from reclaiming their properties lost in the 1947-49 war, while
the 1970 law allows Israeli Jews to re-claim properties lost during the same
war. Evictions of Palestinian families under these laws have recurred many
times over the years, raising deep concerns about impunity and lack of
accountability.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; orphans: 2; text-align: justify; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif"><o:p><span style="color: #464141;"> </span></o:p></span></p>
<p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; orphans: 2; text-align: justify; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif"><span style="color: #464141;">"These laws are inherently discriminatory, both in intent and
in application, and they violate fundamental principles of both international
humanitarian law and international human rights law," said the experts.
"An occupying power is prohibited from confiscating private property
belonging to the protected population, and it must respect the body of existing
laws which had governed the territory, unless it is absolutely necessary to
alter them.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; orphans: 2; text-align: justify; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif"><o:p><span style="color: #464141;"> </span></o:p></span></p>
<p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; orphans: 2; text-align: justify; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif"><span style="color: #464141;">"The forced transfer of the population under occupation is a
grave breach of the Fourth Geneva Convention, which contribute to the coercive
environment now prevailing in East Jerusalem. As well, these evictions breach
the right to adequate housing – a core human right in international law."<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; orphans: 2; text-align: justify; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif"><o:p><span style="color: #464141;"> </span></o:p></span></p>
<p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; orphans: 2; text-align: justify; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif"><span style="color: #464141;">"The proper step for Israel to take is to remove the threat
of eviction, have the property rights of these Palestinian families respected
and legal regularized, and annul all discriminatory legislation from its
laws."<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; orphans: 2; text-align: justify; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif"><o:p><span style="color: #464141;"> </span></o:p></span></p>
<p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; orphans: 2; text-align: justify; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif"><span style="color: #464141;">Israel occupied East Jerusalem, along with the West Bank and Gaza,
in 1967. Within weeks of the June 1967 war, it annexed East Jerusalem and parts
of the West Bank. Over the past five decades, it has built 13 settlements,
housing more than 220,000 Jewish settlers, in East Jerusalem.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; orphans: 2; text-align: justify; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif"><o:p><span style="color: #464141;"> </span></o:p></span></p>
<p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; orphans: 2; text-align: justify; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif"><span style="color: #464141;">The United Nations Security Council has repeatedly condemned both
the annexation and the settlements as null and void under international law,
and has demanded that Israel rescind its illegal acts. UN human rights experts
have demanded repeatedly over the years that Israel comply with its
international obligations and stop evictions, demolitions and forced removal of
Palestinians from their lands. Israel has regularly stated that it has no
intention of complying with the direction of the international community.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; orphans: 2; text-align: justify; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif"><o:p><span style="color: #464141;"> </span></o:p></span></p>
<p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; orphans: 2; text-align: justify; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif"><span style="color: #464141;">"The immediate source of the current tensions in East
Jerusalem are the actions of Israeli settler organizations, whose stated aim is
to turn Palestinian neighbourhoods into Jewish neighbourhoods. This demographic
engineering has been abetted by the Jerusalem municipality, whose urban master
plans have explicitly set a goal of limiting the City's Palestinian population
at 30 percent. Establishing official population targets such as this reinforce
entrenched patterns of ethnic domination, which have no place in the modern
world."<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; orphans: 2; text-align: justify; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif"><o:p><span style="color: #464141;"> </span></o:p></span></p>
<p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; orphans: 2; text-align: justify; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif"><span style="color: #464141;">ENDS.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; orphans: 2; text-align: justify; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif"><span style="color: #464141;"><br /></span></span></p><p style="background: white; line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small; line-height: 150%;">The experts: <em><b><span face=""Arial","sans-serif"">Mr S. Michael Lynk</span></b></em><em><span face=""Arial","sans-serif"">,</span></em> <a href="https://www.ohchr.org/EN/HRBodies/SP/CountriesMandates/PS/Pages/SRPalestine.aspx" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><em><span face="Arial, sans-serif" style="text-decoration-line: none;">Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian
Territory occupied since 1967</span></em></a><em><span face=""Arial","sans-serif"">. </span></em><strong><i><span face=""Arial","sans-serif"">Balakrishnan Rajagopal,</span></i></strong><em><span face=""Arial","sans-serif""> </span></em><a href="https://www.ohchr.org/EN/Issues/Housing/Pages/HousingIndex.aspx" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><em><span face="Arial, sans-serif" style="text-decoration-line: none;">Special Rapporteur on adequate housing as a component of the right to an
adequate standard of living, and on the right to non-discrimination in this
context</span></em></a>.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p></p><p style="background: white; line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small; line-height: 150%;"> </span></p><p style="background: white; line-height: 150%; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><em><span face="Arial, sans-serif" style="line-height: 150%;">The Special Rapporteurs,
Independent Experts and Working Groups are part of what is known as the</span></em><span face="Arial, sans-serif" style="line-height: 150%;"> <a href="https://www.ohchr.org/EN/HRBodies/SP/Pages/Welcomepage.aspx" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><em><span face="Arial, sans-serif" style="text-decoration-line: none;">Special Procedures</span></em></a> <em><span face=""Arial","sans-serif"">of the Human Rights Council. Special Procedures, the
largest body of independent experts in the UN Human Rights system, is the
general name of the Council's independent fact-finding and monitoring
mechanisms that address either specific country situations or thematic issues
in all parts of the world. Special Procedures' experts work on a voluntary
basis; they are not UN staff and do not receive a salary for their work. They
are independent from any government or organization and serve in their
individual capacity.<o:p></o:p></span></em></span></span></p><p style="background: white; line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small; line-height: 150%;"> </span></p><p style="background: white; line-height: 150%; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><em><span face="Arial, sans-serif" style="line-height: 150%;">UN Human Rights, Country
Page: </span></em><span face="Arial, sans-serif" style="line-height: 150%;"><a href="https://www.ohchr.org/EN/Countries/MenaRegion/Pages/PSIndex.aspx" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><em><span face="Arial, sans-serif" style="text-decoration-line: none;">Occupied Palestinian Territory</span></em></a><em><span face=""Arial","sans-serif""> and </span></em><a href="https://www.ohchr.org/EN/Countries/MENARegion/Pages/ILIndex.aspx" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><em><span face="Arial, sans-serif" style="text-decoration-line: none;">Israel</span></em></a><o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p style="background: white; line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small; line-height: 150%;"> </span></p><p style="background: white; line-height: 150%; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><em><span face="Arial, sans-serif" style="line-height: 150%;">For more information and </span></em><strong><i><span face="Arial, sans-serif" style="line-height: 150%;">media requests</span></i></strong><em><span face="Arial, sans-serif" style="line-height: 150%;"> , please
contact: Abigail Eshel:</span></em><span face="Arial, sans-serif" style="line-height: 150%;"> <a href="mailto:aeshel@ohchr.org" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><em><span face="Arial, sans-serif" style="text-decoration-line: none;">aeshel@ohchr.org</span></em></a><em><span face=""Arial","sans-serif"">.<o:p></o:p></span></em></span></span></p><p style="background: white; line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small; line-height: 150%;"> </span></p><p style="background: white; line-height: 150%; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif" style="line-height: 150%;"><i>For media enquiries regarding
other UN independent experts, please contact Renato de Souza </i>(<i>+41 22 928 9855
/ </i></span><span face="Arial, sans-serif" style="line-height: 150%;"><a href="mailto:rrosariodesouza@ohchr.org" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><em><span face="Arial, sans-serif" style="text-decoration-line: none;">rrosariodesouza@ohchr.org</span></em></a><span face=""Arial","sans-serif"">)<i><o:p></o:p></i></span></span></span></p><p style="background: white; line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small; line-height: 150%;"> </span></p><p style="background: white; line-height: 150%; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><em><span face="Arial, sans-serif" style="line-height: 150%;">Follow news related to the UN's
independent human rights experts on Twitter</span></em><span face="Arial, sans-serif" style="line-height: 150%;"> <a href="https://twitter.com/UN_SPExperts" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><em><span face="Arial, sans-serif" style="text-decoration-line: none;">@UN_SPExperts</span></em></a><em><span face=""Arial","sans-serif"">.<o:p></o:p></span></em></span></span></p><p style="background: white; line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small; line-height: 150%;"> </span></p><p align="center" style="background: white; line-height: 150%; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small; line-height: 150%;">Concerned about the world we live in?<o:p></o:p></span></p><p align="center" style="background: white; line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-align: center;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small; line-height: 150%;"> </span></p><p align="center" style="background: white; line-height: 150%; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"><strong><span face="Arial, sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small; line-height: 150%;">Then STAND UP for someone's rights today.<o:p></o:p></span></strong></p><p align="center" style="background: white; line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-align: center;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small; line-height: 150%;"> </span></p><p align="center" style="background: white; line-height: 150%; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; text-align: center;"><strong><span face="Arial, sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small; line-height: 150%;">#Standup4humanrights<o:p></o:p></span></strong></p><p align="center" style="background: white; line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-align: center;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small; line-height: 150%;"> </span></p><p style="line-height: 150%; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
</p><p align="center" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-align: center;"><b><span face="Arial, sans-serif" style="background: white; font-size: x-small; line-height: 150%;">and visit the web page
at <a href="http://www.standup4humanrights.org/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="text-decoration-line: none;">http://www.standup4humanrights.org</span></a><o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p></p><p style="line-height: 150%; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; orphans: 2; text-align: justify; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif" style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; word-spacing: 0px;"><span style="color: #464141;"><br /></span></span></span></p><p style="line-height: 150%; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; orphans: 2; text-align: justify; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif" style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; word-spacing: 0px;"><span style="color: #464141;">Fuente: </span></span><span style="text-align: left;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif" style="color: #464141;">LYNK, S. M. - RAJAGOPAL, B. 2021, mayo 11. «East Jerusalem: UN experts deplore brutal police response to protests, urge eviction threats to be lifted» en URL: <a href="https://www.ohchr.org/SP/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=27083&LangID=E" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.ohchr.org/SP/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=27083&LangID=E</a> (Acceso 2020, mayo 14)</span></span></span></p><p style="line-height: 150%; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; orphans: 2; text-align: justify; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="text-align: left;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif" style="color: #464141;"><br /></span></span></span></p><p style="line-height: 150%; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; text-align: left;"><span style="color: #464141; font-family: arial;">14.02.21</span></p><p style="line-height: 150%; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;"><span style="text-align: left;"><span style="color: #464141; font-family: arial;"><b><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FQJjjsp7vF8&t=499s" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">The Grayzone</a>. </b></span></span><span style="color: #464141; font-family: arial;"><b>Finkelstein: Palestine's ICC victory thwarted by Israel's apartheid reality</b></span></p><p style="line-height: 150%; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; text-align: left;"><span style="color: #464141; font-family: arial;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #464141; font-family: arial;"><a href="http://normanfinkelstein.com/books-2/" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="290" data-original-width="198" height="258" src="http://normanfinkelstein.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/10/i-accuse-290.jpg" width="176" /></a></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #464141; font-family: arial;">In a landmark ruling, the International Criminal Court has ruled that it has jurisdiction to investigate Israel for war crimes in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. However, scholar and author Norman Finkelstein warns that the ICC decision, while historic, is unlikely to deliver justice. According to Finkelstein, the Palestinian Authority's capitulation in the Oslo accords gives Israel room to flout the court's jurisdiction. Meanwhile, the reality of Israel today -- what the Israeli group B'Tselem recently called a "regime of Jewish supremacy" -- undermines any notion of a separate Palestinian state. Guest: Norman Finkelstein. Author, scholar, and leading expert on Israel-Palestine. His latest book is "I Accuse!".</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://normanfinkelstein.com/2021/02/14/what-the-icc-decision-on-palestine-actually-said/" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: arial;" target="_blank">http://normanfinkelstein.com/2021/02/14/what-the-icc-decision-on-palestine-actually-said/</a></div><p style="line-height: 150%; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;"><span><span style="text-align: left;"><span style="color: #464141; font-family: arial;"></span></span></span></p><p style="line-height: 150%; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; orphans: 2; text-align: center; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2;"><br /></p><p style="line-height: 150%; margin: 0cm 0cm 0.0001pt; orphans: 2; text-align: justify; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-thickness: initial; widows: 2;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="text-align: left;"></span></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.unrwa.org/" rel="nofollow" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="447" data-original-width="800" height="271" src="https://english.aawsat.com/sites/default/files/styles/article_img_top/public/2018/03/08/unrwa_new_logo_blue.jpg?itok=6iP3k3Sn" width="489" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://open.spotify.com/show/37EX61PNKk7RrWYaL2SvMj" rel="nofollow" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="640" data-original-width="640" height="422" src="https://i.scdn.co/image/2f90ca756aba4ce900fbe013d755f2a1c74aaaf2" width="422" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><b style="color: #444444; font-family: arial;"><i><a href="https://www.youtube.com/hashtag/sheikhjarrah" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">#sheikhjarrah</a></i></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: arial;"><b><br /></b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: arial;"><a href="http://www.fao.org/emergencies/countries/detail/en/c/161517/" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="400" data-original-width="400" height="106" src="https://pbs.twimg.com/profile_images/878166433187995648/opkzbBeR_400x400.jpg" width="106" /></a></span><a href="https://www.wfp.org/search?search_api_fulltext=Gaza" rel="nofollow" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="385" data-original-width="131" height="212" src="https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcR0_T2SbiU4stoW1RG1JChmb425gqTs8um8Ww&usqp=CAU" width="72" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: arial;"><b><br /></b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: arial;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-weight: bold; text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: right;"><span style="text-align: justify;">Occupied Palestinian territory</span></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><b><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.emro.who.int/search/en/index.htm?q=Palestine" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="441" data-original-width="800" height="135" src="https://pbs.twimg.com/media/EemFIYaWsAw_7MN.jpg" width="245" /></a></div>Updates on escalation in occupied Palestine territory 2021 </b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>About our reports: </b><b> </b></div><div style="text-align: justify;">These flash updates will report on the latest impact on health and people’s lives as a result of the escalations of violence across oPt, both from the continuing aerial bombardment of the Gaza Strip and settler-related unrest in the West Bank including East Jerusalem.<b> </b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b></b><a href="http://www.emro.who.int/pse/palestine-news/updates-on-escalation-in-occupied-palestine-territory-2021.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.emro.who.int/pse/palestine-news/updates-on-escalation-in-occupied-palestine-territory-2021.html</a></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; 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text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444; text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/mXX9ojGUA4w" width="312" youtube-src-id="mXX9ojGUA4w"></iframe></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="262" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/8CEExN98pfE" width="315" youtube-src-id="8CEExN98pfE"></iframe></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.alarabiya.net/articles/2011%2F06%2F25%2F154739" rel="nofollow" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="249" data-original-width="202" height="381" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhHsvDMlFIB-nuNlFDLiwYeXUOJmOttjw2AKCd5K1bVcUCPfmO3W_HI_5cN-okPCIwLp-tlS-MM9W-J25spPhbIa28gBp_a3Z6NT4CnC6kRRf3Zf6XA-PGb3gtuJ6sJyf2mEZiQGFIGaZeT/w309-h381/Buste+de+femme.jpg" width="309" /></a></div></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="264" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/X19wJuKYBJs" width="317" youtube-src-id="X19wJuKYBJs"></iframe></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444; text-align: center;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="263" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/PBLR2nFxzww" width="316" youtube-src-id="PBLR2nFxzww"></iframe></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444; text-align: center;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://jerusalemdeclaration.org/" rel="nofollow" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="461" data-original-width="800" height="78" src="https://jerusalemdeclaration.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/%D7%A6%D7%99%D7%9C%D7%95%D7%9D-%D7%9E%D7%A1%D7%9A-2021-03-25-%D7%91-9.05.14.png" width="135" /></a></div><a href="https://www.unjppi.org/index.html" rel="nofollow" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;" target="_blank"></a><a href="https://www.btselem.org/" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="174" data-original-width="245" height="76" src="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/1/12/B'Tselem_text_logo.jpg/245px-B'Tselem_text_logo.jpg" width="106" /></a><a href="https://www.unjppi.org/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="155" data-original-width="326" height="77" src="https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcQ3HMFjFzH6nn6iwXZderj52rYsMGgTX1SKBdkFuve4pwh7T9gaTlWLpCIyEO66_50k_ZE&usqp=CAU" width="163" /></a><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.btselem.org/settler_violence_updates" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="240" data-original-width="800" height="146" src="https://www.btselem.org/themes/custom/betselem8/images/settlers-en.png" width="488" /></a></div><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444; text-align: center;"></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444; font-weight: bold; text-align: center;"><a href="https://i2.wp.com/www.un.org/unispal/wp-content/uploads/2016/11/216.jpg?resize=300%2C200&ssl=1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="200" data-original-width="300" height="197" src="https://i2.wp.com/www.un.org/unispal/wp-content/uploads/2016/11/216.jpg?resize=300%2C200&ssl=1" width="214" /></a></div><div style="color: #444444; text-align: justify;"><b>UN. Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People </b>Statements by the Chair of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People at Security Council Open Debate on the situation in the Middle East, including the questions of Palestine.</div><div style="color: #444444; text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.un.org/unispal/committee/chair-statements/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.un.org/unispal/committee/chair-statements/</a> </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b style="color: #444444;">United Nations. THE QUESTION OF PALESTINE</b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><div><a href="https://www.un.org/unispal/data-collection/civil-society/list-of-intl-civil-society-partners/national-civil-society-partners-of-the-committee/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Accredited Civil Society partners of the Committee – by country</a></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.un.org/sites/un2.un.org/files/styles/large-article-image-style-16-9/public/field/image/1581027316.5189.png?itok=-dOBkhPP" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"></a><a href="https://www.ps.undp.org/content/papp/en/home/blogs/" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;" target="_blank">Programme of Asistance to the Palestinian People | Blog </a></div></div></span></div></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444; text-align: center;"><a href="https://twitter.com/whoopt?lang=es" rel="nofollow" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="400" data-original-width="400" height="224" src="https://pbs.twimg.com/profile_images/897747673301872640/b11ZGhxd_400x400.jpg" width="224" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.ochaopt.org/data" rel="nofollow" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="124" data-original-width="110" height="111" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhNgnoZEFrENrLyTsYwNZSppGFQvUMPwP9ssF5F-Bb7ktnChy2UXvbJy_7p3vC9No3akjMLieSB-XsX2VfaQK02im_G3IKSFXrrAIW1no7xRslizsNssdA7M1o5qGtXgiV1FpQp3sY4SwQ/w97-h111/United-Nations-flag-animated.gif" width="97" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b><span style="color: #4e66d2;">OCHA. Data. </span></b>Following are some of the interactive charts, maps and databases we have developed to support the humanitarian community in the occupied Palestinian territory in providing rapid, effective and principled response. To protect the privacy of people who share their information with us, some of the tools can only be accessed by our operational partners.</div></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444; text-align: justify;"><span style="text-align: left;"></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">27.12.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Protection of Civilians Report | 7-20 December 2021</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/styles/report-small/public/resources-pdf-previews/1595430-poc_7-20_dec_2021.png?itok=yioNyU1G" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="311" data-original-width="220" height="109" src="https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/styles/report-small/public/resources-pdf-previews/1595430-poc_7-20_dec_2021.png?itok=yioNyU1G" width="77" /></a></div>Latest developments. On 21 December, a Palestinian allegedly tried to ram his vehicle into Israeli forces near Mevo Dotan settlement and was shot and killed. On 22 December, a Palestinian allegedly opened fire at Israeli forces near Al Am’ari refugee camp and was shot and killed. On 24 December, a Palestinian woman died of wounds after she was struck by a car driven by an Israeli settler near Sinjil village (Ramallah). According to Israeli media resources, the driver turned himself in to Israeli police and the police have initiated an investigation into the incident.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.ochaopt.org/poc/protection-civilians-report-7-20-december-2021" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.ochaopt.org/poc/protection-civilians-report-7-20-december-2021</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">21.12.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Middle East: Positive steps needed to restore calm</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/Collections/Embargoed/19-05-2021-UNRWA-Gaza-destruction-02.jpg/image1170x530cropped.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="362" data-original-width="800" height="127" src="https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/Collections/Embargoed/19-05-2021-UNRWA-Gaza-destruction-02.jpg/image1170x530cropped.jpg" width="281" /></a></div>Tor Wennesland painted a grim picture of “clashes, attacks, military operations” and continued settler-related violence amidst a severe fiscal and economic crisis in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT). “It is crucial that all parties take immediate steps to lower tensions and restore calm”, he said, warning that if left unchecked, the situation in the West Bank would further deteriorate – impacting security in Gaza and undermining the fragile peace that has held since May. Detailing occurrences. Devoting his briefing to the implementation of Resolution 2334 (2016), which calls for the cessation of all settlement activities in the OPT, the Special Coordinator said that “violent incidents have unfortunately continued”. While updating ambassadors on a host of incidents, he said that14 Palestinians had been killed, along with three Israelis, since 29 September. He mentioned that the most recent confrontation had occurred on Sunday, when hundreds of settlers attempted to enter the Homesh outpost to set up illegal structures, breaking through Israel Security Forces’ (ISF) barricades and using violence against Israeli soldiers, “including hitting one soldier with a vehicle”. Meanwhile, there have been some positive developments, such as a virtual meeting between United States and Palestinian officials last Tuesday to renew the US-Palestinian Economic Dialogue – the first such meeting in five years.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://news.un.org/en/story/2021/12/1108572" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.un.org/en/story/2021/12/1108572</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">16.12.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Humanitarian Response Plan OPT 2022</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.ochaopt.org/sites/default/files/styles/publications/public/images/articles/HRP_2022.jpg?itok=Yb62d_7e" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="350" data-original-width="350" height="123" src="https://www.ochaopt.org/sites/default/files/styles/publications/public/images/articles/HRP_2022.jpg?itok=Yb62d_7e" width="123" /></a></div>Foreword by the Humanitarian Coordinator. In 2022, millions of Palestinians across the occupied territory will be highly vulnerable to humanitarian shocks, driven by multiple political and socio-economic factors present in 2021. In the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, Israeli settlement activity and related violence, loss of land, destruction of property and movement restrictions, and restricted access to basic services and livelihoods continued throughout 2021. These actions contribute to a coercive environment which can deny Palestinians their basic rights and pressure some to leave their communities. </div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.ochaopt.org/sites/default/files/HRP_2022.pdf" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.ochaopt.org/sites/default/files/HRP_2022.pdf</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;">10.12.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><b>GERMANY CONTRIBUTES EUR 21 MILLION IN SUPPORT OF UNRWA EDUCATION AND HEALTH SERVICES IN GAZA AND THE WEST BANK AS WELL AS SHELTER RECONSTRUCTION IN GAZA</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.un.org/sites/un2.un.org/files/field/image/unrwa-01-01.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="427" data-original-width="800" height="124" src="https://www.un.org/sites/un2.un.org/files/field/image/unrwa-01-01.jpg" width="232" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Today, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) and the Government of Germany through KfW Development Bank signed agreements in support of Palestine refugees in Gaza and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, amounting to a total of EUR 21 million. The Government of Germany will provide EUR 15 million to ensure that approximately 50,000 Palestine refugee children in Gaza and 46,000 in the West Bank have continued access to learning in UNRWA schools, and that Palestine refugees have access to life-saving health care services in three Health Centres in the Gaza Strip. Additionally, Germany will support the early recovery of Palestine refugees in Gaza affected by the latest round of hostilities through a EUR 6 million contribution, by providing financial assistance for the reconstruction of approximately 150 destroyed shelters and by supporting 50 families in meeting their urgent psycho-social relief needs. Mr. Oliver Owcza, Head of the German Representative Office in Ramallah, welcomed these agreements as essential assistance to Palestine refugees in Gaza and the West Bank following a particularly challenging year, especially in light of the instability caused by the COVID-19 pandemic and the May 2021 hostilities. He thanked UNRWA for its work under likewise difficult conditions and added: “Supporting the provision of primary health care for people in need and of quality, inclusive education for Palestine refugee children in Gaza and the West Bank are key priorities for the Government of Germany.”</div></span></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/press-releases/germany-contributes-eur-21-million-support-unrwa-education-and-health" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/press-releases/germany-contributes-eur-21-million-support-unrwa-education-and-health</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">10.12.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>UNRWA COMMISSIONER-GENERAL VISITS LEBANON AMIDST DETERIORATING LIVING CONDITIONS OF PALESTINE REFUGEES</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.unrwa.org/sites/default/files/styles/full_news_745x450/public/content/news_articles/news_article_124616_44234_1639139697.jpg?itok=-mA00fwQ" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="745" height="150" src="https://www.unrwa.org/sites/default/files/styles/full_news_745x450/public/content/news_articles/news_article_124616_44234_1639139697.jpg?itok=-mA00fwQ" width="249" /></a></div>The Commissioner-General of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), Mr. Phillippe Lazzarini, just ended a three-day visit in Lebanon where he met with UNRWA staff and refugees in Burj Barajneh camp in Beirut. Lazzarini’s visit comes amid an unprecedented economic and financial crisis that is plunging the country deep into poverty. These events have a profound impacts on Palestine refugees who are among the poorest segment of the society. For decades they have faced restrictions on access to the labour market and property ownership. “Refugees I met are utterly desperate and struggle to cover their basic needs,” said Lazzarini. “I met young graduates whose only hope for a better future is to emigrate. They know the prices of each migration route. I met parents who have nightmares about how they will afford to buy milk and diapers for their children the next day. The social fabric within the community is imploding, divorces are on the rise, as is gender-based violence. UNRWA staff are also encountering anger and resentment.” Today, I am raising the alarm and calling on the international community to ensure adequate support for UNRWA to ensure that those refugees continue receiving much needed assistance and have a dignified life,” he continued. At the UNRWA Yarmouk School in the camp, Lazzarini met with representatives of the school parliament, the school parents’ association and school staff. All talked about the difficult conditions and challenges children face to continue their education. Many are dropping out of schools as they cannot afford transportation or have to help their families make a living.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/press-releases/unrwa-commissioner-general-visits-lebanon-amidst-deteriorating-living" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/press-releases/unrwa-commissioner-general-visits-lebanon-amidst-deteriorating-living</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">09.12.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>UNRWA CALLS FOR MAKING GOOD ON THE PROMISE MADE TO FUTURE GENERATIONS, INCLUDING PALESTINE REFUGEE CHILDREN, FOR FREEDOM AND EQUALITY</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.unrwa.org/sites/default/files/styles/full_news_745x450/public/content/news_articles/news_article_124615_44231_1639138574.jpg?itok=EgWEA_Bo" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="745" height="149" src="https://www.unrwa.org/sites/default/files/styles/full_news_745x450/public/content/news_articles/news_article_124615_44231_1639138574.jpg?itok=EgWEA_Bo" width="247" /></a></div>Ahead of International Human Rights Day, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) joins the wider UN system in commemorating this important day and calls for an end to inequalities and for the upholding of the human rights of Palestine refugees on an equal basis with others. Themed ‘All Human, All Equal’, this year’s Human Rights Day focuses on addressing inequalities, advancing human rights and rebuilding better, fairer, greener. This also applies to Palestine refugees, who face many barriers to the enjoyment of their human rights, some painfully visible, others invisible but equally inflicting pain and suffering. “2021 has been a particularly difficult year. Several layers of crises have continued to grip the region, from active conflict, tensions and political instability to the ongoing socio-economic impact of the pandemic. This has hit the most vulnerable and marginalized, in particular Palestine refugee children, women and men, the hardest,” the UNRWA Commissioner-General said. The increasing prevalence of negative coping strategies that Palestine refugees everywhere are forced to resort to in order to survive because they are unable to meet their basic needs is of extreme concern to UNRWA. This includes reports of missed meals, gender-based violence, and child marriage and child labour, exacerbated by the increased isolation of already vulnerable groups such as the elderly and persons with disabilities.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/press-releases/unrwa-calls-making-good-promise-made-future-generations-including-palestine" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/press-releases/unrwa-calls-making-good-promise-made-future-generations-including-palestine</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">07.12.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>La situación de los derechos humanos en los Territorios Palestinos Ocupados es “desastrosa”: Bachelet</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/Libraries/Production+Library/09-02-2021_Palestine_Girl.jpg/image1170x530cropped.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="362" data-original-width="800" height="135" src="https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/Libraries/Production+Library/09-02-2021_Palestine_Girl.jpg/image1170x530cropped.jpg" width="299" /></a></div>Es inaceptable que los derechos de los palestinos continúen violándose, dice la Alta Comisionada y agrega que esos atropellos socavan las perspectivas de paz y desarrollo de ese pueblo y de toda la región. “Sólo el fin de la ocupación puede traer una paz duradera”, asevera. La Alta Comisionada de las Naciones Unidas para los Derechos Humanos afirmó este martes que la situación de los derechos humanos en los Territorios Palestinos Ocupados es "desastrosa", con graves infracciones que afectaron a unos cuatro millones de personas. En su informe al Comité de la ONU para el Ejercicio de los Derechos Inalienables del Pueblo Palestino, Michelle Bachelet señaló que esa condición devastadora socava las perspectivas de paz y desarrollo sostenible no sólo de los palestinos, sino también de Israel y la región. Bachelet consideró inaceptable que los derechos humanos sean violados sistemáticamente y sin que se perciba un final de esas atrocidades. Abusos en Gaza. Al hablar de Gaza, Bachelet recordó que en mayo pasado se registró la mayor escalada de hostilidades desde 2014, dejando como resultado 261 palestinos muertos, 130 de los cuales eran civiles y 67 más, niños. Con ese motivo, el Consejo de Derechos Humanos estableció una comisión de investigación internacional independiente. Su primer informe deberá presentarse en junio del próximo año. Bachelet señaló que la población de Gaza continúa sufriendo el bloqueo terrestre, marítimo y aéreo impuesto hace 15 años por Israel, con infraestructura vital derrumbándose y un sistema de alcantarillado en descomposición. “Las severas restricciones a la circulación y las obstrucciones al acceso de personas y bienes y servicios esenciales, incluida la atención médica especializada, generan un inmenso sufrimiento”, apuntó. Agregó que si bien los esfuerzos de reconstrucción y recuperación están en curso y se ha permitido gradualmente que algunos bienes ingresen a Gaza, el cese de hostilidades es frágil y las condiciones humanitarias “siguen siendo profundamente preocupantes”.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://news.un.org/es/story/2021/12/1501112" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.un.org/es/story/2021/12/1501112</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">03.12.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>I am Nadia Tayseer As Seifi</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://pbs.twimg.com/media/FFtSPSYWYAcbTjM?format=jpg&name=small" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="453" data-original-width="680" height="52" src="https://pbs.twimg.com/media/FFtSPSYWYAcbTjM?format=jpg&name=small" width="78" /></a></div>I am 53 years old. I lived in so many rental homes… until we finally bought this land and built this house.” Nadia may soon become homeless. She lives in Al Walaja, #westbank where Israeli authorities plan to demolish dozens of homes & structures.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://twitter.com/LWDCampaign/status/1466856529974468609" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://twitter.com/LWDCampaign/status/1466856529974468609</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">02.12.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Summary of joint report with PCHR, December 2021</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.btselem.org/sites/default/files/styles/1200x440/public/2021-12/202112_unwilling_and_unable_top_eng.JPG?itok=wkdQPj5E" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="293" data-original-width="800" height="94" src="https://www.btselem.org/sites/default/files/styles/1200x440/public/2021-12/202112_unwilling_and_unable_top_eng.JPG?itok=wkdQPj5E" width="257" /></a></div>On 30 March 2018 – Land Day – Palestinians in the Gaza Strip began to hold regular protests along the perimeter fence, demanding an end to the blockade Israel has imposed on the Strip since 2007 and fulfillment of the right of return. The protests, held mostly on Fridays with tens of thousands participating, including children, women and seniors, continued until the end of 2019. Israel was quick to frame the protests as illegitimate even before they began. It made various attempts to prevent the demonstrations and declared in advance it would violently disperse the protesters. The military deployed dozens of snipers along the fence, and various officials clarified that the open-fire regulations would permit lethal fire against anyone attempting to approach the fence or damage it. When Gaza residents went ahead with the demonstrations regardless, Israel made good on its threats and its open-fire regulations permitted use of live fire against unarmed protestors. As a result, 223 Palestinians, 46 of them under the age of 18, were killed and some 8,000 injured. The vast majority of the persons killed or injured were unarmed and posed no threat to the well-armored soldiers standing on the other side of the fence.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.btselem.org/sites/default/files/publications/202112_unwilling_and_unable_eng.pdf" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.btselem.org/sites/default/files/publications/202112_unwilling_and_unable_eng.pdf</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">02.12.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Jamal refuses to become homeless</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://pbs.twimg.com/media/FFlmZk3XoAQ2-eh?format=png&name=small" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="680" data-original-width="680" height="44" src="https://pbs.twimg.com/media/FFlmZk3XoAQ2-eh?format=png&name=small" width="44" /></a></div>Along with his neighbours in the #MassaferYatta area of the #WestBank, his family has resisted attempts by the Israeli authorities to remove them from where they live. Now, their homes face imminent demolition.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://twitter.com/ochaopt/status/1466316107233562624" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://twitter.com/ochaopt/status/1466316107233562624</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">01.12.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>UNRWA COMMISSIONER-GENERAL CALLS FOR SUPPORT TO PREVENT COLLAPSE OF THE AGENCY AT ADVISORY COMMISSION MEETING IN JORDAN</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.unrwa.org/sites/default/files/styles/full_news_745x450/public/content/news_articles/news_article_124551_44216_1638358938.jpg?itok=Qr-fy_F4" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="745" height="156" src="https://www.unrwa.org/sites/default/files/styles/full_news_745x450/public/content/news_articles/news_article_124551_44216_1638358938.jpg?itok=Qr-fy_F4" width="257" /></a></div>The Advisory Commission (AdCom) on the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) met on 29-30 November in Amman amidst immense concern over the financial shortfall that the Agency is facing. The Commissioner-General of UNRWA, Mr. Philippe Lazzarini, engaged participants on the risks associated with the financial crisis that the Agency faces and its impact on its ability to maintain services to Palestine refugees. He urgently called on the Agency’s governing body to help him ensure that basic services to Palestine refugees continue in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, Gaza, Syria, Jordan and Lebanon.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/press-releases/unrwa-commissioner-general-calls-support-prevent-collapse-agency-advisory" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/press-releases/unrwa-commissioner-general-calls-support-prevent-collapse-agency-advisory</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">30.11.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Israel-Palestine: Risk of 'deadly escalation' in violence, without decisive action</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/Libraries/Production+Library/30-08-2021_UNRWA_Gaza-Strip.jpg/image1170x530cropped.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="362" data-original-width="800" height="120" src="https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/Libraries/Production+Library/30-08-2021_UNRWA_Gaza-Strip.jpg/image1170x530cropped.jpg" width="266" /></a></div>Tor Wennesland told Council Members that “recent developments on the ground are worrying”, pointing out the situation in the West Bank and Gaza and the challenges faced by the Palestinian Authority. “I therefore emphasize again the importance of concerted efforts by the parties to calm things on the ground. I am concerned that if we do not act quickly and decisively, we risk plunging into another deadly escalation of violence”, he warned. He informed that, in the last month, violence resulted in the death of four Palestinians, including two children, and injuries to 90 others - including 12 children - due to action by Israeli Security Forces. One Israeli civilian was killed in the same period, and nine civilians, including one woman and one child, and six members of ISF were injured. </div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://news.un.org/en/story/2021/11/1106832" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.un.org/en/story/2021/11/1106832</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">29.11.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People, 29 November</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.un.org/sites/un2.un.org/files/styles/banner-image-style-27-10/public/palestinianday-site-banner-sktech.jpg?itok=CtJ1HcdN" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="296" data-original-width="800" height="115" src="https://www.un.org/sites/un2.un.org/files/styles/banner-image-style-27-10/public/palestinianday-site-banner-sktech.jpg?itok=CtJ1HcdN" width="310" /></a></div>In 1977, the General Assembly called for the annual observance of 29 November as the International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People (resolution 32/40 B). On that day, in 1947, the Assembly adopted the resolution on the partition of Palestine (resolution 181 (II)). In resolution 60/37 of 1 December 2005, the Assembly requested the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People and the Division for Palestinian Rights, as part of the observance of the International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People on 29 November, to continue to organize an annual exhibit on Palestinian rights or a cultural event in cooperation with the Permanent Observer Mission of Palestine to the UN. The resolution on the observance of the International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People also encourages Member States to continue to give the widest support and publicity to the observance of the Day of Solidarity.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.un.org/en/observances/international-day-of-solidarity-with-the-palestinian-people" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.un.org/en/observances/international-day-of-solidarity-with-the-palestinian-people</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">29.11.21 By António GUTERRES</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People, 29 November</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Secretary-General's Message</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.un.org/sites/un2.un.org/files/sg.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="800" data-original-width="800" height="209" src="https://www.un.org/sites/un2.un.org/files/sg.jpg" width="209" /></a></div>On this International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People, the situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territory -- including East Jerusalem -- continues to pose a significant challenge to international peace and security. Persistent violations of the rights of Palestinians along with the expansion of settlements risk eroding the prospect of a two-State solution. As the international community strives to re-start Israeli – Palestinian dialogue, I am encouraged by recent engagements between senior Israeli and Palestinian officials. However, containing the situation is not sufficient. The overall goal remains two states living side-by-side in peace and security, fulfilling the legitimate national aspirations of both peoples, with borders based on the 1967 lines and Jerusalem as the capital of both states. I call on the parties to avoid unilateral steps that would undermine the chances for a peaceful resolution of the conflict based on international law and relevant United Nations resolutions. I further call on the parties to engage constructively to end the closure of Gaza and improve the living conditions of all Palestinians under occupation. I commend the generous donors who support UNRWA and call for Member States to provide timely and predictable funding to allow the Agency to conduct its vital work. Together, let us reaffirm our unwavering commitment to the Palestinian people in their quest to achieve their inalienable rights and build a future of peace, justice, security, and dignity for both Palestinians and Israelis.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.un.org/en/observances/international-day-of-solidarity-with-the-palestinian-people/message" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.un.org/en/observances/international-day-of-solidarity-with-the-palestinian-people/message</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">29.11.21 By Audrey AZOULAY</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Message from Ms Audrey Azoulay, Director-General of UNESCO, on the occasion of the International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People, 29 November 2021</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/assets/2017/11/28424/image1170x530cropped.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="362" data-original-width="800" height="142" src="https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/assets/2017/11/28424/image1170x530cropped.jpg" width="313" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Each and every year, on this International Day, the international community reaffirms its solidarity with the Palestinian people in its hopes for a future imbued with peace and freedom. After more than one and a half years of the pandemic, the full import of that solidarity is clear to see. The health crisis has indeed compounded the existing difficulties of economic and social life for the Palestinian people, as characterized by very high rates of unemployment and poverty and the heightened risk of increased numbers of out-of-school children due to COVID-19. It is urgent, therefore, to reaffirm that solidarity so as not to be deprived of the resources of youth and their potential to foster mutual understanding and build peace. Such is the commitment that UNESCO has upheld in the field, with support of its Office in Ramallah, particularly in its actions in favour of education for Palestinian people. Our Organization, in the face of the pandemic, has joined forces with the Ministry of Education to ensure educational continuity through distance learning. It has also stepped in to support and monitor the children of Gaza and the West Bank with a view to stemming the risk of them dropping out of school. The diversity of such actions adds to the conviction, at the heart of our common action, that the Palestinian education system must be strengthened so as to enable more girls and young people from rural areas to have access to a quality education. That active solidarity with the Palestinian people is also reflected in UNESCO’s commitment to promoting and supporting both their culture and the people that produce it. The ongoing renovation of the Riwaya Museum in Bethlehem and the work under way to create a national film institute demonstrate our commitment to the promotion of cultural expressions and interactions and to fostering mutual understanding through culture. Designing inclusive quality education programmes, fostering intercultural dialogue and mutual understanding and protecting freedoms of expression, therefore, are what will enable Palestinian youth to equip themselves with the skills needed to meet present and future challenges. </div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000379952_eng" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000379952_eng</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">29.11.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE’S SENIOR BUREAU OFFICIAL FOR POPULATION, REFUGEES, AND MIGRATION NANCY I. JACKSON INAUGURATES UNRWA SCHOOL IN AMMAN, JORDAN</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.unrwa.org/sites/default/files/styles/full_news_745x450/public/content/news_articles/news_article_124541_44212_1638204632.jpg?itok=vh1bm4kx" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="745" height="187" src="https://www.unrwa.org/sites/default/files/styles/full_news_745x450/public/content/news_articles/news_article_124541_44212_1638204632.jpg?itok=vh1bm4kx" width="310" /></a></div>Yesterday, Nancy Izzo Jackson, U.S. State Department Senior Bureau Official (SBO) for Population, Refugees, and Migration (PRM), inaugurated the UNRWA Zuhour School in Amman, Jordan. The school’s construction, overseen by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), was financed by contributions from the U.S. government and made possible by a land grant from the Jordanian government. SBO Jackson and UNRWA Commissioner-General Philippe Lazzarini gave public statements along with the Officer-in-Charge of UNRWA Affairs in Jordan, Mr. Olaf Becker. SBO Jackson then participated in ribbon cutting and toured the school facility.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/press-releases/us-department-state%E2%80%99s-senior-bureau-official-population-refugees-and" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/press-releases/us-department-state%E2%80%99s-senior-bureau-official-population-refugees-and</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">27.11.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>On hunger strike for 103 days, Palestinian administrative detainee in Israel is in serious health condition – PPS</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://english.wafa.ps/image/NewsThumbImg/Default/a9aaec77-a4c5-4798-ac85-eed76cae54b1.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="526" data-original-width="526" height="266" src="https://english.wafa.ps/image/NewsThumbImg/Default/a9aaec77-a4c5-4798-ac85-eed76cae54b1.jpg" width="266" /></a></div>A Palestinian administrative detainee in Israel, who has been on hunger strike for 103 days to protest his prolonged detention without charge or trial, is in serious health condition, today said the Palestinian Prisoner Society (PPS). He is one of three Palestinian administrative detainees in Israel on hunger strike demanding their freedom. PPS said Hisham Abu Hawwash, 39, from the southern West Bank city of Hebron, is being kept at Ramle prison clinic despite his deteriorating health condition after 103 days of fast, which was the reason he was not brought to the military court for a hearing on an appeal against extending his administrative detention. Hawwash, who is married and a father of five children, was served with three consecutive administrative detention terms since October of last year each for a period of six months and the latest was while he was on hunger strike but reduced from six to four months. He spent a total of eight years in prison during his lifetime for his resistance of the Israeli occupation.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://english.wafa.ps/Pages/Details/126986" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://english.wafa.ps/Pages/Details/126986</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">26.11.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>GOVERNMENT OF CYPRUS SUPPORTS UNRWA WITH EUR 100,000 CONTRIBUTION</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.unrwa.org/sites/default/files/styles/full_news_745x450/public/content/news_articles/news_article_124522_44207_1638002797.jpg?itok=EAiDUFbV" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="745" height="192" src="https://www.unrwa.org/sites/default/files/styles/full_news_745x450/public/content/news_articles/news_article_124522_44207_1638002797.jpg?itok=EAiDUFbV" width="318" /></a></div>Today, the Government of Cyprus contributed EUR 100,000 to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) in support of the Agency’s core programmes and services to Palestine refugees. The contribution was presented to UNRWA by the Representative of Cyprus to the State of Palestine Dr. Demetris Assos. Reiterating Cyprus' continued support for UNRWA services, Dr Assos stated: “On behalf of the Government of the Republic of Cyprus, I would like to express my appreciation for the remarkable and tireless efforts carried out by UNRWA. Cyprus will continue supporting the Agency’s indispensable activities in providing vital services and humanitarian aid to Palestinian refugees. Traditionally our annual contribution to UNRWA is made through our Permanent Mission in New York, but this year we decided to make the donation here at the headquarter of UNRWA in Jerusalem in order to underscore the importance of supporting the mission of the Agency here in its actual field of operations.” Mr. Karim Amer, UNRWA Director of Partnerships, said: “This donation comes at a very important time and we are grateful for the support of the Government of Cyprus. Funding of our core programmes and services allows the Agency to support health and education professionals, as well as provide other vital functions to millions of Palestine refugees across the Middle East. On behalf of UNRWA, I would like to thank the Government of Cyprus for its continued funding to the Agency and its backing of Palestine refugees.”</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/press-releases/government-cyprus-supports-unrwa-eur-100000-contribution" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/press-releases/government-cyprus-supports-unrwa-eur-100000-contribution</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">24.11.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>GERMANY CONTRIBUTES EUR 25 MILLION IN SUPPORT OF PALESTINE REFUGEES IN GAZA AND LEBANON</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.unrwa.org/sites/default/files/styles/full_news_745x450/public/content/news_articles/news_article_124509_44201_1637780991.jpg?itok=z2kDh39C" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="745" height="124" src="https://www.unrwa.org/sites/default/files/styles/full_news_745x450/public/content/news_articles/news_article_124509_44201_1637780991.jpg?itok=z2kDh39C" width="205" /></a></div>Today, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) and the Government of Germany through KfW Development Bank signed agreements in support of Palestine refugees in Gaza and Lebanon, amounting to a total of EUR 25 million. The additional funding will build on previous German-supported efforts in the reconstruction of the Nahr el-Bared Camp in Lebanon after its destruction as the result of clashes in 2007 and where approximately 20,900 people are still expected to return to. The EUR 10 million contribution will enable approximately 192 families to return to 269 residential units. In addition, business owners will re-open their shops in 31 newly reconstructed retail units. In the Gaza strip, German support will provide vital sanitation support for around 244,000 Palestine refugees in seven densely populated camps who will benefit from improved environmental and living conditions as well as temporary employment. Through urgently needed rehabilitation and expansion of water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH) infrastructure, the project will contribute to improving access to safe and efficient WASH services at camp-level and help mitigate against public health risks, including the spread of diseases.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/press-releases/germany-contributes-eur-25-million-support-palestine-refugees" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/press-releases/germany-contributes-eur-25-million-support-palestine-refugees</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">22.11.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Save Al Walaja!</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://pbs.twimg.com/media/FE4lVPmWYAkg2Ab?format=jpg&name=small" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="408" data-original-width="680" height="120" src="https://pbs.twimg.com/media/FE4lVPmWYAkg2Ab?format=jpg&name=small" width="201" /></a></div>The Mansour family have cultivated little piece of heaven in rural Al Walaja (Bethlehem, West Bank), where they lived in bliss. Now, all of this may be destroyed, as the Israeli authorities plan to demolish this farmhouse along with dozens of other homes and structures in Al Walaja. Sahar and Talib Mansour, and their four children, found refuge during the COVID-19 lockdown on their farmland. Quarantined and home schooling, the family renovated the “wild jungle” of land overlooking a mountain of pine trees. They planted trees, built a simple road, and a small structure with a bathroom and sink. Here, the family spent time in bliss – cooking, planting, and BBQing in nature. But now, they along with dozens of other families in Al Walaja, they are at risk of demolition of their structures by the Israeli authorities.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://lifewithdignitycampaign.org/stories/save-al-walaja/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://lifewithdignitycampaign.org/stories/save-al-walaja/</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">22.11.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Maisa, 37, denied access to treatment for lung cancer</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.emro.who.int/images/stories/palestine/patient-maisa.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="800" data-original-width="498" height="148" src="http://www.emro.who.int/images/stories/palestine/patient-maisa.jpg" width="92" /></a></div>Maisa is 37 years old and from Deir Al Balah refugee camp in the Middle Area of the Gaza Strip. She was diagnosed with lung cancer in July 2021. Since July, Maisa applied 3 times for a permit to reach An-Najah Hospital in the West Bank, to receive cancer treatments that are not available in the Gaza Strip. None of her applications has been approved, and she has still not been able to receive the treatment she needs. As a mother of 7, Maisa described how she likes to teach her children and support them with their homework. She said, “I like to tell my children stories and I love to help them with drawing and decorating their notebooks.” She also likes to write: “When I feel stressed, I write about my troubles but I never share my writing with others. I feel a relief after writing and then I throw away what I wrote.” In recent months, however, Maisa has had less energy to do the things she loves. </div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://www.emro.who.int/opt/news/maisa-37-denied-access-to-treatment-for-lung-cancer.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.emro.who.int/opt/news/maisa-37-denied-access-to-treatment-for-lung-cancer.html</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">19.11.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Protection of Civilians Report | 2-15 November 2021</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.cimic-coe.org/.uc/i34e42472010270160000da1a2a028ba7f5c94b4b05a90b0142d002e00180ffffffff/bild-ocha-900x425.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="342" data-original-width="720" height="142" src="https://www.cimic-coe.org/.uc/i34e42472010270160000da1a2a028ba7f5c94b4b05a90b0142d002e00180ffffffff/bild-ocha-900x425.jpg" width="299" /></a></div>Highlights from the reporting period. On 5 November, Israeli forces shot and killed a 15-year-old Palestinian boy in Deir al Hatab village (Nablus). The killing occurred while Palestinian protesters threw stones at Israeli forces, who shot live ammunition and tear gas canisters. The Israeli military has reportedly opened an investigation. Overall in the West Bank, Israeli forces injured 190 Palestinians. Of those, 135 were wounded during protests against settlement activities near Beita (126) and Beit Dajan (9), in the Nablus governorate. Another 47 Palestinians were injured in clashes that took place in the vicinity of the DCO checkpoint (Ramallah). One Palestinian was injured during a search-and-arrest operation in At Tuwani (Hebron), and the remaining injuries occurred from clashes that erupted between Palestinians and Israeli forces in the Bethlehem and Hebron governorates. Overall, one Palestinian was injured by live ammunition and 27 by rubber bullets, seven were physically assaulted and the rest were treated for teargas inhalation. In addition to those injured directly by Israeli forces, 11 Palestinians were reportedly injured while running away from Israeli forces, or in circumstances that could not be verified, in Beita. A man was also injured by unexploded ordnance while collecting scrap metal in an Israeli-declared ‘closed military zone’ in the Bethlehem area. Israeli forces carried out 65 search-and-arrest operations and arrested 92 Palestinians across the West Bank. The highest number of operations was in Hebron, followed by Bethlehem. On at least four occasions, Israeli forces opened warning fire near Israel’s perimeter fence and off the coast of Gaza, ostensibly to enforce access restrictions. No injuries were reported. Israeli military bulldozers levelled land inside Gaza, near the perimeter fence east of Khan Younis. During the operation, seven dunums of fields planted with vegetables were damaged. In a separate incident, one man was arrested while reportedly trying to enter Israel through the perimeter fence. The Israeli authorities demolished, seized or forced Palestinians to demolish 49 Palestinian-owned structures for lacking Israeli-issued building permits, displacing 38 people and otherwise affecting the livelihoods or access to services of almost 400 others. Among the structures demolished in Area C, were a mosque, eight residential structures and 23 livelihood structures in 16 communities. Eight structures were demolished in East Jerusalem, including two homes demolished by their owners. Israeli settlers injured 20 Palestinians and five Israeli volunteers, and people known or believed to be Israeli settlers damaged or stole the harvest from dozens of olive trees. In Khallet Athaba’ (Hebron), settlers erected a tent, Palestinians threw stones at them, and some of the Israelis injured five Palestinians, including three with live ammunition; in the same incident, settlers set fire to a Palestinian tent and five Palestinian vehicles, including two ambulances. Eleven other Palestinians were injured by stones when settlers raided Burin and Burqa villages (Nablus) and the Ras al Amud neighbourhood of East Jerusalem, where several cars were also vandalized. Three shepherds, including two women, were physically assaulted in the Saadet Tha'lah area of Hebron. In Huwwara (Nablus), settlers physically assaulted another farmer while he was picking olives, injuring him, and killed three calves. Also, settlers threw stones at and injured five Israeli volunteers accompanying Palestinian olive pickers in Surif (Hebron). In Burin and the Ash Shuyukh area of Hebron, settlers reportedly vandalized about 120 olive trees and stole the harvest of dozens of others. In several incidents in Nablus and Hebron, settlers reportedly vandalized water wells and mobile tanks, surveillance cameras and a residential structure. In the H2 area of Hebron, a settler was stoned and injured by Palestinians, as settlers were harassing Palestinians.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.ochaopt.org/poc/2-15-november-2021" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.ochaopt.org/poc/2-15-november-2021</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #444444;">15.11.21</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>Data on demolition and displacement in the West Bank</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.cimic-coe.org/.uc/i34e42472010270160000da1a2a028ba7f5c94b4b05a90b0142d002e00180ffffffff/bild-ocha-900x425.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="342" data-original-width="720" height="138" src="https://www.cimic-coe.org/.uc/i34e42472010270160000da1a2a028ba7f5c94b4b05a90b0142d002e00180ffffffff/bild-ocha-900x425.jpg" width="289" /></a></div>The figures below reflect the demolition of Palestinian-owned structures and the resulting displacement of people from their homes across the West Bank since 2009. Together with other policies and practices, the threat of destruction of homes and sources of livelihood contributes to the generation of a coercive environment pressuring people to leave their areas of residence. The figures presented here are based on visits that OCHA carries out as part of an initial assessment of people’s humanitarian needs. They are saved in a database that informs multiple agencies’ decisions on humanitarian assistance they provide, thereby allowing timely and targeted responses. Typically, demolitions are reflected in this page within 48 hours of the incident.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://www.ochaopt.org/data/demolition" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.ochaopt.org/data/demolition</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #444444;">09.11.21</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>UN Agencies and the Association of International Development Agencies stand by civil society organisations in the Occupied Palestinian Territory</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.aidajerusalem.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/Aidaicon-2.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="175" data-original-width="800" height="57" src="http://www.aidajerusalem.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/Aidaicon-2.png" width="258" /></a></div>The decision on 7 November of the Military Commander in the West Bank to declare by Military Orders the six Palestinian NGOs as unauthorized in the West Bank deepens the concern of the UN Agencies and the Association International Development Agencies (AIDA), working in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT). The decision is a further erosion of civic and humanitarian space and stands to significantly constrain the work of the six organisations which have worked with the international community, including the UN, for decades, providing essential services to </span><span style="color: #444444;">countless Palestinians.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://unsco.unmissions.org/sites/default/files/statement_by_unct_aida_-_9_november_2021.pdf" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://unsco.unmissions.org/sites/default/files/statement_by_unct_aida_-_9_november_2021.pdf</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">07.11.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Khirbet Susiya, South Hebron Hills: Soldiers guard settlers invading playground</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.btselem.org/sites/default/files/styles/250x190/public/2021-11/20211106_soldiers_guard_settlers_invading_the_playground_of_khirbet_susiya.jpg?itok=HFGq41iw" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="190" data-original-width="250" height="122" src="https://www.btselem.org/sites/default/files/styles/250x190/public/2021-11/20211106_soldiers_guard_settlers_invading_the_playground_of_khirbet_susiya.jpg?itok=HFGq41iw" width="161" /></a></div>On the afternoon of 6 November 2021, dozens of settlers guarded by about 20 soldiers invaded the playground of the community of Khirbet Susiya in the South Hebron hills and chased away the children who were playing there. The settlers pried off the entrance gate to the playground, and some began roaming among the residents’ homes in front of soldiers who did nothing to stop the invasion. Only after an hour did the soldiers remove the settlers from the community.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.btselem.org/settler_violence_updates" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.btselem.org/settler_violence_updates</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NYYMEmh1iCo" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NYYMEmh1iCo</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #444444;">07.11.21</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>September referrals by the Ministry of Health</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://pbs.twimg.com/profile_images/902460718804500480/yXc6AOnG.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="512" data-original-width="512" height="123" src="https://pbs.twimg.com/profile_images/902460718804500480/yXc6AOnG.jpg" width="123" /></a></div>In September, the Palestinian Ministry of Health (MoH) issued 8,752 referrals to health care services delivered by non-MoH providers, 13% higher than the monthly average (7,768) for the first half of 2021. Referrals from the West Bank comprised 75% (6,572) of the total, including 1,088 referrals for patients from East Jerusalem, while the West Bank population comprises approximately 60% of the total population in the oPt. Referrals for the Gaza Strip accounted for 23% (2,050) of the total in September. The origin of 129 (1%) of referrals was not reported.</span></div></span></div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.emro.who.int/images/stories/palestine/documents/Sep_2021_Monthly.pdf?ua=1" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.emro.who.int/images/stories/palestine/documents/Sep_2021_Monthly.pdf?ua=1</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #444444;">03.11.21</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>The Humanitarian Bulletin | Gaza after the May escalation - November 2021</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.ochaopt.org/sites/default/files/styles/banner/public/images/articles/IMG_2675.jpg?itok=cmWc_G9w" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="247" data-original-width="800" height="72" src="https://www.ochaopt.org/sites/default/files/styles/banner/public/images/articles/IMG_2675.jpg?itok=cmWc_G9w" width="232" /></a></div>This issue of the Humanitarian Bulletin tells the stories of everyday Gazan people struggling to live in the aftermath of the May 2021 hostilities, and offers insights into the impact of displacement, gender-based violence, mental health, environmental and health risks, and destruction of livelihoods.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://www.ochaopt.org/content/humanitarian-bulletin-november-2021" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.ochaopt.org/content/humanitarian-bulletin-november-2021</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #444444;">01.11.21</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>West Bank demolitions and displacement | September 2021</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/styles/report-small/public/resources-pdf-previews/1588280-Demolition%20Monthly%20report_September_2021.png?itok=ej4ZA2dV" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="311" data-original-width="220" height="92" src="https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/styles/report-small/public/resources-pdf-previews/1588280-Demolition%20Monthly%20report_September_2021.png?itok=ej4ZA2dV" width="65" /></a></div>HIGHLIGHTS. September recorded the fewest monthly demolitions and displacement since June 2017. However, 21 per cent more structures were </span><span style="color: #444444;">demolished or seized in the first nine months of 2021 compared with the equivalent period in 2020; 28 per cent more people were displaced. No donated structures were demolished this month; however, there is an 96 per cent increase in the number of donated structures destroyed/ seized this year compared with 2020.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://www.ochaopt.org/content/west-bank-demolitions-and-displacement-september-2021" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.ochaopt.org/content/west-bank-demolitions-and-displacement-september-2021</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;">28.10.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><b>Israeli security forces fatally shoot ‘Omar Abu a-Nil (13) standing dozens of meters from Gaza perimeter fence during protest</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.btselem.org/sites/default/files/styles/235x340/public/2021-10/omar_abu_a_nil.jpg?itok=nLZtICUe" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="340" data-original-width="235" height="340" src="https://www.btselem.org/sites/default/files/styles/235x340/public/2021-10/omar_abu_a_nil.jpg?itok=nLZtICUe" width="235" /></a></div>The Gaza Strip. On Saturday, 21 August 2021, a demonstration was held near the perimeter fence east of Gaza city, marking the 52nd anniversary of the al-Aqsa Mosque arson attack. The barrier, which Israel has been expanding in recent years, is reportedly made of a concrete wall starting dozens of meters underground. Above ground, in that area, it consists of a concrete wall several meters high topped by a metal fence. During the demonstration, some of the protesters burned tires, threw stones, and hurled explosives at members of the Israeli security forces standing on the other side of the fence, who fired live ammunition, rubber-coated metal bullets, and tear gas canisters at them, injuring 41 protesters, including 22 minors, according to figures provided by the Palestinian Ministry of Health. Two of the wounded died in the following days — Osama D'eij (31), a Hamas military wing operative from Jabalya Refugee Camp, died of his wounds on 25 August 2021, and ‘Omar Abu a-Nil (13) from Gaza City died of his wounds on 28 August 2021. Two days later, Bar’el Hadaria Shmueli (21), an Israeli Border Police officer from Be’er Yaakov who was shot during the demonstration by a Palestinian standing on the other side of the fence, died of his wounds. On the day of the demonstration, Abu a-Nil came to the area in the afternoon. At around 5:30 P.M., he went up to a distance of about 100 meters from the fence. While standing and watching the protest, he was hit by a live bullet in the neck. Abu a-Nil was taken by other protesters to an ambulance that took him to a-Shifaa Hospital, where he was treated until his death on 28 August 2021. Abu a-Nil is the 226th person killed in demonstrations near the Gaza perimeter fence since the March of Return protests began in March 2018, and the 48th minor. Israeli security forces' open-fire policy, which permits the use of live fire against protesters, the vast majority of whom are unarmed and who do not pose a risk to the well-protected forces on the other side of the fence, is unlawful and unjustified. Nevertheless, and despite the hundreds of people killed and thousands wounded by live fire, Israel continues to implement this lethal policy, which is likely to kill or injure many other Palestinian protesters.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><a href="https://www.btselem.org/gaza_strip/20211028_killing_of_omar_abu_a_nil_13_at_gaza_fence" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.btselem.org/gaza_strip/20211028_killing_of_omar_abu_a_nil_13_at_gaza_fence</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;">27.10.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>Israel demolishes and confiscates pergola and structure intended as clinic at northern Jordan Valley school</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.btselem.org/sites/default/files/2021-10/20211025_kh_al_hamam_demoliion1.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="357" data-original-width="500" height="177" src="https://www.btselem.org/sites/default/files/2021-10/20211025_kh_al_hamam_demoliion1.jpg" width="249" /></a></div>On 25 October 2021, at around 3:30 P.M., Civil Administration personnel came with a military escort and two crane trucks to a school in the community of Khirbet al-Malih (the Hamamat al-Malih area), near <a href="https://www.btselem.org/facing_expulsion_blog?nid=213595" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Tayasir</a> in the northern Jordan Valley. The school, which was established about a year ago, has 45 students. The Civil Administration staff dismantled and confiscated a metal pergola that provided shade for playground facilities in the yard and two tin-and-wood rooms still under construction, that were intended to serve as a medical clinic for the students and area residents. The grounds given for the demolition were damage to antique relics.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2yZkyVK7RKw" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2yZkyVK7RKw</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #444444;">26.10.21</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>A month after the settler attack: Israel confiscates tent in al-Mufaqarah and destroys dirt road and main pipeline of Masafer Yatta communities in South Hebron Hills</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.btselem.org/sites/default/files/2021-10/20211025_demolition_of_tent_in_al_mufaqarah.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="357" data-original-width="500" height="188" src="https://www.btselem.org/sites/default/files/2021-10/20211025_demolition_of_tent_in_al_mufaqarah.jpg" width="264" /></a></div>In the morning hours of Monday, 25 October 2021, Civil Administration officials accompanied by soldiers and Border Police officers, and equipped with bulldozers, arrived at the community of al-Mufaqarah in Masafer Yatta. The forces confiscated a tent set up by community residents to host people visiting the area as a show of solidarity following the <a href="https://www.btselem.org/video/20211018_settlers_raid_on_kh_al_mufaqarah_sept_2021#full" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">settler attack on 28 September 2021</a>. From there, the forces continued south and destroyed a dirt road leading from the community of Khirbet Khilet a-Dabe’ to the community of al-Fakhit. They also destroyed the main water line that ran alongside it, which serves most of the communities in Masafer Yatta. The acts of destruction yesterday, as well as the settler attack on al-Mufaqarah, are part of the state’s attempt to expel the residents of Masafer Yatta from their place of residence. As part of these attempts, the state forbids them to legally build their homes or connect to water and power grids, restricts their grazing land, and enables acts of settler violence in order to make their lives so unbearable that they will leave of their own volition (Video Filmed by ‘Eid Hazalin and Itai Feitelson).</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TGeKA2jqLGU" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TGeKA2jqLGU</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #444444;">25.10.21</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>UN experts condemn Israel’s designation of Palestine rights defenders as terrorist organisations </b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/Libraries/Production+Library/25-10-2021_Unsplash_Al-Aqsa_mosque.jpg/image1170x530cropped.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="362" data-original-width="800" height="137" src="https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/Libraries/Production+Library/25-10-2021_Unsplash_Al-Aqsa_mosque.jpg/image1170x530cropped.jpg" width="302" /></a></div>Human Rights. Independent UN human rights experts on Monday strongly condemned the decision by the Israeli Minister of Defence to designate six Palestinian human rights and civil society groups, as terrorist organisations. In a joint statement, the experts called the decision “a frontal attack on the Palestinian human rights movement, and on human rights everywhere.” “Silencing their voices is not what a democracy adhering to well-accepted human rights and humanitarian standards would do”, they add. Calling upon the international community to act, they argue that anti-terrorism legislation must never be used to unjustifiably undermine civil liberties. According to them, the UN Security Council, the General Assembly and the Human Rights Council have all “been clear” about this issue. “The misuse of counter-terrorism measures in this way by the government of Israel undermines the security of all,” the group of 17 experts said. </span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://news.un.org/en/story/2021/10/1103982" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.un.org/en/story/2021/10/1103982</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #444444;">25.10.21</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>“I’m a photographer, so my work depends on my sight.”</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.emro.who.int/images/stories/palestine/tamer_photographer_palestine.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="608" data-original-width="800" height="176" src="http://www.emro.who.int/images/stories/palestine/tamer_photographer_palestine.jpg" width="232" /></a></div>Tamer is a 39-year-old photojournalist from Rafah in the south of the Gaza Strip, working for the Associated Press (AP). His sight has been deteriorating since he was diagnosed with a congenital eye condition in 2017. Tamer has required extensive treatments and investigations, not all available in the Gaza Strip. Before May this year, Tamer had received permits from Israel to reach health care in Jordan and at Hadassah Ein Karim Hospital in Jerusalem. While in Jordan, he saw his mother for the first time in nearly 20 years. She is Palestinian and lives in Al-Lydd but has been unable to visit her family in Gaza because of having Israeli citizenship. “At Hadassah, they told me I would need surgery for my right eye as well, but it would only be possible after my left eye improved… I had smooth access to Hadassah up until May... After that, I lost four appointments. My last application for 1 August was not approved in time for my appointment.”</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.emro.who.int/opt/news/im-a-photographer-so-my-work-depends-on-my-sight.html?ver=1" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.emro.who.int/opt/news/im-a-photographer-so-my-work-depends-on-my-sight.html?ver=1</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #444444;">22.10.21</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b><span style="color: #444444;">Fears grow for the lives of 5 Palestinians on hunger strike in Israeli prisons</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/assets/2018/02/739898-Michael-Lynk-Rapporteur-Palestinian.jpg/image1170x530cropped.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="362" data-original-width="800" height="155" src="https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/assets/2018/02/739898-Michael-Lynk-Rapporteur-Palestinian.jpg/image1170x530cropped.jpg" width="341" /></a></div>Human Rights. Israel has been urged to either release or charge five Palestinian prisoners currently on hunger strike in Israeli prisons. Grave concerns have been expressed for the lives of the prisoners by UN independent rights experts, who on Thursday, called on the Israeli Government to completely end the “unlawful practice “ of administrative detention. ‘Classified secret information’. They are being held on the basis of “classified secret information” that the detainees cannot access or challenge, and they do not know “when, or if, they are going to be released”, according to the Human Rights Council-appointed experts. According to them, the five hunger strikers, all men in their twenties and thirties, have been refusing food for between 58 and 99 days to protest being held in administrative detention for months or even years at a time. The rights experts highlighted the cases of two of the men, Kayed Al-Fasous and Miqdad Al-Qawasameh, who are said to be in imminent danger of death. Mr. Al-Fasous who was reportedly held in harsh conditions in solitary confinement, and is now in Barzelai hospital. Mr. Al Qawasameh was transferred to Kaplan Hospital after his health deteriorated. He has been in intensive care there since 19 October. On 7 October and 14 October, the Israeli High Court of Justice suspended their administrative detention orders. However, the rights experts pointed out that they decided to continue with their strike despite their very frail condition, because the suspension does not mean their release. Two other men, Alaa Al-Araj, and Hisham Ismail Abu Hawash, were transferred on 19 October to Israeli hospitals after their health detoriated. The fifth, Mr. Shadi Abu Aka is currently in a prison clinic.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://news.un.org/en/story/2021/10/1103762" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.un.org/en/story/2021/10/1103762</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #444444;">22.10.21</span></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><b>Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) Situation Report 83</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://i2.createsend1.com/ei/j/6A/B3B/79B/192728/csfinal/Screenshot2021-10-21180146-990000028a04513c.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="800" data-original-width="475" height="289" src="https://i2.createsend1.com/ei/j/6A/B3B/79B/192728/csfinal/Screenshot2021-10-21180146-990000028a04513c.png" width="171" /></a></div>Highlights. New COVID-19 infections appear to be slowing down across the oPt particularly in the West Bank, while over three quarters of all active cases remaining in Gaza. Positivity in the oPt continues to decline reaching 11.69%. Slight increase in Rt however it remains under 1. WHO preparedness, readiness and response. WHO continues to work closely with partners to support Ministry of Health’s (MoH) efforts to respond to the COVID-19 outbreak. Coordination, planning and monitoring. The state of emergency over COVID-19 decreed by President Mahmoud Abbas continues in place. Implementation of third 'booster’ dose to medical staff and priority groups such as elderly and sick. Surveillance. Amidst the fourth COVID-19 wave in the West Bank and the third wave in the Gaza Strip, the overall number of active cases is declining to11,527 COVID-19 cases detected across the oPt. Infections in the Gaza Strip still account for most of all cases, at 81.7%. In the West Bank, numbers of cases are slowing down, and are now at 2,105. Positivity dropped to 4.98 % from 7.31% a fortnight ago. The overall Case Fatality Rate (CFR) across oPt remains at 1%. The CFR is the proportion of deaths among identified confirmed cases. </div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #0000ee;"><u><a href="https://who18.createsend.com/campaigns/reports/viewCampaign.aspx?d=j&c=99FA4938D049E3A8&ID=EC45861661DC52CD2540EF23F30FEDED&temp=False&tx=0&source=Report">https://who18.createsend.com/campaigns/reports/viewCampaign.aspx?d=j&c=99FA4938D049E3A8&ID=EC45861661DC52CD2540EF23F30FEDED&temp=False&tx=0&source=Report</a></u></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"> </div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: black;"><span style="color: #444444;">20.10.21</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: black;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>Israel demolishes two homes under construction south of Hebron and a road in the northern Jordan Valley</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: black;"><span style="color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.btselem.org/sites/default/files/styles/490x350/public/2021-10/sikkah_demolition.jpg?itok=a-vSaTIf" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="350" data-original-width="490" height="180" src="https://www.btselem.org/sites/default/files/styles/490x350/public/2021-10/sikkah_demolition.jpg?itok=a-vSaTIf" width="251" /></a></div>On Monday morning, 18 October 2021, Civil Administration personnel arrived with a military and Border Police escort, and a bulldozer at the village of a-Sikkah, south of Beit ‘Awwa, and demolished a home under construction intended to house a family of six, including four minors. The house was erected near the Separation Barrier. From there, the forces continued to the Halhul area, where they demolished a two-story house under construction by the power of </span><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://www.btselem.org/planning_and_building/20180614_last_veil_disguising_west_bank_planning_policy_lifted" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Military Order 1797</a>. That morning, Civil Administration personnel came with a military escort and bulldozers to the village of </span><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://www.btselem.org/video/20210830_troops_train_near_village_homes_in_tayasir_jordan_valley" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Tayasir</a> in the northern Jordan Valley, where they demolished an 800-meter section of road paved by the Tayasir Regional Council about three months ago which connects Taysir to the village of al-‘Aqabah.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: black;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VF_H6JIpP_o" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VF_H6JIpP_o</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: black;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;">19.10.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><b>Build consensus or face ‘increasingly desperate reality’, warns Middle East envoy</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/Libraries/Production+Library/19-10-2021_UNICEF-464403_Gaza.jpg/image1170x530cropped.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="362" data-original-width="800" height="150" src="https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/Libraries/Production+Library/19-10-2021_UNICEF-464403_Gaza.jpg/image1170x530cropped.jpg" width="330" /></a></div>Peace and Security. Political stagnation is “fuelling tensions, instability and a deepening sense of hopelessness”, the top UN official working towards peace in the Middle East warned the Security Council on Tuesday. “We should have no illusions about the current state of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict”, Special Coordinator Tor Wennesland said, describing a situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT) that continues to deteriorate, with no progress towards a two-State solution. Cycle of violence. He painted a picture of an “increasingly desperate reality” shaped by extremists and unilateral actions on all sides, that threaten to heighten risks for Palestinians, Israelis and the entire region. “Israeli and Palestinian civilians are suffering and paying a steep price for the persistence of the conflict, including the protracted occupation”, said Mr. Wennesland. Meanwhile, settlement activity, evictions, Palestinian property seizures and movement restrictions, “further feed the cycle of violence” as Israeli civilians continue to be killed and injured in Palestinian attacks. The UN envoy described “nightly clashes” between Israeli and Palestinian citizens, and underscored that all perpetrators of violence must be “held accountable and swiftly brought to justice”. </div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><a href="https://news.un.org/en/story/2021/10/1103422" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.un.org/en/story/2021/10/1103422</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">17.10.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>A PALESTINE REFUGEE FAMILY IN THE GRIPS OF LEBANON’S ECONOMIC MELTDOWN</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.unrwa.org/sites/default/files/mm20211012006.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="169" src="https://www.unrwa.org/sites/default/files/mm20211012006.jpg" width="254" /></a></div>"I lost my seven-month-old baby girl because she had a heart condition It was difficult to afford to follow up with a specialist due to our extreme financial situation.” These are the words of Fadia Taha (49), a grieving mother who is caught in the grips of Lebanon’s worst economic crisis in generations, where currency devaluation, rising inflation and fuel and electricity shortages are impacting the safety and wellbeing of all its inhabitants, including more about 210,000 Palestine refugees from Lebanon (PRL) and Palestine refugees from Syria (PRS). The crises that have accumulated since 2019 have affected all segments of society, contributing to rising unemployment and food insecurity. Today, an estimated 73 per cent of individuals, nearly three quarters of the Palestine refugee population, live below the poverty line. Fadia herself is a Palestine refugee from Lebanon who lives in the Beddawi refugee camp with her family of four. Her two children Qamar and Mousa live with a disability and she herself is hearing impaired. She also suffers from diabetes, for which she regularly receives medications from the UNRWA health centre in her camp. Her husband Mounir lost his daily-paid job in a scrap yard due to fuel and electricity shortages. He was also at risk of contracting hepatitis or the life-threatening COVID-19 virus. “He was not able to see what he was touching in the trash bin due to the complete electricity outage,” says Fadia. The rising prevalence of COVID-19 cases in Lebanon has led to a further loss of livelihoods amongst the Palestine refugee community, the members of which are already deprived of basic social and economic rights due to their civil status. A February 2021 study showed Palestine refugees, many of whom live in densely populated camps and experience poor baseline health, were disproportionately impacted by the pandemic, with Palestine refugees in Lebanon three times more likely to die of the coronavirus.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/features/palestine-refugee-family-grips-lebanon%E2%80%99s-economic-meltdown" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/features/palestine-refugee-family-grips-lebanon%E2%80%99s-economic-meltdown</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;">14.10.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><b>Response to the escalation in the oPt | Situation Report No. 10 (September 2021)</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.cimic-coe.org/.uc/i34e42472010270160000da1a2a028ba7f5c94b4b05a90b0142d002e00180ffffffff/bild-ocha-900x425.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="342" data-original-width="720" height="168" src="https://www.cimic-coe.org/.uc/i34e42472010270160000da1a2a028ba7f5c94b4b05a90b0142d002e00180ffffffff/bild-ocha-900x425.jpg" width="353" /></a></div>Situation overview. Gaza Strip. The May 2021 ceasefire continues to largely hold, with the protests near the perimeter fence around Gaza, which began in August, suspended since 2 September. A Palestinian man was killed by Israeli gunfire near the fence on 1 September, bringing to three the number of Palestinians killed in the protests overall, with over 130 injured; an Israeli soldier was also fatally injured by Palestinian gunfire. Between 10 and 13 September, Palestinian armed groups launched four rockets from Gaza towards southern Israel, which were intercepted, causing some light injuries in Israel. Israeli forces struck positions reportedly belong to armed groups and open fields, causing damage to a house, a farm, and the armed groups’ positions. On other occasions, Palestinian armed groups launched incendiary balloons reportedly sparking three fires in Israel. One Palestinian in Gaza was also shot and killed by Israeli forces on 30 September in the Deir al Balah area, while reportedly hunting birds near the Israeli perimeter fence around Gaza. According to the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), during the escalation in Gaza in May, 261 Palestinians were killed, including 67 children. It has been assessed that 130 of the fatalities were civilians and 64 were members of armed groups, while the status of the remaining 67 has not been determined. Over 2,210 Palestinians were injured during the hostilities, including 685 children and 480 women, some of whom may suffer a long-term disability requiring rehabilitation. Thirteen people in Israel, including one soldier, were killed by Palestinian rocket fire. At the height of the escalation, 113,000 IDPs sought shelter and protection at UNRWA schools or with hosting families. According to the Shelter Cluster, there are still about 8,250 IDPs, primarily those whose houses were destroyed or so severely damaged as to be uninhabitable. </div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><a href="https://www.ochaopt.org/content/response-escalation-opt-situation-report-no-10-september-2021" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.ochaopt.org/content/response-escalation-opt-situation-report-no-10-september-2021</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;">11.10.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><b>Las estrellas emergentes de Gaza dan rienda suelta a su potencial artístico a través del teatro</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://es.unesco.org/creativity/sites/creativity/files/styles/large_1320px/public/palestine-header.jpg?itok=Slsh9Pxx" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="534" data-original-width="800" height="210" src="https://es.unesco.org/creativity/sites/creativity/files/styles/large_1320px/public/palestine-header.jpg?itok=Slsh9Pxx" width="315" /></a></div>La UNESCO empodera a los jóvenes de Gaza a través del Fondo Internacional para la Diversidad Cultural (FIDC). La sala es amplia, repleta de luz solar que entra por las amplias ventanas de cristal. Varias personas de pie, separadas unos metros entre sí, declaman en las elegantes vibraciones del árabe estándar. Siseos y silbidos, vocales largas y cortas se entremezclan y producen poderosos mensajes líricos. Los sonidos melódicos se funden con los perezosos rayos de sol, como los actores y actrices de teatro se funden con los personajes que interpretan. Los propios hablantes del árabe se refieren a su lengua como la más elocuente de todas. Y, precisamente, la elocuencia es una de las habilidades clave en la interpretación teatral.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><a href="https://es.unesco.org/creativity/news/las-estrellas-emergentes-de-gaza-dan-rienda-suelta-su" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://es.unesco.org/creativity/news/las-estrellas-emergentes-de-gaza-dan-rienda-suelta-su</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;">08.10.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><b>Protection of Civilians Report | 21 September - 4 October 2021</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.cimic-coe.org/.uc/i34e42472010270160000da1a2a028ba7f5c94b4b05a90b0142d002e00180ffffffff/bild-ocha-900x425.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="342" data-original-width="720" height="163" src="https://www.cimic-coe.org/.uc/i34e42472010270160000da1a2a028ba7f5c94b4b05a90b0142d002e00180ffffffff/bild-ocha-900x425.jpg" width="344" /></a></div>Highlights from the reporting period. Israeli forces shot and killed six Palestinians, including a boy, in incidents of exchange of fire in the West Bank. All but one of the Palestinians killed in these incidents were taking part in shooting. On 26 September, three Palestinians were killed in Beit ‘Anan village (Jerusalem) and two others (including a 16-year-old child) in Birqin village (Jenin), during exchanges of fire between Palestinians and Israeli forces. The incidents occurred in the context of Israeli search-and-arrest operations in the two villages. Seven Palestinians were injured in Beit ‘Anan and Birqin, and according to media reports, two Israeli soldiers were wounded by ‘friendly fire’ in the latter village. Also in Birqin on 30 September, a Palestinian was killed in an exchange of fire in another search-and-arrest operation. Israeli forces shot and killed another three Palestinians, including a woman, in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. On 24 September, a Palestinian protester was shot and killed during the ongoing protests in Beita village (Nablus) against the establishment of a settlement outpost. On 30 September, Israeli forces shot and killed a Palestinian woman, aged 30, alleging that she had tried to stab Israeli police officers, at one of the gates leading to the Al Aqsa Mosque/Temple Mount compound in the old city of Jerusalem; no Israeli injury was reported. One Palestinian in Gaza was shot and killed by Israeli forces on 30 September in the Deir al Balah area, while reportedly hunting birds near the Israeli fence around Gaza. Overall, Israeli forces injured 328 Palestinians across the West Bank. Of them, 217 were hit during protests against settlement activities in the Nablus governorate, near Beita (117), Beit Dajan (73) and Deir al Hatab (27). Another 59 Palestinians, as well as two Israeli soldiers, were injured when Israeli civilians accompanied by Israeli forces entered Nablus to pray at Joseph’s Tomb, during which Palestinians threw stones and home-made explosives, and Israeli forces shot teargas canisters and rubber bullets. Twenty other Palestinians were injured by Israeli forces in Umm Fagarah (see below). Overall, eight of the wounded Palestinians were shot with live ammunition, 47 were hit by rubber bullets, three were physically assaulted or hit by teargas canisters, and the rest were treated for teargas inhalation. In addition to those injured directly by Israeli forces, 15 Palestinians were reportedly injured while running away from Israeli forces or in circumstances that could not be verified. Twenty-nine Palestinians, including a young child, were injured by Israeli forces or settlers in Umm Fagarah (Hebron). On 28 September, Israeli settlers injured nine Palestinians in this Palestinian community, which is in an Israeli-declared ‘firing zone’. One of those injured, a three-year-old boy, was hit by a stone in his head while in his bed, and was taken to an Israeli hospital. The remaining 20 injured Palestinians were treated for inhaling teargas. Israeli settlers also killed five sheep and damaged ten homes, 14 vehicles and several solar panels and water tanks. During the incident, Palestinians threw stones and Israeli forces fired teargas canisters and arrested three Palestinians who were released later that night. Israeli police have arrested six settlers in connection with the incident, two of whom remain in detention.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><a href="https://www.ochaopt.org/poc/21-september-4-october-2021" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.ochaopt.org/poc/21-september-4-october-2021</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;">03.10.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Health Access. Barriers for patients in the occupied Palestinian territory</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://pbs.twimg.com/media/FAxVFNkXMAE5q4M?format=png&name=900x900" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="800" data-original-width="566" height="39" src="https://pbs.twimg.com/media/FAxVFNkXMAE5q4M?format=png&name=900x900" width="33" /></a></div>Over a third of Gaza patient permit applications not approved by Israel in time to reach hospital appointments. Everyone should have access to the health care they need.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://twitter.com/WHOoPt/status/1444623162008903683" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://twitter.com/WHOoPt/status/1444623162008903683</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">30.09.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>West Bank demolitions and displacement | August 2021</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/styles/report-small/public/resources-pdf-previews/1584708-Demolition_Monthly_report_August_2021.png?itok=8UtIbK-H" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="311" data-original-width="220" height="132" src="https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/styles/report-small/public/resources-pdf-previews/1584708-Demolition_Monthly_report_August_2021.png?itok=8UtIbK-H" width="93" /></a></div>HIGHLIGHTS. August recorded the third-highest monthly number of structures demolished or seized so far in 2021. 38 per cent more structures were demolished or seized in the first eight months of 2021 compared with the equivalent period in 2020; 57 per centmore people were displaced. 80 per cent of Area C displacement in August was in the Jordan Valley. 100 Palestinians were forcibly displaced in East Jerusalem in August alone, representing 46 per cent of the total number of Palestinians displaced in East Jerusalem this year.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.ochaopt.org/content/west-bank-demolitions-and-displacement-august-2021" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.ochaopt.org/content/west-bank-demolitions-and-displacement-august-2021</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">29.09.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>SECURITY COUNCIL BRIEFING ON THE SITUATION IN THE MIDDLE EAST, REPORTING ON UNSCR 2334 (AS DELIVERED BY UN SPECIAL COORDINATOR WENNESLAND)</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://unsco.unmissions.org/sites/default/files/styles/full_width_image/public/field/image/sc_wennesland_-_dp_-_29921.png?itok=hOQmq4hh" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="463" data-original-width="800" height="155" src="https://unsco.unmissions.org/sites/default/files/styles/full_width_image/public/field/image/sc_wennesland_-_dp_-_29921.png?itok=hOQmq4hh" width="268" /></a></div>Security Council resolution 2334 (2016) calls on Israel to “immediately and completely cease all settlement activity in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem” and to “fully respect all of its legal obligations in this regard.” During the reporting period, there were no new settlement housing plans advanced, approved or tendered. On 2 July, some 50 Israeli settler families left the settlement outpost of Evyatar, illegal also under Israeli law, following an agreement with the Israeli Government that the Israeli military would re-establish a presence at the site and a land survey would be conducted to determine land status. Demolitions and seizures of Palestinian-owned structures continued across the occupied West Bank, including East Jerusalem. Citing the absence of Israeli-issued building permits, which are almost impossible for Palestinians to obtain, 302 structures were demolished or seized by Israeli authorities or demolished by their owners to avoid heavy Israeli demolition fees. These actions displaced 433 people, including 251 children and 102 women. </div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://unsco.unmissions.org/security-council-briefing-situation-middle-east-reporting-unscr-2334-delivered-un-special-4" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://unsco.unmissions.org/security-council-briefing-situation-middle-east-reporting-unscr-2334-delivered-un-special-4</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">29.09.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>UN / PALESTINE</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://s3.amazonaws.com/downloads.unmultimedia.org/tv/unifeed/00/2021/09/jpg/unifeed210929b.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="115" src="https://s3.amazonaws.com/downloads.unmultimedia.org/tv/unifeed/00/2021/09/jpg/unifeed210929b.jpg" width="204" /></a></div>Presenting the Secretary-General’s report on the implementation of Security Council resolution 2334, the Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process Tor Wennesland said he was “deeply concerned by the continued demolitions and seizures of Palestinian-owned structures” and urged Israel “to cease demolitions and evictions, in line with its obligations under international humanitarian law.” UNIFEED</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.unmultimedia.org/avlibrary/asset/2661/2661103/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.unmultimedia.org/avlibrary/asset/2661/2661103/</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">29.09.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Re-Energized International Efforts Needed to End Occupation of Palestinian Territory, Attain Two-State Solution, Special Envoy Tells Security Council</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://cdn.pixabay.com/photo/2015/10/25/22/05/united-1006438_1280.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="692" data-original-width="800" height="174" src="https://cdn.pixabay.com/photo/2015/10/25/22/05/united-1006438_1280.png" width="201" /></a></div>International efforts to establish a political horizon that can end the occupation of Palestinian territory and achieve a two-State solution must be re-energized, the Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process said today, as Security Council members took stock of developments following the formation of a new Government in Israel in June. Tor Wennesland, presenting the Secretary-General’s latest report on implementation of Security Council resolution 2334 (2016), which called on Israel to cease all settlement activity in Palestinian lands, said recent engagement between senior Israeli and Palestinian officials ‑ including a meeting in August between Defence Minister Benny Gantz and Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas ‑ is encouraging. However, efforts must continue to address the ever-worrying situation on the ground, including reversing negative trends in the Occupied Palestinian Territory and stabilizing the fragile situation in Gaza, he told the Council in a briefing delivered via video-teleconference. “I once again urge Israelis, Palestinians, regional States and the broader international community to take practical steps that will enable the parties to re-engage on the path to peace,” he said, adding that he will continue to engage with the Middle East Quartet, key regional partners and Israeli and Palestinian leaders in that regard. He reported that during the 12 June to 27 September period covered in the Secretary-General’s report, no new Israeli settlement housing plans were advanced or approved. However, the seizure and demolition of Palestinian-owned structures continued in the West Bank, while daily violence left 24 Palestinians and one Israeli soldier dead. </div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.un.org/press/en/2021/sc14650.doc.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.un.org/press/en/2021/sc14650.doc.htm</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">29.09.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Top UN envoy 'encouraged’ by recent engagement of Israeli and Palestinian officials </b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/Collections/Embargoed/29-09-2021_UNRWA_Gaza.jpg/image1170x530cropped.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="362" data-original-width="800" height="111" src="https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/Collections/Embargoed/29-09-2021_UNRWA_Gaza.jpg/image1170x530cropped.jpg" width="246" /></a></div>The UN Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process told the Security Council on Wednesday that he was “encouraged” by the recent engagement of senior Israeli and Palestinian officials. But Tor Wennesland also asked for a greater effort by the international community to address the “worrying situation on the ground”, including negative trends in the Occupied Palestinian Territory and fragile conditions inside the Hamas-controlled Gaza Strip. “We must re-energize efforts now to establish a legitimate political horizon that will end the occupation in line with relevant United Nations resolutions, international law and bilateral agreements in pursuit of achieving the vision of two States,” the Special Coordinator said. Mr. Wennesland was presenting his briefing on the implementation of Security Council resolution 2334 (2016), covering the period from 12 June to 27 September. </div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://news.un.org/en/story/2021/09/1101662" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.un.org/en/story/2021/09/1101662</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">29.09.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Remarks at a UN Security Council Briefing on the Situation in the Middle East</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://d2v9ipibika81v.cloudfront.net/uploads/sites/296/graphic-USUN_remarks-750x450.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="750" height="141" src="https://d2v9ipibika81v.cloudfront.net/uploads/sites/296/graphic-USUN_remarks-750x450.jpg" width="235" /></a></div>Thank you, Madam President. And thank you Special Coordinator for your briefing today. And my thanks, as well, to Ms. Rothbart and Ms. Farsakh for your powerful statements. They were heard. Thank you very much. I think what’s clear is that while present circumstances are both difficult and concerning, there are steps that we can take to improve lives – in concrete and practical ways – of the Israeli and Palestinian people now. We can help today while also preserving the possibility of a negotiated two-state solution when the time is ripe. Of the urgent needs, we assess that we must focus our attention and our resources now on supporting the livelihoods of the most vulnerable in Gaza. The United States wants to again express its thanks to Qatar for its financial assistance to Palestinians in Gaza. We welcome the commencement of the stipend disbursements and we hope that this stable income will help families meet their daily needs. To facilitate recovery, the United States calls for regular, predictable, and sustained access to Gaza for humanitarian actors. </div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://usun.usmission.gov/remarks-at-a-un-security-council-briefing-on-the-situation-in-the-middle-east-12/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://usun.usmission.gov/remarks-at-a-un-security-council-briefing-on-the-situation-in-the-middle-east-12/</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">24.09.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Highlights from the reporting period</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.ochaopt.org/sites/default/files/images/articles/poc_7-20_sep_2021.JPG" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="601" data-original-width="800" height="208" src="https://www.ochaopt.org/sites/default/files/images/articles/poc_7-20_sep_2021.JPG" width="277" /></a></div>One Palestinian was shot and killed and two others were wounded while stabbing or attempting to stab Israeli forces or civilians. On 10 September, a 50-year-old Palestinian tried to stab an Israeli policeman in the Old City of Jerusalem, and was shot by Israeli forces; he succumbed to his wounds later that day. On 13 September, a 17-year-old Palestinian boy stabbed two Israeli civilians in West Jerusalem and was then shot by an Israeli policeman and admitted to hospital in a critical condition. That same day, another Palestinian, aged 27, tried to stab an Israeli soldier at the Gush Etzion junction (Bethlehem) and was shot and arrested by Israeli forces. Overall, Israeli forces injured 568 Palestinians, including 73 children, across the West Bank. Of those, 320 were injured during ongoing protests against settlement activities in the Nablus governorate, including near the villages of Beita (290 people) and in Beit Dajan (30). Another 183 Palestinians were injured in protests held in solidarity with the six Palestinians who had escaped from an Israeli prison on 6 September (all have since been recaptured). The remaining injuries were recorded in the Hebron governorate, in incidents where Palestinians threw stones and Israeli forces fired tear gas canisters, rubber bullets and live ammunition. Overall, six of the wounded Palestinians were shot with live ammunition, 138 were hit by rubber bullets, three were physically assaulted or hit by a tear gas canister, and the rest were treated for tear gas inhalation. In addition to the 568 people who were injured directly by Israeli forces, 46 Palestinians were injured either while running away from Israeli forces or in circumstances that could not be verified in Beita and Nablus city. Of the abovementioned injuries, over 55 pupils and teachers were teargassed by Israeli forces in six schools. In the H2 area of Hebron city, Palestinian students reportedly threw stones at Israeli forces and the latter shot tear gas canisters at a nearby school compound; six students and 46 teachers were treated for tear gas inhalation and the three schools were evacuated due to the intensity of the gas. In another incident where clashes were reported in Anata town (Jerusalem), Israeli forces also fired tear gas canisters into the yards of one school; two girls and one teacher were taken to hospital, and classes were suspended for the remainder of the day, affecting over 500 pupils. </div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.ochaopt.org/poc/7-20-september-2021" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.ochaopt.org/poc/7-20-september-2021</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">16.09.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>LUXEMBOURG AND UNRWA SIGN STRATEGIC PARTNERSHIP AGREEMENT, INCLUDING EUR 12.3 MILLION FOR PALESTINE REFUGEES</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.unrwa.org/sites/default/files/styles/full_news_745x450/public/content/news_articles/news_article_113780_44082_1631856254.jpg?itok=C42sel4B" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="745" height="163" src="https://www.unrwa.org/sites/default/files/styles/full_news_745x450/public/content/news_articles/news_article_113780_44082_1631856254.jpg?itok=C42sel4B" width="270" /></a></div>Today, the Government of Luxembourg signed a multi-year Strategic Partnership Agreement with the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA). Under the 2022-24 Strategic Partnership Framework, Luxembourg will contribute EUR 12.3 million assistance in support of the Agency’s operations over a three-year period. Luxembourg’s donation will help UNRWA continue to provide critical support, including education and healthcare services, to Palestine refugees across the Agency’s five fields of operations. In response to the signing, Luxembourg Minister for Development Cooperation and Humanitarian Affairs, Mr. Franz Fayot, remarked: “I am very happy to announce that the Government of Luxembourg has decided to renew its strategic partnership in support of the Agency’s work during the period 2022-2024. This strategic partnership represents our determined commitment and solidarity to Palestine refugees at a time when the Middle East continues to experience serious humanitarian crisis, including the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic.” </div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/press-releases/luxembourg-and-unrwa-sign-strategic-partnership-agreement-including-eur-123" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/press-releases/luxembourg-and-unrwa-sign-strategic-partnership-agreement-including-eur-123</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">15.09.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Palestinian-Israeli Joint Poll on Sources of Mutual Distrust: Mutual Palestinian-Israeli distrust, found at the core of peace failure, is generated by socio-psychological forces heightened by daily life hardships, exposure to violence, and widespread negative perceptions about the other side’s educational system</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://pcpsr.org/sites/default/files/cover_4.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="364" data-original-width="576" height="188" src="http://pcpsr.org/sites/default/files/cover_4.jpg" width="298" /></a></div>Palestinian and Israeli public support for peace stands at the lowest point since the beginning of the peace process 28 years ago. Just completed joint Palestinian-Israeli research reveals an unequivocal finding: extremely low level of mutual trust among the two publics is the most important explanation for the declining support of the peace process. The joint research sought to map out the sources of distrust and recommend policy measures to address the problem of the continually declining mutual trust. The research was conducted by the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research (PSR) and the Macro Center for Political Economics during the past three years with funding from the European Union (EU). One of the surveys conducted for the project was funded by the Netherland Representative Office in Ramallah and the Japan Representative Office to Palestine through the UNDP/PAPP. The joint research relied on surveys conducted in the second half of 2020 among representative samples of the two publics, survey experiments among those hardest-hit by the prolonged conflict and military occupation, educational and classroom experiments among students, all complemented with more than a dozen focus groups with students and those paying the highest cost of the conflict. The research was supplemented by case studies, review of textbook, the development of “objective” textbook passages, and a review of the recent history of peace education in Europe and elsewhere. The report on the historical review focused on the lessons learned from previous international examples and was discussed in a workshop for Palestinian, Israeli, and international professionals who spent years exploring this sensitive topic. The Joint polls were conducted between August and November 2020 among representative samples of the two publics. Survey research experiments were conducted in January and February 2021 with focus groups soon after. A poll in the Palestinian-Israeli Pulse series, was conducted in August 2020 among a Palestinian sample of 1200 adults interviewed face-to-face in the West Bank, East Jerusalem and Gaza Strip in 120 randomly selected locations and the margin of error is +/-3%. The Israeli sample included 900 adult Israelis interviewed through the internet by Midgam in Hebrew and Arabic The margin of error is +/-3.34%. The joint poll on trust and the peace process was conducted among a Palestinian sample size of 1560 adults, including 592 youth, interviewed face-to-face in the West Bank, East Jerusalem and Gaza Strip in 120 randomly selected locations. The margin of error is +/-3%. The Israeli sample included 1201 adults, of which 272 were youth, interviewed through the internet by Rafi Smith in Hebrew and Arabic. The combined Israeli and Palestinian data files have been reweighted to reflect the exact proportionate size of the various groups and ages in the Palestinian and Israeli societies, and to reflect, for Israeli Jews, current demographic and religious-secular divisions. The margin of error for the Israeli poll is +/-3.34%. Our survey research and experiments among the general public, residents of hard-hit areas, and students indicate the following (for project reports and documents, visit PSR and Macro’s websites): The contexts of the two societies, the Israeli and the Palestinian, are very different, leading to different results. The findings of the Israeli surveys show that trust is mostly determined by the psychological repertoire of beliefs, attitudes and emotions that are imparted and shaped in the political, educational and social culture that can be viewed as a culture of conflict. Israelis are less affected by the difficulties of daily life and violent events because their lives take place in a very different context and they lead routinized life – a normal life in the conflict. Findings among the Palestinians show a correlation between the widespread mutual distrust on the one hand and the daily life hardships, exposure to violence, and negative perceptions of the educational system on the other side on the other hand. The research unveils other roots of distrust: socio-psychological variables representing the repertoire that both side are carrying, such as ethos of conflict and negative stereotyping relating to historic experiences and narratives. These variables indicate that the less a person adheres to ethos of conflict and the less negative stereotypes he or she holds regarding Palestinians or Israeli Jews, the more he/she finds the other side worthy of trust and therefore supports the peace process. The youth are more likely to hold hardline views, to indicate less trust, and to adhere to beliefs of ethos of conflict and hold stronger negative stereotype of the other. When linking support for peace with trust level, strong positive correlation emerges: the higher the trust, the higher the support for peace and the lower the trust, the lower the support for peace. Here is an example from our August 2020 joint poll: Palestinian support for the two-state solution stood at 60% among those who trust Israeli Jews and only 41% among those who distrust them; Israeli equivalent stood at 81% among those who trust Palestinians and only 34% among those who distrust them. A dozen Educational and classroom experiments indicated that students are more likely to trust the other side and to have a more positive attitude toward peace when the classroom text presented by the teachers were “objective” or presented the other side in a positive light. Six survey research experiments found residents in areas of great hardships are more likely to distrust the other and to oppose the peace process. A dozen focus groups among students and residents of areas of great hardships confirmed the project findings and helped to articulate the link between trust and peace and the role played by the sources of distrust. Recommendations: It goes without saying that only the ending of occupation and the building of permanent peace can bring about a real restoration of trust and begin the process of reconciliation. Yet as our research demonstrates, progress toward peace is linked to the restoration of trust and hope. A major societal change is needed to change the state of mind that is supporting distrust. It should be accompanied by change in the information provided by leaders, mass-media, schools, ceremonies, memorial days, the imparted collective memory and existing dominant political ideologies. Additional interim measures are needed: change the reality on the ground, stop incitements and minimize negative language and phrasing, increase contact between People, deliberately use mass media to inform and enlighten, use the school system with the goal of changing the collective psychological repertoire of society; and encourage joint projects in less sensitive areas such as health, science, and agriculture.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://pcpsr.org/en/node/852" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://pcpsr.org/en/node/852</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">09.09.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Latest developments (after the reporting period)</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.ochaopt.org/sites/default/files/images/articles/poc_24_aug_6_sep_2021_.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="564" data-original-width="800" height="192" src="https://www.ochaopt.org/sites/default/files/images/articles/poc_24_aug_6_sep_2021_.png" width="272" /></a></div>On 6 September, six Palestinians escaped from an Israeli prison. Since then, the Israeli authorities have arrested some of their relatives, cancelled family visits and moved other Palestinian inmates between facilities. Across the West Bank, Palestinians have demonstrated in solidarity with prisoners and their families, leading to clashes with Israeli forces, with some injuries reported. Highlights from the reporting period. In the West Bank, Israeli forces shot and killed two Palestinians, including a boy. During a nighttime operation on 24 August, in the Balata refugee camp (Nablus), Israeli forces shot and killed a 15-year-old boy who, they say, tried to throw an object at the soldiers. Local sources say that he was an uninvolved bystander. On 2 September, a 39-year-old Palestinian was shot and killed near a Barrier gate leading to Beit ‘Ur at Tahta village (Ramallah), while on his way back from work in Israel. The Israeli military said that the soldiers shot a ‘suspect’ who had tried to start a fire on the highway, and that it was investigating the incident. Fifty-seven Palestinians, including 12 children, have been killed by Israeli forces in the West Bank this year, all by live ammunition. At the Israeli perimeter fence around the Gaza Strip, Israeli forces shot and killed one Palestinian and injured over 70 others; two additional Palestinians died of wounds that were sustained in similar circumstances before the reporting period, and so did an Israeli soldier who had been shot by a Palestinian gunman on 21 August. On multiple occasions, Palestinian protesters reportedly set off explosives or fireworks and hurled stones and other objects towards the fence; and Israeli forces shot live ammunition, rubber-coated bullets and tear gas canisters. Overall, Israeli forces injured 288 Palestinians across the West Bank. The vast majority (273) of the verified injuries were in ongoing protests against settlement activities near Beita village (Nablus). Four additional people were injured during search-and-arrest operations in the Jenin, Nablus and Bethlehem governorates, including two boys, and the remaining were injured in other incidents. Of those injured, six Palestinians were shot with live ammunition, 44 with rubber bullets, and the rest were treated for tear gas inhalation or physical assault. An Israeli soldier was injured in a search-and-arrest operation in Abu Dis town (Jerusalem). In addition to the 288 injured directly by Israeli forces, 47 were injured in Beita, either while running away from Israeli forces or in circumstances that could not be verified. Israeli forces carried out 118 search-and-arrest operations and arrested 134 Palestinians across the West Bank. Most of the operations took place in the Jerusalem and Hebron governorates. On 1 September, Israeli forces raided a school in the Wadi Al Joz neighbourhood of East Jerusalem, detained the school principal and an employee, and seized a number of computers and files.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.ochaopt.org/poc/24-august-6-september-2021" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.ochaopt.org/poc/24-august-6-september-2021</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;">09.09.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><b>Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) Situation Report 80</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://i2.createsend1.com/ei/j/3B/DBC/676/032857/csfinal/Infographic-CampaignMonitor-990000051404513c.PNG" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="800" data-original-width="464" height="108" src="https://i2.createsend1.com/ei/j/3B/DBC/676/032857/csfinal/Infographic-CampaignMonitor-990000051404513c.PNG" width="63" /></a></div>Highlights. Active cases of COVID-19 infections continue to rise across the oPt, with the significant majority still occurring in Gaza (60%) where deaths have trebled in one week. A dedicated vaccination drive in the Gaza Strip has seen more vaccine uptake in the last two weeks than in the entire six-month period before that when vaccinations first started. COVAX delivered yet more vaccines to oPt in the month of August: 500,000 Moderna and 100,000 Pfizer, bringing the total number of vaccines in oPt to just under three million. </div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><a href="https://who18.createsend.com/campaigns/reports/viewCampaign.aspx?d=j&c=99FA4938D049E3A8&ID=52FCF408D87B29632540EF23F30FEDED&temp=False&tx=0&source=Report" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://who18.createsend.com/campaigns/reports/viewCampaign.aspx?d=j&c=99FA4938D049E3A8&ID=52FCF408D87B29632540EF23F30FEDED&temp=False&tx=0&source=Report</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;">07.09.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><b>WHO in occupied Palestinian territory</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://pbs.twimg.com/media/E-r6iMdWEAk8Srn?format=png&name=900x900" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="800" data-original-width="567" height="44" src="https://pbs.twimg.com/media/E-r6iMdWEAk8Srn?format=png&name=900x900" width="31" /></a></div>In just one week, #Gaza's health authorities vaccinated more people than in the entire year and a half before that. @WHOoPt provided medicine, testing kits, training and equipment to make that possible.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><a href="https://twitter.com/WHOoPt/status/1435234984156180492" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://twitter.com/WHOoPt/status/1435234984156180492</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;">06.09.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><b>WHO in occupied Palestinian territory</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://pbs.twimg.com/media/E-nmlC8WQAYI-rT?format=png&name=900x900" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="800" data-original-width="592" height="46" src="https://pbs.twimg.com/media/E-nmlC8WQAYI-rT?format=png&name=900x900" width="34" /></a></div>From border protests to #COVID19 & back to border protests, @WHOoPt has helped Gaza’s medics prepare for every major emergency since 2018. Thanks to our donors, Gaza’s trauma system can respond fast & efficiently.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><a href="https://twitter.com/WHOoPt/status/1434936114859610114" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://twitter.com/WHOoPt/status/1434936114859610114</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;">03.09.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><b>Response to the escalation in the oPt | Situation Report No. 9 (August 2021)</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.ochaopt.org/sites/default/files/styles/lg_desktop_1x_1400_/public/sitrep_9_escalation_august_2021.jpg?itok=yXsldnEw" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="599" data-original-width="800" height="174" src="https://www.ochaopt.org/sites/default/files/styles/lg_desktop_1x_1400_/public/sitrep_9_escalation_august_2021.jpg?itok=yXsldnEw" width="233" /></a></div>Situation overview. Gaza Strip. Tension has increased between Palestinian armed groups and Israel during the reporting period. On 16 August, armed groups launched two rockets from Gaza towards southern Israel, the first since the end of May. The launching of incendiary balloons by armed groups in Gaza has also increased, sparking fires in Israel. On 21 August, perimeter fence around Gaza. This has been followed by another demonstration on 23 August and the resumption of night protests near the fence. A 31-year-old man and a 12-year-old child were killed by Israeli gunfire and over According to the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), during the escalation in Gaza in May, 260 Palestinians were killed, including 66 children. It has been assessed that 129 of the fatalities were civilians and 64 were members of armed groups, while the status of the remaining 67 has not been determined. Over 2,200 Palestinians were injured during the hostilities, including 685 children and 480 women, some of whom may suffer a long-term disability requiring rehabilitation. </div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><a href="https://www.ochaopt.org/content/response-escalation-opt-situation-report-no-9-august-2021" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.ochaopt.org/content/response-escalation-opt-situation-report-no-9-august-2021</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;">01.09.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><b>Staggering health needs emerge in the occupied Palestinian territory in the wake of recent escalations</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.who.int/images/default-source/infographics/logo-who.tmb-1200v.jpg?Culture=es&sfvrsn=2fcc68a0_15" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="320" data-original-width="800" height="109" src="https://www.who.int/images/default-source/infographics/logo-who.tmb-1200v.jpg?Culture=es&sfvrsn=2fcc68a0_15" width="272" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Cairo, 1 June 2021 – As the ceasefire in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) holds, WHO is scaling up its response to provide health aid for almost 200 000 people in need. WHO has so far provided essential medicines to support trauma care and ambulance services for more than 2000 injured beneficiaries in the Gaza Strip, and 10 triage and treatment tents by WHO have been set up outside 6 Ministry of Health emergency departments, also in the Gaza Strip. “The situation is volatile. WHO remains concerned about the situation in oPt and calls for unhindered access for humanitarian and development-related essential supplies and staff into Gaza and the referral of patients out of Gaza whenever needed,” said Dr Rik Peeperkorn, WHO Representative in oPt.</div></span></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.emro.who.int/opt/news/staggering-health-needs-emerge-in-the-occupied-palestinian-territory-in-the-wake-of-recent-escalations.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.emro.who.int/opt/news/staggering-health-needs-emerge-in-the-occupied-palestinian-territory-in-the-wake-of-recent-escalations.html</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;">27.08.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><b>Protection of Civilians Report | 10 – 23 August 2021</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.cimic-coe.org/.uc/i34e42472010270160000da1a2a028ba7f5c94b4b05a90b0142d002e00180ffffffff/bild-ocha-900x425.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="342" data-original-width="720" height="102" src="https://www.cimic-coe.org/.uc/i34e42472010270160000da1a2a028ba7f5c94b4b05a90b0142d002e00180ffffffff/bild-ocha-900x425.jpg" width="215" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Highlights from the reporting period. In the West Bank, five Palestinians were killed by Israeli forces during search-and-arrest operations. During a nighttime operation in the Jenin refugee camp on 15 August, Israeli forces shot and killed four Palestinians, aged between 19 and 21. A fifth Palestinian sustained serious wounds. During the operation, there was an armed clash between Palestinians and an Israeli undercover unit, who entered the camp to arrest a Palestinian, reportedly affiliated with Hamas. Another Palestinian, aged 25, died on 11 August of wounds he sustained during another search-and-arrest operation in Jenin city on 3 August. Fifty-five (55) Palestinians have been killed by Israeli forces in the West Bank this year, all by live ammunition. </div></span></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><a href="https://www.ochaopt.org/poc/10-23-august-2021" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.ochaopt.org/poc/10-23-august-2021</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;">26.08.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><b>Data on demolition and displacement in the West Bank</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.cimic-coe.org/.uc/i34e42472010270160000da1a2a028ba7f5c94b4b05a90b0142d002e00180ffffffff/bild-ocha-900x425.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="342" data-original-width="720" height="114" src="https://www.cimic-coe.org/.uc/i34e42472010270160000da1a2a028ba7f5c94b4b05a90b0142d002e00180ffffffff/bild-ocha-900x425.jpg" width="240" /></a></div>The figures below reflect the demolition of Palestinian-owned structures and the resulting displacement of people from their homes across the West Bank since 2009. Together with other policies and practices, the threat of destruction of homes and sources of livelihood contributes to the generation of a coercive environment pressuring people to leave their areas of residence.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><a href="https://www.ochaopt.org/data/demolition" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.ochaopt.org/data/demolition</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;">26.08.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444; text-align: justify;"><b>UNRWA IS DEEPLY SADDENED BY THE KILLING OF OF THE STUDENT AT BALATA BOYS SCHOOL, IMAD SALEH HASHASH</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444; text-align: center;"><a href="https://english.aawsat.com/sites/default/files/styles/article_img_top/public/2018/03/08/unrwa_new_logo_blue.jpg?itok=6iP3k3Sn" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="447" data-original-width="800" height="178" src="https://english.aawsat.com/sites/default/files/styles/article_img_top/public/2018/03/08/unrwa_new_logo_blue.jpg?itok=6iP3k3Sn" width="317" /></a></div>The United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) is deeply saddened by the killing of 15-year-old Imad Saleh Khaled Hashash from Balata refugee camp, in the occupied West Bank, during the clashes that followed an arrest operation carried out by Israeli Security Forces (ISF) in the camp yesterday. According to initial reports, Imad, a ninth-grade student at the UNRWA Balata Boys’ School 1, was standing on the roof of his home when he was shot in the head with live ammunition. He was pronounced dead shortly after arriving at the hospital. The ISF say Imad was shot in retaliation for throwing an object at soldiers. UNRWA calls on the ISF to exercise restraint in their use of force and to minimize causalities. Imad’s killing adds to the ever-growing number of Palestinians killed by the Israeli forces. In 2021 alone, the ISF have killed 59 Palestinians in the occupied West Bank, including 22 refugees and 13 children. Some 984 Palestinians have been injured by live fire since the beginning of the year.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444; text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/official-statements/unrwa-deeply-saddened-killing-student-balata-boys-school-imad-saleh" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/official-statements/unrwa-deeply-saddened-killing-student-balata-boys-school-imad-saleh</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;">23.08.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><b>SAFETY FIRST: UNMASS CONDUCTS EXPLOSIVE REMNANTS OF WAR AWARENESS SESSIONS WITH PALESTINE REFUGEE STUDENTS IN GAZA</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://english.aawsat.com/sites/default/files/styles/article_img_top/public/2018/03/08/unrwa_new_logo_blue.jpg?itok=6iP3k3Sn" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="447" data-original-width="800" height="121" src="https://english.aawsat.com/sites/default/files/styles/article_img_top/public/2018/03/08/unrwa_new_logo_blue.jpg?itok=6iP3k3Sn" width="216" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">As part of UNRWA efforts to enhance the physical and psychological wellbeing of children in Gaza, particularly after the recent military escalation in May, the Agency, in collaboration with UNMASS, delivered a series of awareness sessions about remnants of war. Taking place during Keeping Kids Cool (KKC) summer camps, the sessions aimed to mitigate the risk of hazardous remnants of war and enhance community safety.</div></span></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><a href="https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/photos/safety-first-unmass-conducts-explosive-remnants-war-awareness-sessions-palestine" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/photos/safety-first-unmass-conducts-explosive-remnants-war-awareness-sessions-palestine</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;">19.08.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><b>LEBANON: UNRWA CALLS FOR SUPPORT FOR PALESTINE REFUGEES, AMONGST THE MOST VULNERABLE COMMUNITIES IN THE COUNTRY</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://english.aawsat.com/sites/default/files/styles/article_img_top/public/2018/03/08/unrwa_new_logo_blue.jpg?itok=6iP3k3Sn" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="447" data-original-width="800" height="184" src="https://english.aawsat.com/sites/default/files/styles/article_img_top/public/2018/03/08/unrwa_new_logo_blue.jpg?itok=6iP3k3Sn" width="329" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">The United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) is extremely alarmed by the rapid deterioration of the situation in Lebanon and its effects on Palestine refugees. Between the economic and financial meltdown, COVID-19, the disastrous impact of the Beirut Port explosion, and as the country plunges deeper into multiple crises, Palestine refugees, one of Lebanon’s most vulnerable communities, struggle ever harder to survive. The crises that have accumulated since 2019 have affected all segments of society in Lebanon, drastically impacting the access of refugees in general - and Palestine refugees in particular - to sources of livelihoods. The unprecedented depreciation of the local currency has slashed the purchasing power of Palestine refugees as prices continue to increase dramatically, with inflation surpassing 100 per cent. Poverty rates are soaring amongst vulnerable communities, including Palestine refugees.</div></span></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444; text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/official-statements/lebanon-unrwa-calls-support-palestine-refugees-amongst-most-vulnerable" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/official-statements/lebanon-unrwa-calls-support-palestine-refugees-amongst-most-vulnerable</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">17.08.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Data on demolition and displacement in the West Bank</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.cimic-coe.org/.uc/i34e42472010270160000da1a2a028ba7f5c94b4b05a90b0142d002e00180ffffffff/bild-ocha-900x425.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="342" data-original-width="720" height="104" src="https://www.cimic-coe.org/.uc/i34e42472010270160000da1a2a028ba7f5c94b4b05a90b0142d002e00180ffffffff/bild-ocha-900x425.jpg" width="220" /></a></div>The figures below reflect the demolition of Palestinian-owned structures and the resulting displacement of people from their homes across the West Bank since 2009. Together with other policies and practices, the threat of destruction of homes and sources of livelihood contributes to the generation of a coercive environment pressuring people to leave their areas of residence. Click, tap or hover over charts to interact with data or <a href="https://app.powerbi.com/view?r=eyJrIjoiMmJkZGRhYWQtODk0MS00MWJkLWI2NTktMDg1NGJlMGNiY2Y3IiwidCI6IjBmOWUzNWRiLTU0NGYtNGY2MC1iZGNjLTVlYTQxNmU2ZGM3MCIsImMiOjh9" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">click here for more breakdowns</a>. </div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.ochaopt.org/data/demolition" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.ochaopt.org/data/demolition</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;">16.08.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><b>Life With Dignity</b> <a href="https://twitter.com/LWDCampaign" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Campaign@LWDCampaign · 16 ago.</a> </div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcQMOSZTViDDLcV_bw3LWloLe0I87W-uqr5AcFhU_RrbilyEMGpe6745SDIvZRDE4eVV7A&usqp=CAU" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="82" data-original-width="323" height="57" src="https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcQMOSZTViDDLcV_bw3LWloLe0I87W-uqr5AcFhU_RrbilyEMGpe6745SDIvZRDE4eVV7A&usqp=CAU" width="223" /></a></div>The attacks on our homes are almost daily… they broke the doors, assaulted young children and women. There is no law that protects me...the occupation’s law protects the settler. If I defend myself I get shot or arrested, So in the end, I’m alone.” Jamal Abu Sifan, </span><a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Hebron?src=hashtag_click" rel="nofollow" style="text-align: justify;" target="_blank">#Hebron</a><span style="text-align: justify;"> </span></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><a href="https://twitter.com/LWDCampaign/status/1427283171591208969" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://twitter.com/LWDCampaign/status/1427283171591208969</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">13.08.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>UN experts condemn raid on West Bank NGO, urge Israel meaningfully probe child deaths </b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/Libraries/Production+Library/photoshopWall2.jpg/image1170x530cropped.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="362" data-original-width="800" height="120" src="https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/Libraries/Production+Library/photoshopWall2.jpg/image1170x530cropped.jpg" width="263" /></a></div>GENEVA (13 August 2021) – UN human rights experts* have called on the Government of Israel to immediately return confidential documents and office equipment that its military seized from the offices of Defense for Children International-Palestine (DCIP) in Al-Bireh, in the occupied West Bank. “We are deeply concerned by the Israeli military’s interference with the human rights work of a well-known and well-regarded NGO,” said the experts. Computers, hard drives, binders and other materials were taken from DCIP’s offices during a nighttime raid at the end of July. “The indispensable work of Palestinian, Israeli and international civil society organizations has provided a measure of much-needed ccountability in documenting and scrutinizing the dispiriting human rights trends in the occupied Palestinian territory,” the experts said. “In recent years, DCIP has critically and reliably reported on the patterns of arrests, maiming and killings of Palestinian children by the Israeli military in the occupied West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and Gaza. The silencing or hindering of these activities violates the fundamental human rights of expression and association, which Israel has committed itself to uphold through its ratification of the two 1966 International Covenants.”</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=27381&LangID=E" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=27381&LangID=E</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;">12.08.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><b>It Felt Like My Soul Left My Body</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcQMOSZTViDDLcV_bw3LWloLe0I87W-uqr5AcFhU_RrbilyEMGpe6745SDIvZRDE4eVV7A&usqp=CAU" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="82" data-original-width="323" height="66" src="https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcQMOSZTViDDLcV_bw3LWloLe0I87W-uqr5AcFhU_RrbilyEMGpe6745SDIvZRDE4eVV7A&usqp=CAU" width="261" /></a></div>Khirbet Sarra is a small community south of Nablus that falls within Area C and is subject to restrictions on construction of residential structures as well as infrastructure. The fences of the Shvut Rachel outpost of the settlement of Shilo are only a few meters away from the people’s lands and houses. The most recent incident of settler violence in the community occurred on 7 Feb 2021. Israeli settlers from the outpost “Shvut Rachel” of “Shilo” settlement have reportedly attacked an olive farm south of Khirbet Sarra and uprooted ten olive saplings and partially damaged ten others. No prior-coordination is required for the targeted land which is only a few meters away from the settlement’s fence. A family of six is affected by this incident. “My name is Um Imad. I live in a village called Qaryut. My husband’s deceased. I have three sons and four daughters I plant olive trees. I inherited this land from my family. The Raheil settlement’s camera is right on my land; everywhere I go I’m constantly watched. I do feel fear but that doesn’t stop me from entering my land. I planted olive trees, but a while ago they cut a big tree of mine with a chainsaw. A few days later I came to visit the land and it was a rainy day. The land was empty. All the trees had been broken and cut.</span></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><a href="https://lifewithdignitycampaign.org/stories/it-felt-like-my-soul-left-my-body/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://lifewithdignitycampaign.org/stories/it-felt-like-my-soul-left-my-body/</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">11.08.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Health Access. Barriers for patients in the occupied Palestinian territory</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://pbs.twimg.com/profile_images/897747673301872640/b11ZGhxd_400x400.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="400" data-original-width="400" height="152" src="https://pbs.twimg.com/profile_images/897747673301872640/b11ZGhxd_400x400.jpg" width="152" /></a></div>June referrals by the Ministry of Health.</b> In June, the Palestinian Ministry of Health (MoH) issued 10,124 referrals to health care services delivered by non-MoH providers, 33% more than the monthly average (7,597) of the first quarter this year. Gaza patients’ referrals increased by 20% in June compared to the monthly average of first quarter of the year (1,689). Referrals from the West Bank comprised 79% (7,950) of the total, including 1,383 referrals for patients from East Jerusalem, while the West Bank population comprises approximately 60% of the total population in the oPt. The Gaza Strip makes up around 40% of the population in the oPt, while referrals from Gaza accounted for 20% (2,021) of the total in June. The origin of 147 (1%) of referrals was not reported, and 6 were for Palestinian patients in Jordan at the time of referal. Palestinian MoH referrals to hospitals in the West Bank, outside East Jerusalem, comprised less than half (47%) of all referrals in June; to East Jerusalem hospitals less than two-fifths (36%) of the total; to Israeli hospitals 5%; within the Gaza Strip 4% (a decrease from 8% in 2020); to Egypt 4%; and to Jordan 4% and 1 referral to Turkey. The top needed specialties for referrals were oncology (23%); urology & nephrology (11%); cardiac catheterization (6%); ophthalmology (6%); cardiology (5%); diagnostic and therapeutic procedures (4%); medical imaging (4%); and (3%) each for haematology, endoscopy, paediatrics and radiotherapy. The remaining 29% were for 21 other medical specialties. Referrals for patients under 18 years of age comprised 22% (2,269) of the total, while 28% (2,855) were for those aged 60 years or older. Referrals for female patients comprised 45% of the total.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://www.emro.who.int/images/stories/palestine/documents/June_2021_Monthly.pdf?ua=1" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.emro.who.int/images/stories/palestine/documents/June_2021_Monthly.pdf?ua=1</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;">10.08.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><b>A Palestinian Farmer Protects His Land</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcQMOSZTViDDLcV_bw3LWloLe0I87W-uqr5AcFhU_RrbilyEMGpe6745SDIvZRDE4eVV7A&usqp=CAU" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="82" data-original-width="323" height="69" src="https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcQMOSZTViDDLcV_bw3LWloLe0I87W-uqr5AcFhU_RrbilyEMGpe6745SDIvZRDE4eVV7A&usqp=CAU" width="273" /></a></div>Aref Jaber, a father and human rights activist in Hebron, wakes up every day knowing he may face attacks from Israeli setters. He inherited his land from his grandfather, but has endured 22 attacks by settlers, who have uprooted his olive trees, fired live rounds, and used pepper spray against him. Aref has dismantled everything settlers have tried to build, but he is constantly under the threat of losing his family land.</span></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><a href="https://lifewithdignitycampaign.org/stories/a-palestinian-farmer-protects-his-land/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://lifewithdignitycampaign.org/stories/a-palestinian-farmer-protects-his-land/</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;">09.08.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><b>The Family in the Cave</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://lifewithdignitycampaign.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/E7TrcYsXEBAhsIl-1024x683.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="534" data-original-width="800" height="97" src="https://lifewithdignitycampaign.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/E7TrcYsXEBAhsIl-1024x683.jpg" width="146" /></a></div>Barakat Mur’s family has been attacked by Israeli settlers four times since January 2020. They sleep in fear for their safety. Fearing for their safety, the women and girls of the family found a temporary living situation and are living apart from their loved ones.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><a href="https://lifewithdignitycampaign.org/stories/the-family-in-the-cave/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://lifewithdignitycampaign.org/stories/the-family-in-the-cave/</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;">04.08.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><b>I Dream of Cycling</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://lifewithdignitycampaign.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/5Q9B90841-Large-1024x683.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="534" data-original-width="800" height="122" src="https://lifewithdignitycampaign.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/5Q9B90841-Large-1024x683.jpg" width="182" /></a></div>All his life, Alaa has loved cycling. Alaa kept winning cycle competitions and being invited to international contests, but Israeli authorities would not grant him an exit permit to leave #Gaza. On 30 March 2018, Alaa’s life changed forever. He passed by the Great March of Return protest near the Gaza fence after a training session. As he stood there, a sniper from the Israeli forces shot him in the leg. Alaa was transferred to the hospital. After multiple operations, the doctors told him they needed to amputate his leg. Six months after the injury, he tried for the first time to ride his bike with just one leg, despite concern from his mother and friends. He succeeded.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><a href="https://lifewithdignitycampaign.org/stories/i-dream-of-cycling/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://lifewithdignitycampaign.org/stories/i-dream-of-cycling/</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;">04.08.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><b>Dangerous Findings</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://lifewithdignitycampaign.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/LWD_HAT_1311-1024x683.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="534" data-original-width="800" height="99" src="https://lifewithdignitycampaign.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/LWD_HAT_1311-1024x683.jpg" width="149" /></a></div>The Daraghmeh house is consistently demolished, one piece at a time, from windows to doors, leaving the family exposed to the elements. This family of five suffers from settler’s violence and repeating demolitions ordered by the Israeli authorities. Their story is part of a new phenomenon: Declaring their land an “archeological” site and sending out demolition orders.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><a href="https://lifewithdignitycampaign.org/stories/dangerous-findings/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://lifewithdignitycampaign.org/stories/dangerous-findings/</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">02.08.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Canada and WFP help vulnerable Palestinian families overcome hardships in Gaza</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcR0_T2SbiU4stoW1RG1JChmb425gqTs8um8Ww&usqp=CAU" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="385" data-original-width="131" height="223" src="https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcR0_T2SbiU4stoW1RG1JChmb425gqTs8um8Ww&usqp=CAU" width="76" /></a></div>The United Nations World Food Programme (WFP) welcomed a contribution of CAD$2 million (approximately US$1.7 million) from the Government of Canada to provide much-needed food assistance for two months for more than 64,000 of people in the Gaza Strip who have been most-affected by the recent armed escalation and ongoing COVID-19 pandemic. “The recent conflict has caused significant destruction and increased the suffering of Gaza’s population that has already been grappling with hefty challenges with little prospect for breakthrough,” said WFP Representative and Country Director Samer AbdelJaber. “We are grateful for Canada’s consistent and generous support which helps us put food on the table of many vulnerable Palestinians”. A recent study conducted by the United Nations, the World Bank, and the European Union shortly after the eleven-day hostilities in May 2021 in Gaza shows worsening social conditions. The Rapid Damage and Needs Assessment (RDNA), forecasts unemployment and poverty to – already high prior to the hostilities – to increase by two and 2.3 percentage points respectively. Unemployment and poverty, the two key drivers for food insecurity in Gaza. Poverty in Gaza is currently 16.3 percentage point increase above the 2016-2017 levels.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.wfp.org/news/canada-and-wfp-help-vulnerable-palestinian-families-overcome-hardships-gaza" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.wfp.org/news/canada-and-wfp-help-vulnerable-palestinian-families-overcome-hardships-gaza</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">30.07.21</div></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Response to the escalation in the oPt | Situation Report No. 8 (8-28 July 2021)</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.ochaopt.org/sites/default/files/styles/phone_x1_767_/public/whatsapp_image_2021-07-28_at_06.32.57.jpeg?itok=SvqMEw-x" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="575" data-original-width="767" height="119" src="https://www.ochaopt.org/sites/default/files/styles/phone_x1_767_/public/whatsapp_image_2021-07-28_at_06.32.57.jpeg?itok=SvqMEw-x" width="158" /></a></div>Highlights. On 14 July, the Israeli authorities confiscated 49 structures, including homes, animal shelters and solar power systems, in addition to water tanks, tractors and animal fodder in the Bedouin community of Ras al Tin, Ramallah. Thirteen households, comprising 84 people, including 53 children, were displaced. In Gaza, about 8,220 internally displaced people (IDPs) remain with host families or in rented accommodation.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.ochaopt.org/content/response-escalation-opt-situation-report-no-8-8-28-july-2021" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.ochaopt.org/content/response-escalation-opt-situation-report-no-8-8-28-july-2021</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">29.07.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Israeli forces raid DCIP office, confiscate computers and client files</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://d3n8a8pro7vhmx.cloudfront.net/dcipalestine/pages/5581/attachments/original/1627570864/001_hero_officeraid.jpg?1627570864" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="222" src="https://d3n8a8pro7vhmx.cloudfront.net/dcipalestine/pages/5581/attachments/original/1627570864/001_hero_officeraid.jpg?1627570864" width="334" /></a></div>Israeli forces raided Defense for Children International - Palestine’s headquarters in the central occupied West Bank, confiscating computers and client files, early Thursday morning. Israeli paramilitary border police forces raided DCIP’s headquarters located in Al-Bireh’s Sateh Marhaba neighborhood, located just south of Ramallah around 5:15 a.m. on July 29. More than a dozen Israeli soldiers forced open the office’s locked front door and confiscated six desktop computers, two laptops, hard drives, and client files related to Palestinian child detainees represented by DCIP’s lawyers in Israel’s military courts. No documents were left in the office to give any indication of the reason for the raid, and they did not leave behind any receipt of materials seized. “This latest act by Israeli authorities pushes forward an ongoing campaign to silence and eliminate Palestinian civil society and human rights organizations like DCIP,” said Khaled Quzmar, general director at DCIP. “Israeli authorities must immediately end efforts aimed at delegitimizing and criminalizing Palestinian human rights defenders and civil society organizations, and the international community must hold Israeli authorities accountable.”</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.dci-palestine.org/israeli_forces_raid_dcip_office_confiscate_computers_and_client_files" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.dci-palestine.org/israeli_forces_raid_dcip_office_confiscate_computers_and_client_files</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">28.07.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Gaza: Humanitarian response underway, but political solutions still needed</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/Libraries/Production+Library/28-07-2021-OCHA-Gaza-destruction-01.jpg/image1170x530cropped.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="362" data-original-width="800" height="145" src="https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/Libraries/Production+Library/28-07-2021-OCHA-Gaza-destruction-01.jpg/image1170x530cropped.jpg" width="322" /></a></div>Although the international community is providing urgent assistance to Gaza in the wake of the most recent round of hostilities, a political solution is still needed to end the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians, a senior UN official in the region said on Wednesday. Lynn Hastings, Deputy Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process, briefed the Security Council on developments in the aftermath of 11 days of brutal fighting in May. “Urgent efforts to improve the situation in Gaza must move forward swiftly, but let us not lose sight of the broader goal: resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, ending the occupation and realizing a two-State solution on the basis of UN resolutions, international law and bilateral agreements”, she said, speaking from Jerusalem. </div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://news.un.org/en/story/2021/07/1096602" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.un.org/en/story/2021/07/1096602</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">28.07.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Prioritizing Gaza Reconstruction Must Not Detract from Broader International Goal of Ending Israeli Occupation, Deputy Special Coordinator Tells Security Council</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://cdn.pixabay.com/photo/2015/10/25/22/05/united-1006438_1280.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="692" data-original-width="800" height="173" src="https://cdn.pixabay.com/photo/2015/10/25/22/05/united-1006438_1280.png" width="200" /></a></div>Speakers Urge Israel to Allow Unhindered Entry of Humanitarian Aid as Physical Damage from Violent Clashes in May Estimated at $290-$380 Million. While the global community should prioritize its support for Gaza’s reconstruction in the wake of the violence that erupted there in May, a senior United Nations official also urged the Security Council not to “lose sight of the broader goal” — namely, ending the Israeli occupation and realizing a two-State solution — as she briefed the organ during its quarterly open debate on the Middle East today. Lynn Hastings, who serves as Deputy Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process, Resident Coordinator and Humanitarian Coordinator, outlined urgent assistance being provided by the United Nations and its partners on the heels of 11 days of clashes in Gaza two months ago. She said that, beyond the human tragedy for both Palestinians and Israelis, a recent Rapid Damage and Needs Assessment by the United Nations, European Union and the World Bank estimated the physical damage to Gaza to be between $290 million and $380 million, and additional economic losses to reach up to $200 million. The social sector was hit hardest, significantly weakening the safety net of the most vulnerable.</div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.un.org/press/en/2021/sc14588.doc.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.un.org/press/en/2021/sc14588.doc.htm</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">25.07.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>UNRWA. ¿DÓNDE TRABAJAMOS? 5 áreas de operaciones en Oriente Próximo</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://pbs.twimg.com/media/E7IxXpcXIAYRiFY?format=jpg&name=small" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="340" data-original-width="680" height="141" src="https://pbs.twimg.com/media/E7IxXpcXIAYRiFY?format=jpg&name=small" width="282" /></a></div>#Graciasatien2020 hemos podido trabajar apoyando a las personas refugiadas de Palestina más vulnerables en Cisjordania. En 2020, UNRWA ha continuado ofreciendo ayuda humanitaria y apoyo al desarrollo en las zonas en las que está presente. El principio fundamental que motiva todo nuestro esfuerzo es asegurar los derechos humanos a toda la comunidad de refugiados y refugiadas de Palestina. Trabajamos con más de 5 millones de personas refugiadas de Palestina para garantizar su bienestar y su pleno desarrollo humano.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://twitter.com/UNRWA_es/status/1419251121516863492" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://twitter.com/UNRWA_es/status/1419251121516863492</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">24.07.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>“Si nos echan, nos sentaremos en las calles del pueblo y dormiremos sobre los escombros de nuestras casas”</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.unrwa.org/sites/default/files/styles/full_news_745x450/public/content/news_articles/news_article_8801_13821_1408786190.jpg?itok=F1ftxjVc" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="745" height="51" src="https://www.unrwa.org/sites/default/files/styles/full_news_745x450/public/content/news_articles/news_article_8801_13821_1408786190.jpg?itok=F1ftxjVc" width="84" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Los tribunales israelíes niegan la documentación presentada por refugiados y refugiadas de Palestina sobre la propiedad de sus casas en #Silwan. “¡Miles de familias serán expulsadas de sus casas y arrojadas a la calle!”.</div></span></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://twitter.com/UNRWA_es/status/1418828403197759489" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://twitter.com/UNRWA_es/status/1418828403197759489</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">24.07.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Israeli forces shoot and kill 17-year-old Palestinian boy in Nabi Saleh</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcRj5Xs1ZENBqH7mV-LthEslL4rNJ5Z6tVbHnvQ0ZQK0pxlNs0EclhBI2D-SyTuaBgGyjDs&usqp=CAU" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="130" data-original-width="386" height="99" src="https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcRj5Xs1ZENBqH7mV-LthEslL4rNJ5Z6tVbHnvQ0ZQK0pxlNs0EclhBI2D-SyTuaBgGyjDs&usqp=CAU" width="295" /></a></div>Israeli forces shot and killed a 17-year-old Palestinian boy yesterday in the central occupied West Bank. Mohammad Munir Mohammad Tamimi, 17, was struck with live ammunition in his back around 5:30 p.m. yesterday in the village of Nabi Saleh located northwest of Ramallah in the occupied West Bank. The bullet entered his back and exited out through his abdomen, tearing a large hole and exposing his intestines, according to information collected by Defense for Children International – Palestine. Mohammad was taken in a private car to a hospital in Salfit where he underwent four hours of surgery. He was stabilized and moved to the intensive care unit, but later succumbed to his injuries and was pronounced dead around midnight. Israeli forces entered Nabi Saleh around 5 p.m. on July 23 from the eastern area of the village and proceeded through town. As they encountered Palestinian residents, confrontations occurred with Israeli forces firing tear gas, stun grenades, and live ammunition at Palestinian youth throwing stones. An Israeli soldier inside a military vehicle shot Mohammad in the back as he was standing a maximum of three meters (10 feet) away from where the Israeli forces were deployed, according to information collected by DCIP. “Israeli forces routinely unlawfully kill Palestinian children with impunity, resorting to intentional lethal force in circumstances not justified by international law,” said Ayed Abu Eqtaish, accountability program director at DCIP. “Excessive use of force is the norm, and systemic impunity ensures that Palestinian children living under Israeli occupation can be killed at any moment with no recourse or accountability.”</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.dci-palestine.org/israeli_forces_shoot_and_kill_17_year_old_palestinian_boy_in_nabi_saleh" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.dci-palestine.org/israeli_forces_shoot_and_kill_17_year_old_palestinian_boy_in_nabi_saleh</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">21.07.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>SUPPORT TO THE RECONSTRUCTION OF GAZA</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><a href="https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcRK5HcDCgr7VMmdcF2FYNjubYvuIkohbCyiyuMIqOLHQ3nadjNvzE1CA1sxDAuDNsGCSb0&usqp=CAU" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="194" data-original-width="259" height="154" src="https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcRK5HcDCgr7VMmdcF2FYNjubYvuIkohbCyiyuMIqOLHQ3nadjNvzE1CA1sxDAuDNsGCSb0&usqp=CAU" width="206" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">As part of the post-escalation effort on the ground, in support of the reconstruction of Gaza, UNMAS Palestine has been partnering with UNDP to conduct the Rubble Removal project through the provision of risk assessments for 150 sites across the Gaza Strip. 36 sites have been assessed so far and recommendations provided for the required mitigation measures to keep construction staff safe. UNMAS Palestine has delivered ERW wareness training to worksite personnel with the provision of bespoke training in higher risk locations. The rubble removal project will support an estimated 900,000 Internally Displaced Persons to return to their housing units. </div></span></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.unmas.org/sites/default/files/unmas_palestine_newsletter_july_21.pdf" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.unmas.org/sites/default/files/unmas_palestine_newsletter_july_21.pdf</a></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">17.07.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Gearing up humanitarian assistance for Palestine refugees</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/Libraries/Production+Library/17-07-2021_UN7255783_Gaza.jpg/image1170x530cropped.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="362" data-original-width="800" height="137" src="https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/Libraries/Production+Library/17-07-2021_UN7255783_Gaza.jpg/image1170x530cropped.jpg" width="301" /></a></div>The additional funding will continue to support the core budget of UNRWA – the majority of which finances the operation of more than 700 schools educating over half a million children and 140 primary health clinics providing 8.5 million patient consultations a year. It will also support the emergency appeals for the dire humanitarian challenges in Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, Gaza and the West Bank, including in East Jerusalem. The money will be used for food, emergency cash assistance, emergency health, mental health and psychosocial support, education in emergencies, protection, water and sanitation, and COVID-19 response. </div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://news.un.org/en/story/2021/07/1096062" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.un.org/en/story/2021/07/1096062</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">12.07.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>CHINA PROVIDES US$ 1 MILLION FOR FOOD ASSISTANCE TO PALESTINE REFUGEES IN GAZA</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://pbs.twimg.com/profile_images/1328698308970352642/3ZijDwvq_400x400.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="351" data-original-width="351" height="161" src="https://pbs.twimg.com/profile_images/1328698308970352642/3ZijDwvq_400x400.jpg" width="161" /></a></div>The United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) received a contribution of US$ 1 million from the Government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) towards supporting food assistance in Gaza. This generous contribution will provide much needed assistance to the Agency’s 2021 UNRWA Emergency Appeal for the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt). In Gaza, around 70per cent of the population are vulnerable refugees, who are highly reliant on UNRWA provision of a critical humanitarian lifeline. The continued blockade, the persisting challenges of COVID-19 and the latest round of escalation of hostilities in May have further undermined food security of the majority of the Palestine refugee households, eroded their coping mechanisms and aggravated their living conditions. This timely contribution allow UNRWA to provide emergency food sufficient for one quarter to approximately 50,000 food-insecure Palestine refugees.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/press-releases/china-provides-us-1-million-food-assistance-palestine-refugees-gaza" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/press-releases/china-provides-us-1-million-food-assistance-palestine-refugees-gaza</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">09.07.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b style="color: #444444; text-align: justify;">Statement by Lynn Hastings, the Humanitarian Coordinator for the occupied Palestinian territory, on the demolitions at Humsa – Al Bqai’a</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.cimic-coe.org/.uc/i34e42472010270160000da1a2a028ba7f5c94b4b05a90b0142d002e00180ffffffff/bild-ocha-900x425.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="342" data-original-width="720" height="121" src="https://www.cimic-coe.org/.uc/i34e42472010270160000da1a2a028ba7f5c94b4b05a90b0142d002e00180ffffffff/bild-ocha-900x425.jpg" width="255" /></a></div>Confirmation of the mass demolition and confiscation of properties by Israeli forces in the Palestinian community of Humsa – Al Bqai’a in the northern West Bank on Tuesday this week is disturbing. Throughout the demolition, Israeli forces blocked access of humanitarian personnel to the families. When they managed to access the community after the demolition, they found tents, food, water tanks and fodder had all been destroyed or confiscated, leaving people – including children - out in the open, in summer heat, with virtually no basic provisions; even milk, diapers, clothes and toys had been taken. According to ongoing assessments, six families of 42 people, including 24 children have lost their homes, for the sixth time this year. Thirty-eight structures were demolished or confiscated, most alarmingly, water tanks. Attempts to force this or any other community to relocate to an alternative location raise a serious risk of forcible transfer. While the Israeli authorities have tried to justify this citing their domestic designation of this area for military training, such measures by an occupying power are illegal under international law. </div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.ochaopt.org/content/statement-lynn-hastings-humanitarian-coordinator-occupied-palestinian-territory-demolitions-humsa-al-bqai" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.ochaopt.org/content/statement-lynn-hastings-humanitarian-coordinator-occupied-palestinian-territory-demolitions-humsa-al-bqai</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">08.07.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>International Conference “Forced demographic change in Jerusalem–grave breaches and threat to peace”</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://yt3.ggpht.com/ytc/AKedOLT4ScPauy3Xwxry8WckwYMF_YdaBl-narUHoDul7A=s48-c-k-c0x00ffffff-no-rj" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="48" data-original-width="48" height="200" src="https://yt3.ggpht.com/ytc/AKedOLT4ScPauy3Xwxry8WckwYMF_YdaBl-narUHoDul7A=w200-h200" width="200" /></a></div>On 1 July 2021, the Committee held the annual International Conference on the question of Jerusalem with support from the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), under the theme “Forced demographic change in Jerusalem – grave breaches and a threat to peace”. The discussion panel comprised of Ms. Lara Friedman (USA), Mr. Michael Lynk (UN Special Rapporteur), Ms. Suma Qawasmi (East Jerusalem), Ms. Nivine Sandouka, (East Jerusalem) and Emily Schaeffer Omer-Man (Israel). The Panellists highlighted decades-long Israeli policies and actions to promote Jewish settlement into and Palestinian emigration from Jerusalem, enabled by a legal system ignoring international law and excluding the political context of a power imbalance between Jewish Israelis and Palestinians. The young Palestinian representatives outlined their daily struggles and peaceful resistance, highlighting the power of social media and international support. The event was livestreamed on UN TV and UN social media.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jjNUSX4WPPc" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jjNUSX4WPPc</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">06.07.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Two birds with one stone: UN Women helps vulnerable women find jobs in the battle against COVID-19</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www2.unwomen.org/-/media/field%20office%20palestine/images/news/2021/07/1%20leila%20saleh.jpg?h=604&w=960&la=en&vs=621&hash=BFD089A9FEEA882A6FADCC533BC1468B74C0D243" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="503" data-original-width="800" height="169" src="https://www2.unwomen.org/-/media/field%20office%20palestine/images/news/2021/07/1%20leila%20saleh.jpg?h=604&w=960&la=en&vs=621&hash=BFD089A9FEEA882A6FADCC533BC1468B74C0D243" width="268" /></a></div>“I graduated from a nursing school three years ago and I could not find a job,” said 25-year-old Rana* from Jerusalem. “My mother heard about a nurse training and encouraged me to apply, so I did. I learned a lot of things that I had not studied at school, such as cardiopulmonary resuscitation, which were very beneficial.” Along with 60 unemployed nurses, Rana took part in a UN Women-supported project that aims to reinforce women’s leadership and participation in emergency response, including COVID-19, and equitable recovery. This project is part of a larger programme on “Advancing the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda in Palestine.” Generously funded by Norway, this project aims at supporting the Palestinian institutions and civil society in implementing a National Action Plan (NAP) on UN Security Council Resolution 1325, and increasing women’s participation in emergency response and post-conflict recovery. NAPs can be critical tools in the battle against COVID-19. For example, a UN Women analysis found that almost half of Palestine’s first NAP to be in line with the UN framework for the immediate socio-economic response to COVID-19.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://arabstates.unwomen.org/en/news/stories/2021/07/two-birds-with-one-stone" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://arabstates.unwomen.org/en/news/stories/2021/07/two-birds-with-one-stone</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">02.07.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>CANADIAN FOREIGN MINISTER VISITS JERASH CAMP, JORDAN, EXPRESSING SUPPORT FOR PALESTINE REFUGEES AND UNRWA</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.unrwa.org/sites/default/files/styles/full_news_745x450/public/content/news_articles/news_article_113394_43988_1625226244.jpg?itok=2wEZ_BBo" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="745" height="174" src="https://www.unrwa.org/sites/default/files/styles/full_news_745x450/public/content/news_articles/news_article_113394_43988_1625226244.jpg?itok=2wEZ_BBo" width="288" /></a></div>The Canadian Minister of Foreign Affairs, the Honourable Marc Garneau, paid a landmark visit to an installation run by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) in Jerash Palestine refugee camp, Jordan. The Honourable Mr. Garneau was accompanied by the Ambassador of Canada to Jordan, H.E. Donica Pottie, UNRWA Deputy Commissioner-General Ms. Leni Stenseth and the Officer-in-Charge of UNRWA Affairs in Jordan, Mr. Olaf Becker. While at the UNRWA Jerash Preparatory Girls’ School, the delegation was briefed on the situation of Palestine refugees in Jordan, specifically on the vulnerabilities of Ex-Gazans and Palestine refugees from Syria, as well as recent developments on UNRWA operations in Jordan and across the region. Further, discussions centered around how UNRWA has contributed to regional stability and the human development of the Palestine refugees over the past seven decades.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/press-releases/canadian-foreign-minister-visits-jerash-camp-jordan-expressing-support" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/press-releases/canadian-foreign-minister-visits-jerash-camp-jordan-expressing-support</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">02.07.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Gaza Strip: the land of manmade misery that kills hope for life</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://palestine.unfpa.org/sites/default/files/styles/news_detail/public/news/gaza_crisis_may_2021_families_women_children_fleeing_credit_alray_palestine.jpg?itok=9rKK5DhJ" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="434" data-original-width="680" height="209" src="https://palestine.unfpa.org/sites/default/files/styles/news_detail/public/news/gaza_crisis_may_2021_families_women_children_fleeing_credit_alray_palestine.jpg?itok=9rKK5DhJ" width="327" /></a></div>By Luay Shabaneh, The Regional Director for Arab States in UNFPA, the UN agency for sexual and reproductive health. On my last visit to Palestine, I had a deep sense of sadness and sorrow over the state of affairs there, but the situation on the ground in the Gaza Strip remains unimaginably tragic. The restrictions imposed on people's movement and their ability to obtain the most basic human needs in terms of health, food, education and travel are intolerable. It is time to take real steps to turn things around there. It is time for this tragedy to end. In Gaza Strip, UNFPA staff members spoke with a young girl, Roaa, shortly after the latest ceasefire agreement was in place. She introduced herself not as thirteen, but as “four wars old”. One of my UNFPA colleagues told us: “I was given only 5 minutes to evacuate my house. I couldn't comprehend what could be done, it is only five minutes to safe my disabled mother, to ensure the survival of the family, and to save our belongings and memories before they are all smashed by the shelling. On the ground, working with the women in the communities we serve, we hear, repeatedly: “Nowhere is safe in Gaza. Nowhere is safe. Something has to change”. The recent military escalation in May, which left 242 people dead and nearly 2000 injured. More than 16,600 people saw their homes damaged.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://palestine.unfpa.org/en/news/gaza-strip-land-manmade-misery-kills-hope-life" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://palestine.unfpa.org/en/news/gaza-strip-land-manmade-misery-kills-hope-life</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">02.07.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>UN Women Helps Vulnerable Women Find Jobs in Battle Against COVID-19 – UN Women Article</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcSY5oR9ywhBX85SQPlohxthR4CEUFMmMXRjzg&usqp=CAU" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="205" data-original-width="246" src="https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcSY5oR9ywhBX85SQPlohxthR4CEUFMmMXRjzg&usqp=CAU" /></a></div>“I graduated from a nursing school three years ago and I could not find a job,” said 25-year-old Rana* from Jerusalem. “My mother heard about a nurse training and encouraged me to apply, so I did. I learned a lot of things that I had not studied at school, such as cardiopulmonary resuscitation, which were very beneficial.” Along with 60 unemployed nurses, Rana took part in a UN Women-supported project that aims to reinforce women’s leadership and participation in emergency response, including COVID-19, and equitable recovery. This project is part of a larger programme on “Advancing the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda in Palestine.” Generously funded by Norway, this project aims at supporting the Palestinian institutions and civil society in implementing a National Action Plan (NAP) on UN Security Council Resolution 1325, and increasing women’s participation in emergency response and post-conflict recovery. NAPs can be critical tools in the battle against COVID-19. For example, a UN Women analysis found that almost half of Palestine’s first NAP to be in line with the UN framework for the immediate socio-economic response to COVID-19.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.un.org/unispal/document/un-women-helps-vulnerable-women-find-jobs-in-battle-against-covid-19-un-women-article/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.un.org/unispal/document/un-women-helps-vulnerable-women-find-jobs-in-battle-against-covid-19-un-women-article/</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">01.07.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Statement by Rosemary DiCarlo, Under-Secretary-General, DPPA, at the International Conference on the Question of Jerusalem “Forced demographic change in Jerusalem – grave breaches and a threat to peace” 1 July 2021</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://cdn.pixabay.com/photo/2015/10/25/22/05/united-1006438_1280.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="692" data-original-width="800" height="89" src="https://cdn.pixabay.com/photo/2015/10/25/22/05/united-1006438_1280.png" width="103" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, I am pleased to join you today for the International Conference on the Question of Jerusalem. I thank the United Nations Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People (CEIRPP), supported by the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, for this timely initiative.</div></span></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://dppa.un.org/en/statement-rosemary-dicarlo-under-secretary-general-dppa-international-conference-question-of-0" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://dppa.un.org/en/statement-rosemary-dicarlo-under-secretary-general-dppa-international-conference-question-of-0</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">01.07.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Amid International Inaction, Israel’s Systematic “Demographic Engineering” Thwarting Palestinians’ Ability to Pursue Justice, Speakers Tell International Conference – CEIRPP Press Release (GA/PAL/1439)</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcSY5oR9ywhBX85SQPlohxthR4CEUFMmMXRjzg&usqp=CAU" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="205" data-original-width="246" height="160" src="https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcSY5oR9ywhBX85SQPlohxthR4CEUFMmMXRjzg&usqp=CAU" width="192" /></a></div>East Jerusalem Crisis ‘Far from Over’, Under-Secretary-General Says, Warning Threats to Status Quo in Holy City Can Have Severe Global Repercussions. Home demolitions, evictions and the denial of citizenship are just some of the ways Israel has pursued its systematic policy of “demographic engineering” over 54 years, participants in the International Conference on the Question of Jerusalem said today, raising questions about how Palestinians can pursue justice — let alone live secure lives — in the face of international inaction.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.un.org/unispal/document/amid-international-inaction-israels-systematic-demographic-engineering-thwarting-palestinians-ability-to-pursue-justice-speakers-tell-international-conference-ceirpp-press-re/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.un.org/unispal/document/amid-international-inaction-israels-systematic-demographic-engineering-thwarting-palestinians-ability-to-pursue-justice-speakers-tell-international-conference-ceirpp-press-re/</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">29.06.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>LOS ATAQUES AÉREOS ISRAELÍES DESTROZARON LA PASIÓN, EL PRESENTE, EL FUTURO Y LOS SUEÑOS DE RAMADÁN AL-NJELI</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://unrwa.es/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Ramad%C3%A1n-700x464.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="464" data-original-width="700" height="186" src="https://unrwa.es/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Ramad%C3%A1n-700x464.png" width="280" /></a></div>“Me quedé sin nada, pero todavía estoy vivo y eso es suficiente para empezar de nuevo”. Ramadán Al-Njeli, refugiado de Palestina de Gaza perdió su empresa de impresión y publicidad cuando el edificio Kuhail fue derribado durante los 11 días de ataques aéreos en la franja de Gaza el pasado mes de mayo. “Mi negocio no era solo mi fuente de ingresos, era el sueño de mi vida”. La lucha de Ramadán para lograr su sueño no es diferente a las historias de otras muchas personas con una visión clara del futuro, pero dentro del contexto de la franja de Gaza bloqueada. “En la universidad siempre quise ser programador y estudié ingeniería informática. Presté especial atención a los cursos de programación. Pero en Gaza nada es fácil nunca. Mi padre perdió su trabajo en 2007 por el bloqueo. Entonces, tuve que trabajar para continuar mis estudios universitarios. Nunca dejo que la desesperación se apodere de mi vida. Mi trabajo comenzó en una imprenta donde aprendí los conceptos básicos de diseño e impresión”, comenta. </div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://unrwa.es/actualidad/historias/los-ataques-aereos-israelies-destrozaron-la-pasion-el-presente-el-futuro-y-los-suenos-de-ramadan-al-njeli/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://unrwa.es/actualidad/historias/los-ataques-aereos-israelies-destrozaron-la-pasion-el-presente-el-futuro-y-los-suenos-de-ramadan-al-njeli/</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">27.06.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Statement by UN Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process, Tor Wennesland, on fuel deliveries to Gaza</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcSY5oR9ywhBX85SQPlohxthR4CEUFMmMXRjzg&usqp=CAU" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="205" data-original-width="246" height="123" src="https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcSY5oR9ywhBX85SQPlohxthR4CEUFMmMXRjzg&usqp=CAU" width="147" /></a></div>"Under the United Nations framework, the Qatari funded fuel deliveries for the Gaza Power Plant will resume tomorrow, Monday, as per the previous agreement between the United Nations Office for Project Services (UNOPS) and the State of Qatar. I welcome all steps taken to de-escalate the situation. UN will continue to work with all concerned parties and partners to solidify a ceasefire and help the people of Gaza.”</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.un.org/unispal/document/statement-by-un-special-coordinator-wennesland-on-fuel-deliveries-to-gaza/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.un.org/unispal/document/statement-by-un-special-coordinator-wennesland-on-fuel-deliveries-to-gaza/</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">25.06.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>OCHA Humanitarian Bulletin for Occupied Palestinian Territory: Jan. – May 2021. Palestinians strive to access water in the Jordan Valley</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcSY5oR9ywhBX85SQPlohxthR4CEUFMmMXRjzg&usqp=CAU" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="205" data-original-width="246" src="https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcSY5oR9ywhBX85SQPlohxthR4CEUFMmMXRjzg&usqp=CAU" /></a></div>This article was contributed by the Water, Sanitation and Hygiene (WASH) Cluster and its partners. “We used to buy tankered water at an extremely high price, but now it’s hard to even find anyone to bring us water out of fear that soldiers could confiscate the truck,” according to Salem, a 45-year-old father of five. Salem is a resident of the Palestinian community of Humsa – Al Baqai’a, located in Area C in the northern Jordan Valley. The community is located mostly in an area designated as a ‘firing zone’ for Israeli military training, where Palestinian residency and access is prohibited by the Israeli authorities. On numerous occasions since 2012, the residents of Humsa – Al Baqai’a have been temporarily displaced by the Israeli authorities while they carried out military trainings in the vicinity. OCHA has recorded over 50 such incidents during this period.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.un.org/unispal/document/ocha-humanitarian-bulletin-for-occupied-palestinian-territory-jan-may-2021/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.un.org/unispal/document/ocha-humanitarian-bulletin-for-occupied-palestinian-territory-jan-may-2021/</a></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">25.06.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Response to the escalation in the oPt | Situation Report No. 5 (18-24 June 2021)</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://pbs.twimg.com/profile_images/781597236782301189/O4ifUTgD_400x400.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="300" data-original-width="300" height="153" src="https://pbs.twimg.com/profile_images/781597236782301189/O4ifUTgD_400x400.jpg" width="153" /></a></div>Highlights. In Gaza, about 8,400 internally displaced people (IDPs) remain with host families and in two UNRWA schools. The Israeli authorities have eased the export/transfer of goods from Gaza, the movement of Palestinians through the Erez crossing and extended the fishing limit. Clashes continued across the West Bank, including in East Jerusalem, with continuing protests in the Nablus village of Beita accounting for the vast majority of injuries. The humanitarian community has raised US$43.5 million of the $95 million requested in the emergency response plan to support 1.1 million Palestinians for three months.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.ochaopt.org/content/response-escalation-opt-situation-report-no-5-18-24-june-2021" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.ochaopt.org/content/response-escalation-opt-situation-report-no-5-18-24-june-2021</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">25.06.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>2021 – Gaza Emergency Food Security Assessment Following the escalation of hostilities and unrest in the State of Palestine in May 2021</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.wfp.org/sites/default/files/styles/large/public/publication_covers/ea2094e52b05145ec0285e65bb3baa9a.png?itok=juPFORnf" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="480" data-original-width="339" height="282" src="https://www.wfp.org/sites/default/files/styles/large/public/publication_covers/ea2094e52b05145ec0285e65bb3baa9a.png?itok=juPFORnf" width="198" /></a></div>The assessment explores the impact of the escalation on food security across Gaza, drawing on primary and secondary data, available published reports, and results from focus group discussions and semi-structured interviews. We are happy to share with you the newly released WFP Gaza Emergency Food Security Assessment undertaken in this period just after the escalation of violence in May 2021. A few key observations: The impact of the conflict varies in type and intensity, ranging from short-term to permanent economic consequences and limiting the ability to sustain livelihoods. The assessment results underline the critical economic situation in Gaza prior to the escalation of the conflict, with increasing poverty, unemployment and food insecurity levels. Though availability of food in local retail markets was relatively unaffected during the conflict, access to markets was a challenge and prices of agricultural products significantly decreased due to the restrictions on product exports. This resulted in significant losses for farmers. Availability and prices of agricultural products may be further negatively impacted by closures of the commercial crossing and importation bans on agricultural inputs. The study identified several groups that became vulnerable and food insecure as a result of the recent conflict escalation, including 2,000 internally displaced families, 20,000 laborers who lost their income, many owners of economic facilities, and farming communities. The escalation also affected the host community, the first line of support to those displaced and a group that also often requires support. The assessment recommends reinforcing and expanding assistance programmes supporting livelihoods, resilience-building and income-generating opportunities for poor and food insecure households. Support both to those populations that were vulnerable prior to the escalation and to those newly in need will be crucial.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.wfp.org/publications/2021-gaza-emergency-food-security-assessment-following-escalation-hostilities-and" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.wfp.org/publications/2021-gaza-emergency-food-security-assessment-following-escalation-hostilities-and</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">24.06.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>UN pushes for lasting ceasefire, more humanitarian deliveries in Gaza</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/Libraries/Production+Library/27-05-2021_WMO_Gaza-01.jpg/image1170x530cropped.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="362" data-original-width="800" height="119" src="https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/Libraries/Production+Library/27-05-2021_WMO_Gaza-01.jpg/image1170x530cropped.jpg" width="262" /></a></div>The cessation of hostilities negotiated last month between Israel and Hamas, which controls the Gaza Strip, remains “very fragile”, the UN envoy there told the Security Council on Thursday. “The UN is working closely with all concerned parties and partners…to solidify a ceasefire, allow the entry of urgent humanitarian assistance and stabilize the situation in Gaza”, Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process Tor Wennesland said, referring to the conflict that erupted between Israel and Palestinian armed groups in the occupied enclave. </div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://news.un.org/en/story/2021/06/1094712" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.un.org/en/story/2021/06/1094712</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">23.06.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>MUNTADA AID SUPPORTS UNRWA EMERGENCY APPEAL FOR PALESTINE REFUGEES IN GAZA</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://law4palestine.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/Untitled_2.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="292" data-original-width="800" height="73" src="https://law4palestine.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/Untitled_2.png" width="200" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Muntada Aid, a United Kingdom based non-profit organization has pledged support to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) emergency assistance programme in Gaza. This contribution will provide food assistance to Palestine refugees across the besieged Gaza Strip, now facing fourteen years of a land, air and naval blockade.</div></span></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/press-releases/muntada-aid-supports-unrwa-emergency-appeal-palestine-refugees-gaza" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/press-releases/muntada-aid-supports-unrwa-emergency-appeal-palestine-refugees-gaza</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">21.06.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>BAITUSSALAM WELFARE TRUST CONTRIBUTES TO UNRWA APPEAL FOR GAZA</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><a href="https://law4palestine.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/Untitled_2.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="292" data-original-width="800" height="73" src="https://law4palestine.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/Untitled_2.png" width="200" /></a></div>The non-profit relief and development organization Baitussalam Welfare Trust (BWT) provided food assistance to more than 2,200 food-insecure Palestine refugees in Gaza through the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA). The contribution - the first of its kind from the Pakistan-based organization - aims to mitigate the severity of food insecurity in Palestine refugee households in the besieged Gaza Strip.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/press-releases/baitussalam-welfare-trust-contributes-unrwa-appeal-gaza" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/press-releases/baitussalam-welfare-trust-contributes-unrwa-appeal-gaza</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">21.06.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>UNRWA LAUNCHES US$ 164 MILLION HUMANITARIAN AND EARLY RECOVERY APPEAL FOR GAZA</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.unrwa.org/sites/default/files/styles/full_news_745x450/public/content/news_articles/news_article_113267_43949_1624349057.jpg?itok=qM6PFt8Q" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="745" height="148" src="https://www.unrwa.org/sites/default/files/styles/full_news_745x450/public/content/news_articles/news_article_113267_43949_1624349057.jpg?itok=qM6PFt8Q" width="245" /></a></div>The United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) is launching a $164 million humanitarian and early recovery appeal following the hostilities in Gaza in May 2021. This updated appeal incorporates the immediate emergency response actions implemented by UNRWA in Gaza and the West Bank between 10 and 31 May, as well as early recovery needs of Palestine refugees in Gaza and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, until 31 December 2021. It supersedes the initial US$38m Flash Appeal that was issued on 19 May 2021.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/press-releases/unrwa-launches-us-164-million-humanitarian-and-early-recovery-appeal-gaza" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/press-releases/unrwa-launches-us-164-million-humanitarian-and-early-recovery-appeal-gaza</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">18.06.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>From Where I Stand: Supporting Refugee Women Amidst Violence in Gaza – UN Women Article</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/Libraries/Production+Library/15-05-21-OCHA-oPT-Gaza-Palestine-escalation+copy.jpg/image1170x530cropped.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="362" data-original-width="800" height="127" src="https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/Libraries/Production+Library/15-05-21-OCHA-oPT-Gaza-Palestine-escalation+copy.jpg/image1170x530cropped.jpg" width="279" /></a></div>Mariam Shaqura, 46, is the Director of Women’s Affairs at the Red Crescent Society (RCS) in the Gaza Strip, where she has worked for 21 years. A mother of two girls, aged 13 and 8, Mrs. Shaqura talks about her experience during the recent escalation of violence on the Strip, and the damages caused to the Women’s Health Centre operated by RCS at the Jabalya Refugee Camp, one of the largest in Gaza. Created in 1998, the Jabalya Women’s Health Centre is a partner of UN Women in Gaza under the project “Protection of Women and Girls Survivors or at Risk of Violence during COVID-19 in the Gaza Strip”, supported by the Government of Japan.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.un.org/unispal/document/from-where-i-stand-supporting-refugee-women-amidst-violence-in-gaza-un-women-article/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.un.org/unispal/document/from-where-i-stand-supporting-refugee-women-amidst-violence-in-gaza-un-women-article/</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">16.06.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Israel’s halting of mail delivery from/to Gaza unacceptable collective punishment</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://euromedmonitor.org/uploads/2021/June/mail-israel-gaza.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="500" data-original-width="800" height="151" src="https://euromedmonitor.org/uploads/2021/June/mail-israel-gaza.jpg" width="242" /></a></div>The Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Monitor submitted an official complaint to the universal postal union regarding Israel’s recent imposition of more draconian restrictions on the besieged Gaza Strip that brought postal services to an abrupt halt. The letter addressed to Mr. Bishar Abdirahman Hussein, UPU Director General, explained in detail how since Israel’s recent war on Gaza last May, known as Operation Guardians of the Walls, the Israeli government decided to further tighten its 15-year-long blockade and impose more restrictions on what it allows in/out of the enclave. </div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://euromedmonitor.org/en/article/4470/Israel%E2%80%99s-halting-of-mail-delivery-from-to-Gaza-unacceptable-collective-punishment" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://euromedmonitor.org/en/article/4470/Israel%E2%80%99s-halting-of-mail-delivery-from-to-Gaza-unacceptable-collective-punishment</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">16.06.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Israeli Colonization and Human Rights Violations in Palestine</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://i2.wp.com/www.un.org/unispal/wp-content/uploads/images/bdb0e5511003ed7085257d5f00651258_image0.GIF?resize=690%2C165&ssl=1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="165" data-original-width="690" height="74" src="https://i2.wp.com/www.un.org/unispal/wp-content/uploads/images/bdb0e5511003ed7085257d5f00651258_image0.GIF?resize=690%2C165&ssl=1" width="311" /></a></div>Excellency, I write once again to draw urgent attention to the deepening hardships and vulnerabilities being endured by the Palestinian people as Israel, the occupying Power, escalates its illegal policies and practices in tandem with the rising lawlessness it has cultivated among the most extreme elements of its population, particularly the settlers illegally transferred to the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem. Carrying on with its violations of the 21 May “ceasefire” – violations that have never in fact ceased – Israeli occupation forces (IOF) have launched yet more brutal attacks against the defenseless Palestinian civilian population. This has included yesterday, 15 June, another round of terrorizing airstrikes against the Gaza Strip, as well as assaults on Palestinians in occupied East Jerusalem that left dozens of people wounded.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://palestineun.org/16-june-2021-israeli-colonization-and-human-rights-violations-in-palestine/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://palestineun.org/16-june-2021-israeli-colonization-and-human-rights-violations-in-palestine/</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">14.06.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>UNDP Representative visits Gaza following hostilities</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/oZRzB2whcBE/maxresdefault.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="82" src="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/oZRzB2whcBE/maxresdefault.jpg" width="145" /></a></div>UNDP Special Representative of the Administrator, Yvonne Helle, visited Gaza following the 11 days of hostilities. During her visit, she saw people whose homes were destroyed, visited projects that were affected including Jamal Abdel Nasser School and the Gaza Industrial Estate.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oZRzB2whcBE" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oZRzB2whcBE</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">12.06.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Response to the escalation in the oPt | Situation Report No. 3 (4-10 June 2021)</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.ochaopt.org/sites/default/files/styles/lg_desktop_1x_1400_/public/dsc01112.jpg?itok=e0LdqA6C" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://www.ochaopt.org/sites/default/files/styles/lg_desktop_1x_1400_/public/dsc01112.jpg?itok=e0LdqA6C" width="200" /></a></div>Highlights. In Gaza, up to 8,500 internally displaced people (IDPs) remain with host families and in two UNRWA schools. Damage to basic infrastructure and utilities is limiting the provision of electricity, health services and piped water. Clashes continued across the West Bank, including in East Jerusalem. Israeli forces killed three Palestinians in Jenin. Members of the humanitarian community have raised about US$13 million of the $95 million required to fully implement the emergency response plan, to support 1.1 million Palestinians for three months.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.ochaopt.org/content/response-escalation-opt-situation-report-no-3-4-10-june-2021" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.ochaopt.org/content/response-escalation-opt-situation-report-no-3-4-10-june-2021</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">08.06.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>À GAZA, LES ENFANTS TOUJOURS SOUS LE CHOC DES RÉCENTES VIOLENCES VU SUR: HTTPS://WWW.UNICEF.FR/ARTICLE/GAZA-LES-ENFANTS-TOUJOURS-SOUS-LE-CHOC-DES-RECENTES-VIOLENCES</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.unicef.fr/sites/default/files/thumbnails/image/un0464412.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="71" src="https://www.unicef.fr/sites/default/files/thumbnails/image/un0464412.jpg" width="107" /></a></div>La situation humanitaire dans la bande de Gaza est désastreuse. Les enfants de Gaza ont été ébranlés par l'escalade violente du conflit entre la Palestine et Israël en mai 2021. Des vies ont été perdues et des familles brisées, avec des effets dévastateurs sur les enfants.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.unicef.fr/article/gaza-les-enfants-toujours-sous-le-choc-des-recentes-violences" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.unicef.fr/article/gaza-les-enfants-toujours-sous-le-choc-des-recentes-violences</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;">02.06.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><b>Staggering health needs emerge in Gaza, following Israel-Hamas conflict </b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/Libraries/Production+Library/28-05-2021-UNICEF-UN0463024-Gaza.jpg/image1170x530cropped.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="362" data-original-width="800" height="64" src="https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/Libraries/Production+Library/28-05-2021-UNICEF-UN0463024-Gaza.jpg/image1170x530cropped.jpg" width="141" /></a></div>Senior UN health agency officials on Wednesday called for unhindered humanitarian access to the Gaza Strip, citing growing concerns about urgent health needs there. </div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><a href="https://news.un.org/en/story/2021/06/1093262" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.un.org/en/story/2021/06/1093262</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;">27.05.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><b>UN SECURITY COUNCIL. Lack of Political Horizon on Palestinian, Israeli Conflict ‘Kills Hope’, Gives Room for Those Not Interested in Peace, Special Coordinator Tells Security Council</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://i1.wp.com/www.un.org/pga/73/wp-content/uploads/sites/53/2019/02/united-nations-logo-1024x881.jpg?ssl=1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="215" data-original-width="250" height="101" src="https://i1.wp.com/www.un.org/pga/73/wp-content/uploads/sites/53/2019/02/united-nations-logo-1024x881.jpg?ssl=1" width="118" /></a></div>While the 21 May ceasefire is holding, Council members heard today that, following eleven days of the most intense hostilities in years, the 15-member organ must take concrete action to resolve the conflict between Israel and Palestine, breaking the vicious cycle of disregarded resolutions and recurring violence and transcending the hollow peace process that has failed civilians on both sides.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><a href="https://www.un.org/press/en/2021/sc14535.doc.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.un.org/press/en/2021/sc14535.doc.htm</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;">27.05.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><b>UN. UN rights chief calls for inclusive peace process to end Palestine occupation</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/Libraries/Production+Library/22-05-2021_UNICEF_UN0464411_Gaza_Boy.jpg/image1170x530cropped.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="362" data-original-width="800" height="83" src="https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/Libraries/Production+Library/22-05-2021_UNICEF_UN0464411_Gaza_Boy.jpg/image1170x530cropped.jpg" width="183" /></a></div>UN rights chief Michelle Bachelet called on Thursday for a “genuine and inclusive peace process” to end the Israeli occupation of Palestine and a repeat of recent deadly clashes that have been marked by possible war crimes by Israeli security forces.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><a href="https://news.un.org/en/story/2021/05/1092872" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.un.org/en/story/2021/05/1092872</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;">27.05.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><b>UN. Israel-Palestine: Political solution only way to end ‘senseless’ cycles of violence</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/Libraries/Production+Library/27-05-2021_WMO_Gaza-02.jpg/image1170x530cropped.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="362" data-original-width="800" height="71" src="https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/Libraries/Production+Library/27-05-2021_WMO_Gaza-02.jpg/image1170x530cropped.jpg" width="157" /></a></div>Only a political solution will end the “senseless and costly cycles of violence” between Israelis and Palestinians, UN Middle East envoy Tor Wennesland said in a briefing to the Security Council on Thursday. </div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><a href="https://news.un.org/en/story/2021/05/1092902" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.un.org/en/story/2021/05/1092902</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;">20.05.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><b>UN. Palestine on the current situation - Media Stakeout </b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://yt3.ggpht.com/ytc/AAUvwnhsRTcqqeDo5ZgsQD3xKBC495Jlk3zsp7UcnpXd9w=s48-c-k-c0x00ffffff-no-rj" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="48" data-original-width="48" src="https://yt3.ggpht.com/ytc/AAUvwnhsRTcqqeDo5ZgsQD3xKBC495Jlk3zsp7UcnpXd9w=s48-c-k-c0x00ffffff-no-rj" /></a></div>Informal comments to the media by Riad Al-Malki, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the State of Palestine, on the situation in the State of Palestine.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OU4UfpCKafs" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OU4UfpCKafs</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;">20.05.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><b>UN. General Assembly President on Palestine & Israel - General Assembly Media Stakeout </b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://yt3.ggpht.com/ytc/AAUvwnhsRTcqqeDo5ZgsQD3xKBC495Jlk3zsp7UcnpXd9w=s48-c-k-c0x00ffffff-no-rj" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="48" data-original-width="48" height="57" src="https://yt3.ggpht.com/ytc/AAUvwnhsRTcqqeDo5ZgsQD3xKBC495Jlk3zsp7UcnpXd9w=w57-h57" width="57" /></a></div>Informal comments to the media by Volkan Bozkir, President of the 75th Session of the United Nations General Assembly, on the situation in the State of Palestine and Israel.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=woJ_l9lPaRE" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=woJ_l9lPaRE</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><br /></div></div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><span style="color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">18.05.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>UN. Palestine: Press Conference with Sofiane Mimouni, Abdou Abarry, & Riyad Mansour</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://yt3.ggpht.com/ytc/AAUvwnhsRTcqqeDo5ZgsQD3xKBC495Jlk3zsp7UcnpXd9w=s48-c-k-c0x00ffffff-no-rj" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="48" data-original-width="48" height="82" src="https://yt3.ggpht.com/ytc/AAUvwnhsRTcqqeDo5ZgsQD3xKBC495Jlk3zsp7UcnpXd9w=w82-h82" width="82" /></a></div>Palestinian ambassador to the UN Riyad Mansour said it was not in the interest of the Palestinian people to “send gifts” to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, rather it is to “isolate Netanyahu and his extremist fascist groups until they cannot bare this global pressure on them to stop this aggression, which will happen.”</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=d5yQQQIYhwk" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=d5yQQQIYhwk</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><span style="color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">17.05.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>UN. Situation in Gaza and Israel – 17 May 2021 Daily Press Briefing – (Excerpts)</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://cdn.pixabay.com/photo/2015/10/25/22/05/united-1006438_1280.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="692" data-original-width="800" height="173" src="https://cdn.pixabay.com/photo/2015/10/25/22/05/united-1006438_1280.png" width="200" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Not surprisingly, we will start with the situation in Gaza and in Israel. Our colleagues on the ground in Gaza have reported continued Israeli air strikes on Gaza, as well as outgoing rocket and mortar fire by Palestinian groups into Israel. We continue to receive reports of significant displacement of Palestinians, with over 38,000 internally displaced people seeking protection in 48 schools run by UNRWA (United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees) across the Gaza Strip. Over 2,500 people have been made homeless due to the destruction of their homes. Forty-one education facilities — including schools, two kindergartens, an UNRWA vocational centre, and a higher education facility — have been damaged, according to our people on the ground. The power supply across Gaza has been reduced to six to eight hours per day, on average, with a number of feeder lines not functioning. That, in turn, disrupts the provision of health care and other basic services, including water, hygiene and sanitation.</div></span></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.un.org/unispal/document/situation-in-gaza-and-israel-17-may-2021-daily-press-briefing-excerpts/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.un.org/unispal/document/situation-in-gaza-and-israel-17-may-2021-daily-press-briefing-excerpts/</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><span style="color: #444444;">17.05.21</span></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><b>UNICEF. GAZA : UNICEF APPELLE À L'ARRÊT IMMÉDIAT DE LA VIOLENCE </b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.unicef.fr/sites/default/files/styles/media_header/public/thumbnails/image/un0463026.jpg?itok=-Us2mhpI&c=b597efa2c1c6520d6b29ee1d4d08a68a" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="267" data-original-width="800" height="90" src="https://www.unicef.fr/sites/default/files/styles/media_header/public/thumbnails/image/un0463026.jpg?itok=-Us2mhpI&c=b597efa2c1c6520d6b29ee1d4d08a68a" width="269" /></a></div>Déclaration de la directrice générale d'UNICEF, Henrietta Fore, sur la situation à Gaza. «Alors que la dernière grave escalade du conflit israélo-palestinien atteint sa première semaine, et que le Conseil de sécurité se réunit aujourd'hui pour discuter des derniers développements sur le terrain, je renouvelle mon appel à l'arrêt immédiat de la violence».</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><a href="https://www.unicef.fr/article/gaza-unicef-appelle-larret-immediat-de-la-violence" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.unicef.fr/article/gaza-unicef-appelle-larret-immediat-de-la-violence</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;">17.05.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b><a href="https://www.qrcs.org.qa/en/Pages/Search.aspx?k=Gaza" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">QRCS</a>’s office in Gaza bombed and destroyed</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/styles/report-large/public/report-images/gaza6_0.jpg?itok=AkuSiFEW" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="525" data-original-width="700" height="187" src="https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/styles/report-large/public/report-images/gaza6_0.jpg?itok=AkuSiFEW" width="249" /></a></div>Doha, the QRCS ‘s office in Gaza, was shelled by Israeli occupation forces on Monday, 17-05-2021, at 6:00 p.m. Jerusalem time, two Palestinians were killed and wounding 10 Palestinian citizens. Condemning the targeting of its office in Gaza, QRCS will continue to operate relief in accordance with the International Humanitarian Law and emphasizing that the targeting of Red Crescent teams and headquarters is a violation, as well as its continued humanitarian work and relief assistance to those affected in the Gaza, in cooperation with the Palestinian Red Crescent. H.E Ambassador Ali bin Hassan al-Hammadi, Secretary-General of the QRCS, stated that the grave violation of the Qatar Red Crescent Office in Gaza was a flagrant violation of the various charters, customs and conventions of Geneva and its additional protocols under the 1951 ratification by Israel, but serious violation of the QRCS’s office, which operates under the umbrella of the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies and the Palestinian Red Crescent Society, is a violation against the crews. Medical and humanitarian action, which is internationally recognized, may amount to war crimes and also crimes against humanity. QRCS reminds all parties of the international community and the humanitarian movement of the need to abide by the principles and provisions of international humanitarian law, particularly in the circumstances of armed conflicts. The QRCS condemns the targeting of its office in Gaza, while stressing the need for relief teams to continue their work in accordance with the International Humanitarian Law, noting that the targeting of QRCS’s office is a violation of international humanitarian law, and stresses its continued humanitarian functions and the provision of relief assistance to those affected in Gaza in cooperation with the Palestinian Red Crescent.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://reliefweb.int/report/occupied-palestinian-territory/qrcs-s-office-gaza-bombed-and-destroyed-enar" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://reliefweb.int/report/occupied-palestinian-territory/qrcs-s-office-gaza-bombed-and-destroyed-enar</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;">16.05,21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><b>UN. SECURITY COUNCIL BRIEFING ON THE MIDDLE EAST INCLUDING THE PALESTINIAN QUESTION (AS DELIVERED BY SPECIAL COORDINATOR WENNESLAND)</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://pbs.twimg.com/profile_images/961880894972850176/jVFg1dEP.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="512" data-original-width="512" height="128" src="https://pbs.twimg.com/profile_images/961880894972850176/jVFg1dEP.jpg" width="128" /></a></div>Tensions have been ongoing for weeks. In the Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood of East Jerusalem there have been protests and clashes over the threat of Palestinian evictions commenced by settler organizations. In the Old City, including in the Holy Esplanade, there have been violent clashes between Palestinians and Israeli civilians and police. Police deployed a heavy presence in the area in the context of a large number of visitors for Ramadan prayers, protests and Israeli extremist demonstrations, leading to clashes.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><a href="https://unsco.unmissions.org/security-council-briefing-middle-east-including-palestinian-question-delivered-special-coordinator" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://unsco.unmissions.org/security-council-briefing-middle-east-including-palestinian-question-delivered-special-coordinator</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">14.05.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>THE WEAPON WATCH. Oggetto: imbarco nei porti italiani di esplosivi diretti allo stato israeliano, impegnato nella “guerra civile” contro i palestinesi</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.weaponwatch.net/wpww/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/Schermata-2021-05-14-alle-23.16.01.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="379" data-original-width="586" height="62" src="https://www.weaponwatch.net/wpww/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/Schermata-2021-05-14-alle-23.16.01.jpg" width="96" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">The Weapon Watch, l’Osservatorio sulle armi nei porti europei e mediterranei, è venuto a conoscenza che carichi di proiettili ad alta precisione destinati al porto israeliano di Ashdod sono stati imbarcati ieri, 13 maggio 2021, a Genova presso il GPT (Genoa Port Terminal).</div></span></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.weaponwatch.net/2021/05/14/comunicato-stampa-del-14-maggio-2021/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.weaponwatch.net/2021/05/14/comunicato-stampa-del-14-maggio-2021/</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444; text-align: justify;">14.05.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444; text-align: justify;"><b>UN. Guterres pide el cese inmediato de los combates en Gaza e Israel</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><a href="https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/Libraries/Production+Library/05-12-2021-UNICEF-UNI132740-OPT_Gaza.JPG/image1170x530cropped.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="362" data-original-width="800" height="91" src="https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/Libraries/Production+Library/05-12-2021-UNICEF-UNI132740-OPT_Gaza.JPG/image1170x530cropped.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">El titular de la ONU pide a las partes que permitan las labores de mediación y afirmó que la ONU participa "activamente en estos esfuerzos", que también son clave para mantener el flujo de ayuda humanitaria a la población afectada de Gaza. En su opinión, los combates pueden desencadenar una crisis humanitaria y de seguridad incontrolable y fomentar aún más el extremismo en toda la región.</div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444; text-align: justify;"><a href="https://news.un.org/es/story/2021/05/1492012" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.un.org/es/story/2021/05/1492012</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444; text-align: justify;">11.05.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444; text-align: justify;"><b>UN. Un Comité de la ONU alarmado por el dramático deterioro de la situación en los territorios palestinos ocupados</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><a href="https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/Libraries/Production+Library/05-12-2021-UNICEF-UNI132740-OPT_Gaza.JPG/image1170x530cropped.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="362" data-original-width="800" height="91" src="https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/Libraries/Production+Library/05-12-2021-UNICEF-UNI132740-OPT_Gaza.JPG/image1170x530cropped.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">El Comité también condena los hechos sucedidos en la explanada de la mezquita de Al-Aqsa así como la escalada de la violencia en Gaza. Y pide al Consejo de Seguridad que actué de inmediato para defender sus resoluciones sobre la cuestión de Palestina y cumplir con sus deberes según la Carta de las Naciones Unidas.</div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444; text-align: justify;"><a href="https://news.un.org/es/story/2021/05/1491992" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.un.org/es/story/2021/05/1491992</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444; text-align: justify;">10.05.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444; text-align: justify;"><b>UN. Guterres manifiesta su profunda preocupación por la violencia en Jerusalén Este</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><a href="https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/Libraries/Production+Library/08-05-2021_Jerusalem_Mosque_Yahya_Arouri.jpg/image1170x530cropped.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="362" data-original-width="800" height="91" src="https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/Libraries/Production+Library/08-05-2021_Jerusalem_Mosque_Yahya_Arouri.jpg/image1170x530cropped.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">El titular de la ONU y altos funcionarios de la Organización han expresado su inquietud por los enfrentamientos entre palestinos y las fuerzas de seguridad israelíes en Jerusalén Este, en particular los que comenzaron el viernes por la tarde y continuaron en la noche del domingo. Entre los heridos hay varios niños palestinos.</div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444; text-align: justify;"><a href="https://news.un.org/es/story/2021/05/1491832" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.un.org/es/story/2021/05/1491832</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #444444; text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">09.05.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>VATICAN. The Pope’s words at the Regina Caeli prayer</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://press.vatican.va/etc/designs/salastampa/library/images/logo-vatican.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="78" data-original-width="64" src="https://press.vatican.va/etc/designs/salastampa/library/images/logo-vatican.png" /></a></div>With particular concern I am following the events that are happening in Jerusalem. I pray that it may be a place of encounter and not of violent clashes, a place of prayer and peace. I invite everyone to seek shared solutions so that the multireligious and multicultural identity of the Holy City is respected and brotherhood prevails. Violence begets violence. Enough with the clashes.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://press.vatican.va/content/salastampa/en/bollettino/pubblico/2021/05/09/210509a.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://press.vatican.va/content/salastampa/en/bollettino/pubblico/2021/05/09/210509a.html</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">09.05.21</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>UNICEF. 37 Palestinian children injured and arrested in East Jerusalem</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.unicef.org/sop/sites/unicef.org.sop/files/styles/press_release_feature/public/UNICEF-Logo-onCyan.jpg?itok=vgxi8Bxz" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="505" data-original-width="765" height="71" src="https://www.unicef.org/sop/sites/unicef.org.sop/files/styles/press_release_feature/public/UNICEF-Logo-onCyan.jpg?itok=vgxi8Bxz" width="106" /></a></div>AMMAN/EAST JERUSALEM, 9 May 2021: “Over the past two days, 29 Palestinian children were injured in East Jerusalem including in the Old City and the Sheikh Jarrah neighbourhood. Eight Palestinian children were meanwhile arrested.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.unicef.org/sop/press-releases/37-palestinian-children-injured-and-arrested-east-jerusalem" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.unicef.org/sop/press-releases/37-palestinian-children-injured-and-arrested-east-jerusalem</a></div></div></div></div></div></span><br /></div><p></p><p></p>Pablo Pallashttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02676986163926451532noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8368737022377042313.post-32325935924895119862021-03-01T19:08:00.026-03:002022-09-25T21:59:23.639-03:00Hipertelia de la discusión trovada<p> <a href="https://www.lavanguardia.com/files/article_main_microformat/uploads/2020/06/15/5fa91820dd6d2.jpeg" style="clear: left; display: inline; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: center;"><img border="0" data-original-height="391" data-original-width="760" height="312" src="https://www.lavanguardia.com/files/article_main_microformat/uploads/2020/06/15/5fa91820dd6d2.jpeg" width="480" /></a></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" style="line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #625f5f; font-family: arial; font-size: large;">Hipertelia
apologética</span></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" style="line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #625f5f; font-family: arial; font-size: large;">de
un <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">rapper</i> secuestrado. O una epístola
<o:p></o:p></span></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: arial; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #625f5f; font-size: large;">que
se disuelve en el mundo, dedicada a <a href="https://pablo-hasel.blogspot.com/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">HASÉL</a></span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"><br /></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: small;"></span></p><div><span><span><span style="font-family: arial;"><div><span style="font-size: x-small;">Pablo Pallas</span></div><div><span style="font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://www.dropbox.com/s/i6dz9xfxaas34k3/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.pdf?dl=0" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Versión en PDF</a></span></div><div></div></span></span></span></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;">Actualización última: 2021, marzo 01 </span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span face="Arial, sans-serif" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"> <u><span style="font-family: arial;">1. De la poesía a la realidad.</span></u></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"> Se
ha despertado y divulgado con afán cierta moralina dedicada a minusvalorar la
trova esperanzada de Pablo HASÉL —y contraria a los monarcas españoles de su
propia época—. Parecería como si no hubiese existido nunca una narrativa porno-política
en sus tierras hispánicas, ¿acaso no se recuerda toda una injuriosa plástica
ilustrada que se refractaría de la propia crisis del reinado isabelino? Y es
que hubo en la España de segunda mitad de siglo XIX toda una sátira porno de
minuciosa acuarela —si de relatos verdaderamente explícitos en su injuria se
trata— contra del mundo borbónico y adláteres, de aquellos especialmente
vinculados al latrocinio, y que resultaría denunciado incluso con irreverencia
obscena (especialmente dada, esa expresión de queja, entre ilustradores relacionados
al periódico <i>Gil Blas</i>).<span style="color: #6fa8dc;">[1]</span> Acaso debido
a esa omisión de antecedencias, es que a este poeta irreverente se lo vituperó
como si su narrativa fuese el umbral de un pandemonio para una casa real borbónica
—a pesar de ser su trova, de alguna manera, algo más modesta en lo relativo a cuestiones
de detallismo estético y, a su vez, hasta menos contundente si se quiere en
injurias a la corona, al menos si respecto de sus lenguajes se la compara con
el de las acuarelas mencionadas—. <o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"> Este
<i>rapper</i>, acaso en las condiciones del
teatro político, de aquel mundo clásico, canta a quienes no posean buen oído.
Esto, debe agradecerse. Y a pesar de su gentileza, es gratuitamente detestado.
Y le sucede, así, como en <i>La Hermosura
aborrecida</i>,<span style="color: #6fa8dc;">[2]</span> en aquella comedia de LOPE de VEGA en que ese escritor de oro
alimentó su relato ficcional<span style="color: #6fa8dc;">[3]</span> de anteriores intrigas elucubradas por un
campesino catalán, a quien se tomaría por «desatinado» o «loco» a causa de haber
arremetido en Barcelona contra la vida de su monarca Fernando el Católico. Tanto
en aquella ocasión de finales del año de 1492, dado el intento de magnicidio, como,
posteriormente, en su expresión de comedia del año de 1617, en ambos casos, en
el hecho histórico y en el ficcional, su alteza real <i>se salvaría</i>. <o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"> El
problema es que en la actualidad de siglo XXI hay estéticas orientadas a la
ilusión o incluso al fervor semántico de suponer <i>in medias res</i> la posibilidad de relatos que definan una muerte
real, la muerte definitiva ante la historia, como lo es la muerte política de
una casa borbónica. En las repúblicas latinoamericanas ese mundo ficcional se
volvió realidad política y verdad jurídica a mediados de siglo XIX (sobre todo
mediante <i>guerra de puertos</i>). Es por
esto que en América del Sur a ningún rey se acata ni obedece (excepto en las
Islas Malvinas, Georgias del Sur y Sandwich del Sur, en los territorios del
archipiélago ocupados por la corona británica, mediante su invasión en el año
de 1833, y que aún se deben descolonizar). Europa misma, no obstante, sabido es
que en cuestiones de <i>sangre azul</i> su
cantar es otro. Hay, para este asco moral de los monárquicos, un título
explícito de HASÉL que da razón, entre otros igual de prolíficos en el odio a
lo real, a los fundamentos mismos de la injuria: <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=os9SlRoS1EM" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><i>Leonor no reinará</i></a>. Su patetismo es la belleza misma de un poema
en prosa (el desplazamiento <i>de la parodia
al patetismo</i><span style="color: #6fa8dc;">[4]</span> es propio además de aquel acervo español que aplica sus
lenguajes a la <i>crítica de las
instituciones sociales</i>, como en los casos de GARCÍA LORCA, DALÍ, BUÑUEL).<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"> Debe comprenderse, no es aceptable que una
alteza real sea objeto de culto. En todo caso, valdría discutir el acto de
vilipendio a la autoridad real, a partir de la persona o del símbolo patrio, (un
devenir de relatos pronosticable, además, en una nueva época de insurgencia
republicana declaradamente antiimperialista). Esto, claro, debe reconocerse, trata
de lenguajes que pondrían una <i>piel de
gallina</i> a cualquier plebeyo honrado.</span><span face=""Arial","sans-serif""><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>El problema de su política estética, de alguna manera, es anterior a la
estética aplicada; se halla enraizado su asunto narrativo en una metafísica de la
orientación de su contenido, en los cantos que aúlla este poeta altruista que
no es honrado porque legítimamente se niega a honrar al enemigo de aquella-su-república
que es objeto de esperanza. Es indubitablemente un mal plebeyo que desobedece a
aquellos jueces que actúan <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">a sabiendas de
su injusticia</i>. Y su lealtad a esa desobediencia lo vuelve poeta irreverente
no de un círculo literario sino de un piélago de desheredados —en el mundo, en
un mundo que aún no se pertenece—. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Su trova efectivamente no refluye acaso como una <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">tesis leninista</i>, incluso siendo HASÉL un hombre declaradamente
marxista-leninista, porque unos textos y otros no refieren a una misma
agremiación o cierre de sentido. Además, no habría oráculo que pudiese acaso
asegurar que la trova de este poeta irreverente supiese ser apreciada por ENGELS,
MARX, LENIN, STALIN, MAO, HOXHA, HỒ CHÍ MINH, CEAUŞESCU, KIM IL SUNG, CASTRO, o
GUEVARA —y etcéteras—. No se reduce su canto a <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">estricto</i> manifiesto comunista. Su canto no se resuelve además como
una tesis materialista, y claramente, ese no es su propósito narrativo, ni
tampoco intenta desencadenar ninguna identificación nematológica relativa al
reconocimiento de composiciones o dintornos posibles de un aparato ideológico
de «mundo nuevo» o de «hombre nuevo». No, nada de eso. Su trova no se resuelve
como fuente analítica de un programa de economía revolucionaria
anticapitalista. Su trova refiere a una sintaxis de identificación de <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">mundo en insurgencia</i> que se ultima
estéticamente —y como es esperable en las condiciones de la poesía, además— en
las realizaciones de la oralidad. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>¿Acaso no hay poetas revolucionarios? Sí, claro que sí. Incluso hubo en
el mundo, y en tantos siglos, poetas monárquicos verdaderamente revolucionarios
en su trova. Para otros <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">planos de
revolución</i>, esto valdría aclararlo en el intento de evitar embrollos
teóricos innecesarios (al menos, en lo referido al mundo de los términos
análogos), como es dado en la ética y en las virtudes individuales que son
principio de la acción, el punto de partida no lo es el «oficio» sino el
carácter lógico con que se resuelve una personalidad. En todo caso es el sujeto
lógico que <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">desde sí</i> resuelve
estar-y-ser en el mundo como un portavoz revolucionario (es el mundo insurgente
mismo manifestado en su convencimiento, si se quiere a partir de una <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">velocidad individual</i>). No se es un
político revolucionario por ser carpintero, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">en
todo caso se es un revolucionario </i>—y por tanto, un tipo de hombre político—<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"> dedicado a la carpintería</i>. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Hay que recordar que afortunadamente la Poesía fue divorciada de la
Filosofía; y esto empezaría a desenvolverse con los materialistas protofilosóficos
(quienes empezarían a discriminar las <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">relaciones
de parentesco</i>, o la forma de organizar el «mito», de las propias <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">relaciones necesetaristas</i>) y siendo un
desarrollo reflexivo que se consolidó posteriormente con los sabios áticos —esto,
aunque no de manera lineal, hasta que ha sido posible tener la oportunidad
histórica, ahora sí, de enfrentar o triturar de manera gnoseológica un <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">saber</i>; y distinguiéndoselo a su vez de
un <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">pseudosaber</i>—. Otro es el mundo de
la Poesía (no porque no exista <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">afinidad</i>
con la «verdad científica», en un campo de expresiones dialécticas del
pensamiento, de su razón dialéctica, o de sus términos noéticos, sino porque su
trova <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">requiere para existir de sujetos
operatorios literarios, y no de términos impersonales, en tanto que es el poeta
el punto de apoyo representador de los propios términos textuales con que se
realiza</i>).<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn5;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; mso-ansi-language: ES; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[5]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>HASÉL es un poeta irreverente que en sus versificaciones anhela la
muerte real a manos de la historia de las repúblicas. Y es esperable que sus
versos, algún día, dejen de ser una mera realización ficcional para concretarse
como realidad histórico-institucional de su nación. Hasta sucedió con Jules VERNE
y su <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">De la Terre à la Lune</i> - <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Trajet direct en 97 heures et 20 minutes</i>,
puesto que la obra grandiosa no pudo ya sólo ocupar el mundo de la ciencia ficción
—de aquella que no debe confundirse con los efectismos de una <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">space opera</i>— y se la desbordó en
realidades que se intersecan a su vez con todo trasunto de su tema, al transformase
a su vez aquellas comprensiones que resultaran relativas a su <a href="https://www.eldiario.es/cultura/libros/descubrimiento-lectura-adulta-politica-jack-london-julio-verne_1_7340479.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">mundo económico</i> o a su <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">economía de las ciencias</i></a>. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>¿Y cuál ha sido finalmente la solución a tanta prosa desalineada?,
(siendo que literalmente posee esa cualidad). Secuestraron al poeta, burdamente
tildado de terrorista. Y así, ese <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">poeta
terrorista</i> y sus secuaces, quienes no tenían cómo faltar a la cita, todos,
se acantonaron en ese campo de Marte que es la Universitat de Lleida, donde
hubo estudiantado que protestó en el edificio del Rectorado<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftn6" name="_ftnref6" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn6;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; mso-ansi-language: ES; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[6]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
y para la defensa de la <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">libertad de
expresión</i>, o para que el verso o la prosa no sean las expresiones que mueran,
ni su musa de calle, no deben morir, deben vivir, para que no sean los relatos irreverentes
enfrascados en el formaldehído de un pundonor borbónico (un compuesto químico
que disuelto en agua a 5%, además, sirve para conservar frescos a los
cadáveres).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Entre lo más granado de la sociedad española que se vincula al mundo
filmográfico, lírico, académico, en general, al menos entre quienes no se
sujetan al indiferentismo, hay una inclinación cierta a que se revierta la
injusticia que se inflige a este trovador de calles. El petitorio por la
liberación del <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">rapper</i> apresado a
causa de una sentencia absolutista, a manos de un tribunal inapelable, se ha
extendido universalmente a todas aquellas personas que se hallan sujetas a
razón, como ALMODÓVAR, BARDEM, SERRAT: «Los firmantes, como representantes del
mundo del periodismo, la dramaturgia y la escritura en el Estado español, nos
hemos unido para mostrar nuestro apoyo a Pablo Hasél, exigir su libertad, así
como que se expulsen del Código Penal este tipo de delitos que no hacen sino
cercenar el derecho, no solo de libertad de expresión, sino de libertad
ideológica y artística».<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftn7" name="_ftnref7" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn7;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; mso-ansi-language: ES; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[7]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
Incluso en el mundo político partidario español alguna personalidad ha
propuesto solicitar el indulto real </span><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">por la vía de urgencia</span><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"> </span><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">para
favorecerlo (enhorabuena, si eso no implicara para el poeta irreverente la
exigencia ética de un arrepentimiento; el poeta no debe arrepentirse de sus
versos aborrecidos, «aborrecidos» en un sentido de <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">alejamiento</i>, igual que una cría abandona el nido, no sería condigno
a sus cantos desdecirse de su intención narrativa de renegar del hogar
monárquico). <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Se le imputaron a HASÉL todos los pecados del infierno (las injurias a
la corona española con las que se granjeó una pena de nueve meses y un día, siendo
ese el verdadero centro ideológico de estado que hace al problema político de
las insurgencias, alguna narrativa periodística ha parecido referirlas sólo
como un superádito más entre todo otro cuerpo biográfico hostil aún mayor, de todo
otro cúmulo de supuestos delitos que resultan de <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">imposible ejecución</i>, vueltos a resaltar tras su ingreso al establecimiento
penitenciario de Ponent: se lo pena a dos años y medio de cárcel a causa de la <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">agresión inventada</i><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftn8" name="_ftnref8" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn8;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; mso-ansi-language: ES; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[8]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
a un testigo en el juicio contra unos guardias urbanos, siendo que uno de esos
operativos habría agredido a una persona menor de edad, y se le condena por los
delitos de obstrucción a la justicia y amenazas; además se le acumula otra
condena anterior a dos años de cárcel debido al delito de enaltecimiento del
terrorismo que se dictó en el año de 2014 y que en principio le fue suspendida
en el año de 2019).<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftn9" name="_ftnref9" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn9;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; mso-ansi-language: ES; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[9]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> Esta
demencia de fallos, propia de un libreto policíaco sujeto al <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">macartismo de guerra fría</i>, incluso ha
sido observada y con acierto por el poeta irreverente como una «guerra sucia
desinformativa» (o simplemente, una perturbación sistemática de la diegética de
su vida).<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftn10" name="_ftnref10" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn10;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; mso-ansi-language: ES; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[10]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> Y
todo se vincula a su mundo de letras que canta y a sus sesenta y cuatro tuiteos
(podría mencionarse como algo sabido y trivial que <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">twitter</i>, como sustantivo, bien puede referir a un <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">parloteo ligero</i>; y aparte, y sólo a la
manera de una relación paradigmática con estas vicisitudes discursivas, de un
mundo de «dichos» y «actos», bien podría considerarse asimismo que hay inflexiones
verbales transitivas relativas a <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">to twit</i>,
como <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">twitted</i> o <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">twitting</i>, y que se hallan referidas a la operación del decir para <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">someter a ligeras burlas o reproches</i>
algo, o a alguien, en un plano que requiera de un <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">despertar para la acción</i>). En resumidas cuentas, se ha demostrado
que el poeta es injurioso o ha injuriado a su rey —eso parecería ser, al menos
como verdad jurídica ciertamente acompasada a un aparataje de proselitismo anticomunista—.<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftn11" name="_ftnref11" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn11;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; mso-ansi-language: ES; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[11]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span><u>2. De la poesía a la injuria.</u> Y esto es lo que se propone
discutir, aunque mediante una <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">hipertelia</i>
que se asume y se sume en la defensa irrestricta de aquel poeta irreverente que
un reino borbónico deplora mediante su poder determinativo. Valdría remedar,
así, alguna que otra conjetura habida en el mundo del reconocimiento literario acerca
de la <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">injuria</i>, como la de SAAVEDRA
FAJARDO: «Más guerras han nacido de las promesas hechas y no cumplidas que de
las injurias, porque en las injurias no siempre va mezclado el interés como en
lo prometido, y más se mueven los príncipes por él que por la injuria». Y S.A.R.
Felipe VI ha prometido la <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">libertad de
expresión</i>, lo formularía en el marco del CXXV aniversario de la Asociación
de la Prensa de Madrid —y se volvería pues esa <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">aceptación política</i>, en la pluma del poeta irreverente, un objeto
de crítica inculcado en su trova:</span> <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4qRZ8Q5ap8E" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">Ni
Felipe VI</span></i></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">—. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>El problema estético provocado por HASÉL en relación a una corona que
acaso se hubiese sentido injuriada a causa de las versificaciones altamente irreverentes
de este <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">rapper</i>, se ha provocado
tangencial al interés hegemónico de reforzar el anhelo de <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">eutaxia</i> que requiere la propia casa real española. O, ante tanta
desproporción entre el decir y el juzgar, simplemente podría mencionarse a
NIEREMBERG: «Es la injuria tan de <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">aire</i>
que un <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">donaire</i> la deshace». O por
último, se hallan las determinaciones de un cautivo como CERVANTES, quien a su
vez discute la <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">cuestión de la injuria</i>
mediante unos consejos que brindaría don Quijote a Sancho —y se los indicaría antes
que su escudero partiese hacia la ínsula de Barataria—: «Cuando te sucediere
juzgar algún pleito de algún tu enemigo, aparta las mientes de tu injuria, y
ponlas en la verdad del caso».<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftn12" name="_ftnref12" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn12;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; mso-ansi-language: ES; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[12]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Podría suponerse de todas formas que algunos magistrados, entre tantos
otros eruditos doctrinos y excelencias rectorales o determinativas, no
necesariamente comprenderían en su desiderata el acervo de las experiencias
literarias. Ninguna persona es encarcelada por renegar de la literatura
universal, ni siquiera sus excelencias los jueces. Es temerario que el análisis
literario del universo de sus términos textuales se reduzca a una agremiación
jurídica que identifica el delito de imputación de un hecho o cualidad que
menoscabe la fama o la estimación de un hombre poderoso.</span> <span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">Se
lo castiga al poeta tenaz y a causa de haber expulsado al mundo de los comunes
su <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">hypomnema</i>, toda una escritura
personal esperanzada que traduciría a trova. ¿Deben renegar los poetas, universales
o mendicantes, de sus versificaciones, so pena de que los monarcas se consideraren
menoscabados en su fama o estimación? Es posible que la respuesta deba de ser
un rotundo y único y tenebroso «sí» —si se trata de poetas súbditos de S.A.R. y
en su reino—. Y sobre todo si el análisis normativo trata sólo acerca de la capacidad,
en vez de verdaderamente elucidar rasguños doctrinales atinentes a las «facultades
de comunicación» y a su realizarse como «libertad reconocida». <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>¿Aunque acerca de qué podrían trovar y qué se les permitiría ensoñar a
aquellos poetas insurgentes que se proclamaran enemigos de S.A.R. y en su
propio reino? Se tornará imposible claudicar. Habría un revoltoso mar de poetas
seculares en el que toda una casa real naufragaría —y con el paso del tiempo,
su tempestad se divisaría impostergable—. Si se persiste en el ostracismo a los
poetas irreverentes, en el régimen de los nobles, al amparo acaso de alguna burguesía
decaída en sus modelos sociales, bien podría suceder que el destino crudo de
estos censores de vicios fuese sólo aquel que un español surrealista exiliado
como L. BUÑUEL sentenciase al mostrarlos alimentándose de <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">inocentes corderos</i>, en su filme <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">El
ángel exterminador</i> (rodado en México, aunque pensado experimentalmente en su
interpretación histórico-social para que fuese relatado en un entorno
londinense o parisino), donde se critica a la <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">clase alta</i>, a la <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">mayordomía</i>
que le sirve y a su <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">clero</i> —a quienes
se les volvió imposible <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">salir a las
calles</i>, atrapados una y otra vez en los circuitos sectarios de su vida
social, y al tiempo del hambre que inevitablemente los alcanza, desentendiéndose
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">de facto</i> de aquella pacatería innata
en que fijan el discreto encanto de sus buenas costumbres—. Y es que
desprovistos del mundo, el precepto de sus carnicerías y sus vanidades se
degrada. Y los poetas irreverentes acometen justamente esa flagrancia
narrativa, los desproveen del mundo que les sirve. Les arrancan ese mundo de
gleba de sus propias manos (aquellas que se hallan <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">forradas con sangre inocente</i>, según se trova en </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=11tuPZW_Z7A" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">Nuestras
libertades</span></i></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">); y este <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">rapper</i> hasta podría agregar a la crítica de ese mundo borbónico que
los nobles han vivido superbamente, aunque acaso podría resultarle naíf, algo
como lo siguiente: <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">engordadas
<o:p></o:p></span></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">esas
manos <o:p></o:p></span></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">sus
muñecas <o:p></o:p></span></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">con
un rolex <o:p></o:p></span></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">o
un pesado anillo, <o:p></o:p></span></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">de
gemas <o:p></o:p></span></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">y
adornado<o:p></o:p></span></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">—hundido
<o:p></o:p></span></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">en
su pólex—</span></i><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>El poeta HASÉL seguramente sabrá dispensar esta intromisión volcada en
sus experimentadas letras —esta tentación obtusa de parafrasearlo—. Ojalá.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>La letra de los trovadores permanece volviéndose universal, aunque para
la caída de aquellos reinos en que se engendraran esos poetas de calle es
sabido que los versos no son el punto de partida de ese hecho fatídico. Los
monarcas no son vencidos a base de poemas. Y es por esto que el poder
hegemónico en su forma real necesita de instrumentar su literatura en las
condiciones del propagandismo —y de tipo proselitista, antes que por mera
atracción—. No es casualidad que el oligopolio de la comunicación, las noticias
y el entretenimiento (aunque esto pueda apreciarse como un objeto hipostasiado)
no se valgan de Pablo HASÉL o de sus homólogos para manifestar el mundo del <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">rapper</i>. Y permanecerán omitidos hasta
que se los pueda volver una noción hueca (igual que sucede con una camiseta o
ropa interior donde se resuelve su diseño objetual en las siglas <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">CCCP</i>; se desprovee al objeto de
expresión de toda historicidad, en un marco si se quiere de <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">dominación ideológica </i>o de mera amputación
del sentido). El estatus biográfico que es reducido a la fama, a veces de
manera inadvertida, complica evidentemente las relaciones políticas (el
instrumento de la «fama», de alguna manera, se asemeja a aquello que las
sociologías alemana o estadounidense, al amparo de la figura teológica del
carisma, resuelven como «liderazgo» o «líder» en algún plano de superioridad fabricada,
como quien se mostrara sobre un <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">pilentum</i>;
al menos, así se la podría considerar en el aparataje de las mercadotecnias de
la comunicación que fabrican al famoso, al exitoso, al <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">jet set</i> como objetos de visión que referencian, y por ósmosis, la
promesa de desprenderse, los comunes y ordinarios, de las fatigas de la vida
pedestre). <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>La trova no necesariamente finaliza en el magnetoscopio de un
cortometraje musical o <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">videoclip
postelevisivo</i>.<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftn13" name="_ftnref13" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn13;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; mso-ansi-language: ES; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[13]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
El <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">canal de difusión</i> —y sus
algoritmos de alcance— no hace al fin de un mundo textual. El fin lo es su estadio
de divulgación: el mundo textual, en las condiciones de la economía de la
conducta que remite a intereses, es expuesto en aquella práctica de la razón
misma que se enfrenta a las realidades de una época y a su <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">lucha de clases</i>. Ese es un <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">criterio
de relación</i> al menos relevante para resolver el «qué hacer» y «respecto de
qué». Esto permite la definición teórica de un problema, sin que una polémica
acaso deba aplanarse a los <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">dimes y
diretes</i> de la sola opinión, de la sola perspectiva, o del sólo punto de
vista. Es mucho más dificultoso convencer que cantar. Y es que el hecho
político requiere inevitablemente de una síntesis política. Los «finales
abiertos» —a la manera de un simple</span> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">flâneur</span></i><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">—
no son oportunos. Y es pues el aparataje de propagandismo el que sobre todo se
especializa —y en las condiciones de una hegemonía en que refluye— de orientar
esa <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">síntesis </i>y su <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">sentido de apreciación de los
acontecimientos</i> en las propias relaciones sociales (incluso en las
instancias privadas de la propia vida del sujeto que piensa). <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Si el canto <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">empuja a miles a
luchar</i> —como se formula en </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=11tuPZW_Z7A" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">Nuestras
Libertades</span></i></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">— y para <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">el logro además de una república popular</i>, ese hálito de
vivificación, igual que la puja que permite nacer y respirar, obliga a que la
nueva criatura debe hallarse especialmente salvaguardada. El malestar del
recién nacido no se podrá solucionar permanentemente sólo con <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">arrullos de cuna</i>. El canto dejará paso
—sin que esto implique un abandono fútil, claro— a la <a href="https://www.lahaine.org/mm_ss_est_esp.php/carta-de-pablo-hasel-desde" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">retórica política</a>. Esto
en general nunca es comprendido por el cíclope fascista, en su afán
anticomunista; por eso en el caso chileno su dictadura pinochetista supuso que
era suficiente con amputarle los dedos, cercenarle la lengua, machacarle las
manos a Víctor JARA, para posteriormente ejecutarlo mediante cuarenta y cuatro
impactos de bala.<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftn14" name="_ftnref14" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn14;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; mso-ansi-language: ES; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[14]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
Lo consideraron necesario porque luego de la tortura, igual componía versos.
Separaron al poeta chileno de su guitarra, acaso previniéndose esos
torturadores del caso ejemplar del estadounidense Woody GUTHRIE en su <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wxiMrvDbq3s" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">This Land Is Your Land</a></i>,
del año de 1944, quien al tomar su instrumento músico y gridar, al inicio de su
canción, una y otra vez lo sentenciaba: <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Esta
máquina mata fascistas </i>(además, se hallaba anotado en la propia herramienta
de su plectro: <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">THIS MACHINE KILLS FASCISTS</i>).
En aquel Chile de la atrocidad, luego del asesinato de JARA en el año de 1973,
armados junto a otras guitarras, emergería el movimiento <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Nueva Canción de Protesta</i>.<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftn15" name="_ftnref15" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn15;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; mso-ansi-language: ES; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[15]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Este funesto peligro de muerte, no es sólo un peligro para los
trovadores. La revitalización del neonazifascismo es un peligro para el mundo
entero (incluso es un peligro fatal para quien no tenga buen oído musical, o
para quien no sepa interpretar los <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">tambores
de guerra</i> en que se ensaya la mismísima <a href="https://esp.belta.by/president/view/lukashenko-a-lo-largo-de-fronteras-belarusas-crece-la-infraestructura-militar-ofensiva-de-la-otan-64980-2021/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">NATO</a>). Y la propia UN, mediante su
secretario general, ha empezado a advertirlo, finalmente: <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">hay que intensificar la lucha contra el resurgimiento del neonazismo,
la supremacía blanca y el terrorismo por motivos raciales y étnicos</i>, dado
que <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">ya son más que amenazas terroristas
internas, se están convirtiendo en una amenaza transnacional</i>.<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftn16" name="_ftnref16" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn16;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; mso-ansi-language: ES; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[16]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span><u>3. De la poesía a la historia.</u> Mientras el poeta irreverente, este
catalán que se niega a ser plebeyo, es secuestrado por un reino borbónico que
se consideró injuriado (según lo fallan sus magistrados), al mismo tiempo, en
su tierra ibérica hay neofascistas y neonazis sueltos en su propio mitin, y
junto a un clérigo (el único de los participantes que no realizaría la
salutación nazi, ese neuma tergiversado), en los alrededores del cementerio de
la Almudena, en pleno Madrid, donde unos trescientos celebran a la División
Azul que combatió durante la II Guerra Mundial con operativos españoles a las
órdenes de A. HITLER. La fuerza policíaca escoltaría a ese colecticio de neonazifascistas.
Es un acostumbrado acto proselitista de reaccionarios españoles que ha sido
condenado oficialmente por los cuerpos diplomáticos de Alemania, de Israel y de
Rusia. Celebran, en su apología al anticomunismo y al antisemitismo, a aquella
nefasta época, claro, en que además de asesinarse por millones a judíos, a
comunistas, a homosexuales, a católicos, también se asesinaba a dramáticos y
poetas como hubo de acontecer con el entrañable F. GARCÍA LORCA a quien se
capturó, llevándoselo los franquistas primeramente a los calabozos del Gobierno
Civil, y posteriormente, en Fuente Grande, se lo fusiló.<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftn17" name="_ftnref17" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn17;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; mso-ansi-language: ES; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[17]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
O en mención de la metalepsis de alguno de sus versos deliciosos, es que se
podría denunciar que <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">el falangismo le
trajo la blanca sábana</i>.<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftn18" name="_ftnref18" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn18;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; mso-ansi-language: ES; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[18]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Valga remedar, sin necesidad de obligarse a la condición académica de la
cita, algo (o poco) de aquellas sentencias que esos españoles reaccionarios han
reversado. Y a partir de una tergiversación endemoniada de la eudemonía
peripatética, afirmarían —sin desvelo—: <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">el
fascismo es alegría</i>. Y se reafirmarían además en esa hipotética delirante,
en su mala psicología de la historia: <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">el
judío es el culpable y la División Azul luchó por ello y se liberó del golpe
del comunismo, de una invención judía destinada a enfrentar a los obreros y a
destinar credibilidad en las divisiones</i>. Y fue ese mismísimo mitin —el de
las bestias que hablan, igual que <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">una
manada de rinocerontes</i><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftn19" name="_ftnref19" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn19;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; mso-ansi-language: ES; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[19]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">que empieza a distinguirse en la calle</i>—
el que resultaría sacralizado; un clérigo de misa agrega el vinagre de la
cizaña, y <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">banaliza el mal</i>, en vez de esparcir
la sal de la verdad, contrariándose la sustancia más basal de aquella
homilética que es necesaria, o coloquial o solemne, en la predicación pública, en
aquel razonamiento que requiere sin demora del concierto de la fraternidad
cristiana: <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">sin duda que el marxismo,
igual que ayer, en la época de la segunda guerra mundial, y hoy también, sigue
intentando turbar la paz de nuestra sociedad, turbar la paz de los espíritus y
sobre todo quitar a Aquél que es el Príncipe de la Paz, Nuestro Señor
Jesucristo</i>. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Pues bien, ¿y es que acaso estos actos de aberración verbal contra la
verdad histórica o contra la propia «teología del ecumenismo»<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftn20" name="_ftnref20" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn20;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; mso-ansi-language: ES; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[20]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>,
en sus raíces, apologética, cristológica, pneumatológica, en fin, no rezuman
vanidad necia y una jactada injuria al mismísimo Dios, al <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Iesus Hominum Salvator</i> que es imposible abismar en un pánico moral?
¿Dónde queda el testimonio paulino, en su destacada predicación a los tesalonicenses,
al solicitar a sus hermanos en la fe el <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">estudiadlo
todo, retened lo bueno</i>? ¿Quién juzgará? ¿A cuáles blasfemos, una y otra vez
escudados en el falso testimonio de su moralina? Incluso su eminencia, el
arzobispo de Madrid y cardenal Carlos OSORO SIERRA declaró que <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">resultan intolerables los ataques verbales
que sufre la comunidad judía</i>, a manos de los celebrantes reaccionarios de
la División Azul.<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftn21" name="_ftnref21" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn21;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; mso-ansi-language: ES; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[21]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
Y declaró incluso que reza <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">por el fin de
toda violencia y de cualquier persecución religiosa</i>. Aleluya —esta otra reafirmación
sí que comprende, ahora sí, un <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">canto de
alegría</i>—.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Entre tanto, además, días antes que los nazis de siglo XXI vociferaran
en las calles españolas contra los judíos de todo siglo, se prescinde del
guionista de RTVE Bernat BARRACHINA, entre otros profesionales acosados por la enjundia
monárquica, debido a haber presentado una sentencia coloquial, como rótulo
televisivo de noticias acerca de la heredera al trono español, quien, debido a
sus estudios de bachillerato internacional, se destinaría a viajar a Gales:
«LEONOR SE VA DE ESPAÑA, COMO SU ABUELO». Está claro que el sentido de la
hilaridad<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftn22" name="_ftnref22" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn22;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; mso-ansi-language: ES; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[22]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
trata finalmente acerca de una sintáctica política —y BARRACHINA, quien ha
aplicado su habilidad para la comunicación política en tierras badalonesas, demuestra
saber precipitarse como un sagaz conocedor de esta premisa retórica y, a su
vez, de esa picaresca, españolísima, en que se envuelve su sintagma—. Al ser
<a href="https://twitter.com/anluma99/status/1539621787079770114" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">cesado de inmediato por RTVE</a>, el propio BARRACHINA lo anuncia en su tuiteo: «Me
han despedido, como al abuelo de Leonor».<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftn23" name="_ftnref23" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn23;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; mso-ansi-language: ES; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[23]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Al poeta irreverente se lo sume en el
artilugio neurálgico de la Ley Orgánica 10/1995 del Código Penal, en lo
relativo al Capítulo II de <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Delitos contra
la Corona</i>. En el año de 2015 se aprobaron una serie de normativas
orientadas a la modificación del código penal en lo relativo a delitos de
terrorismo (ampliándose su concepto a la red de redes, incluso a aquellas
expresiones que se resolvieren como tuiteos). Esas normas han sido referidas
vulgarmente como<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">leyes mordaza</i>, siendo el poder determinativo español quien discrecionalmente
las aplica para identificar el odio o enaltecimiento del terrorismo y que rechazan
decenas de organizaciones españolas en el orden civil.<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftn24" name="_ftnref24" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn24;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; mso-ansi-language: ES; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[24]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Los asesores literarios de S.A.R. (quienes a veces, acaso frustrados,
bien podrían desplazarse, en sus críticas a la picante sátira, de la envidia a
la malevolencia, sólo porque ésta adquiere estimación o incluso aceptación
universal), no deben identificar confusamente la narrativa del <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">dar vejamen</i> habido en los versos o la
prosa —algo común entre poetas irreverentes, incluso esperable— y aquel otro
mundo de reconocimiento, algo esquizoide en sus tipologías, relativo a los actos
de enaltecimiento al terrorismo. Porque, de lo contrario, ¿qué habría de hacer
el reino, un reino que ha declinado como imperio, ante el nacimiento de un
próximo Francisco de QUEVEDO, o de algún otro Caballero de la Orden de
Santiago, capaz de esmerarse en ilustrar a la España futura, de ser deseable, no
con la espada sino con la pluma? <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>¿O no recuerda S.A.R., o los sabios eruditos que acaso lo acompañan, lo
sucedido al buen nombre de este escritor de oro español? Era el año de 1635 y
se imprimía con anuencia de las autoridades el libro negro contra QUEVEDO,
contra el <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Lipsio</i> de España, deplorándose
a ese escritor y poeta incluso en los inicios del título: <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">El Tribunal de la justa venganza, erigido contra los escritos de Don
Francisco de Quevedo, Maestro en Errores, Doctor en Desvergüenzas, Licenciado
en Bufonerías, Bachiller en Suciedades, Cathedrático en Vicios, y Proto-diablo
entre los hombres</i>, siendo el ejecutor de esa obra penosa el licenciado
Arnaldo de FRANCOFURT. A S.A.R., así, junto a una cumbre literaria como QUEVEDO
valdría consultar, si tuviese a bien responder aquello que eran interrogantes
comunes, acerca de las miserias de la vida, para el <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">filósofo cornudo que ríe</i> y para el <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">filósofo anegado que solloza</i>: ¿<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Una
propria miseria haceros pudo cosquillas y pucheros</i>?; ¿<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Un pecado es llanto y carcajada</i>? <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Ha de insistirse a S.A.R., es
necesario para procurar el entendimiento: ¿Qué ha de hacerse con la
irreverencia insoportable de QUEVEDO? ¿Cómo callarlo para siempre? O de lo
contrario, su insurgencia contra las relaciones políticas del poder en España y
de denuncia de los tipejos de una Corte se continuará en los siglos en forma de
sonetos: <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">«Yo te untaré mis obras con tocino,<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">porque no me las muerdas, Gongorilla,<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">perro de los ingenios de Castilla,<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">docto en pullas, cual mozo de camino.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">Apenas hombre, sacerdote indino, <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">que aprendiste sin <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">christus</i> la cartilla,<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">chocarrero de Córdoba y Sevilla,<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">y en la Corte bufón a lo divino.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">¿Por qué censuras tú la lengua griega<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">siendo sólo rabí de la judía, <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">cosa que tu nariz aun no lo niega?<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">No escribas versos más, por vida mía,<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">aunque aquesto de escribas se te pega,<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">por tener de sayón la rebeldía».<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">¿O qué hacer S.A.R. con la <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">copla popular</i>, aquella dada en el <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Himno de Riego</i>? Porque mientras el poeta
irreverente se halla en la prisión de su majestad, en los encierros de </span><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">Ponent</span><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">, las letras injuriosas habidas en coplas
de siglo XX se hallan publicadas en <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Foro
Memoria Histórica de la División Azul</i>:<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">«Si la Reina vol Corona<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">Corona li darem;<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">que vingui a Barcelona<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">i el coll li tallarem!<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">Si el Rei demana corona<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">corona li donarem<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">que vingui a Barcelona<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">i el coll li tallarem!»<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftn25" name="_ftnref25" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn25;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; mso-ansi-language: ES; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[25]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">¿O qué hacer con esta otra <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">copla popular</i>, esta vez de raíz
decimonona, malsonante, verdaderamente impúdica?:<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">«Si la reina quiere corona <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">que se la hagan de viruta<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">que la corona de España<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">no es para ninguna puta».<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftn26" name="_ftnref26" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn26;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; mso-ansi-language: ES; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[26]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Esto debe resolverse S.A.R.: ¿qué hacer con los poetas irreverentes y su
trova en insurgencia, al detestarse el mundo de la corona? Porque seguramente
no se tratará de ser más papista que el propio pontífice en Roma. ¿O sería necesario,
para bien del reino? <a href="https://fundaciondisenso.org/carta-de-madrid/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Madrid</a> no es <a href="https://www.vatican.va/content/john-paul-ii/es/speeches/2001/august/documents/hf_jp-ii_spe_20010830_quo-vadis.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Roma</a>. O si se remeda a la Sala de lo Penal
del Tribunal Supremo del reino, donde se condena al poeta HASÉL, la
interrogación prosigue: ¿Cómo penar estas incitaciones, esta provocación y
riesgo que generan de que terceras personas, acaso enardecidas por esas
expresiones, retomen la violencia concreta contra instituciones y colectivos
reales? Es más, ¿debería retrotraerse el límite jurídico de ejercicio de
expresión al mismísimo <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">garrote vil</i>?
¿Por qué no conjeturarlo?, dado que hay antecedencias de barbarie, y en
demasía, contra los poetas impertinentes. ¿O no recuerda S.A.R. al teólogo y
poeta salamantino Fray Luis De LEÓN, el impúdico traductor del <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Cantar de los cantares</i><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftn27" name="_ftnref27" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn27;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; mso-ansi-language: ES; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[27]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
(labor que emprendería a solicitud de la monja Isabel OSORIO)?; y a quien en el
año de 1572 se apresaría y torturaría<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftn28" name="_ftnref28" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn28;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; mso-ansi-language: ES; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[28]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
por decisión de la autoridad en los calabozos de Valladolid. ¿Ese debe ser el
destino de los poetas insolentes en el reino, siglo tras siglo? ¿Así deben ser
las Españas del rey? <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span><u>4. De la poesía a la hegemonía.</u> Ojalá a los poetas del reino —y
por piedad, o en aras de la clemencia— no se los recluya en un gongorismo
normativo y a aquellos que no, desobedientes, se los ahogue tipificándolos de favorecer
la <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">decadencia moral</i>. El terror, el del
propio sujeto-que-discursa, a hallarse integrado a un «libro disciplinario» que
hubiese para quienes profesan la ofensa a S.A.R. —ese otro terrorismo de estado
aplicado, al amparo de una anterior iconografía del miedo que refluya como
testimonio oficial de un <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">ejercicio de
palabra</i>— sólo conduciría a causa de una hostilidad de estado, antes que debido,
acaso, a un laboratorio narrativo, a la afectación del lenguaje y a la sola
ornamentación. Y sin que hubiese otra alternativa. Eso haría de la Poesía no un
mundo imposible, aunque sí un mundo desmoronado. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Es de suponerse que la tiranía cíclope bien podría terminar de obligar a
los poetas irreverentes, antes que elididos en sus ansias, al uso de la
neología estilística (al indagar en la expresividad de la palabra en sí misma,
en el intento de traducir ideas no originales, como podría serlo la <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">idea de república</i>, o de <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">defensa de la república</i>, y de una nueva
manera). Y los efluvios de los poetas, en general, no sólo se desplazan más a
prisa que un código penal destinado al control y castigo de expresiones que son
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">objeto de exploración</i> en sí mismas,
sino que se vuelven, antes o después, más universales que las disertaciones de
una casa real (igual que en lo acontecido con las coplas). No se puede reducir
a los poetas a la obediencia pura, como no se podría suponer que bastaría con
el <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">pelargón</i> para saciarlos —para
cumplir con el alimento de sus verdaderos <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">anhelos
literarios</i>—. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>¿Acaso no ha bastado con las advertencias de A. GRAMSCI? El régimen
caduco aplicará su terror reaccionario hasta que una nueva hegemonía, otra
hegemonía que sea su contradictorio, provoque su derrumbe. Esa otra violencia
revolucionaria debe resolverse necesariamente en la racionalidad de las
alianzas orgánicas, a la manera de una epitaxia (requisito ampliamente aplicado
por los <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">revolucionarios burgueses</i><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftn29" name="_ftnref29" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn29;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; mso-ansi-language: ES; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[29]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>,
respecto de una época en que sus representantes políticos eran entrenados a la
hora de finar absolutismos mediante el <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">terror
político</i>, función que MARX analizaría, además, a su tiempo, a partir de una posterior <a href="http://cprf.ru/2021/06/ziouganov-la-lumiere-de-la-commune-de-paris/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Comuna de París</a> que sería avasallada; o incluso también después, ahora sí consagrada esa misma burguesía a ser <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">clase explotadora</i>, y durante las guerras
mundiales, es que se valdría a su vez del desarrollo de alianzas estratégicas,
esta vez, mediante formas reaccionarias anticomunistas, luego devenidas a neoliberalismo
e incluso, a partir de siglo XXI, hasta resueltas en formas temerarias de <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">lawfare</i><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftn30" name="_ftnref30" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn30;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; mso-ansi-language: ES; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[30]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>).
<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>El poeta irreverente se ha vuelto un afortunado radical, el <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">actante</i> de un tiempo de acontecimientos
ideológicos vueltos explícitos (como las acuarelas de los ilustradores
pornógrafos de otro siglo): la toma de conciencia social se cataliza, dada
contra las injusticias de un régimen monárquico que vivificó un franquismo del
que se renegaría posteriormente en el discurso público, aunque sin privarse de
un mutuo convivir. El <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">problema de
expresión</i>, igualmente, no sólo es un problema político y semántico, acaso propio
de materialistas, como en el caso de la hegemonía o de las relaciones
hegemónicas de GRAMSCI, quien oportunamente resolviese su definición teórica.
Este <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">problema de expresión</i> es
asimismo un objeto moral que se radica en el acervo más noble del idealismo: el
poeta HASÉL habría sido admirado por un hombre de armas y finalmente filósofo
como Sócrates, el sabio que no sabía escribir y detestaba a los logógrafos (a
esos <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">vendedores de discursos</i>). <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Es Sócrates quien se enfrentó a los heliastas, en su propio tiempo de
injusticias: les advirtió incesantemente que no se retiraría al exilio, no
admitiría que lo redujeran al ostracismo, y por tanto se hallarían obligados a aplicar
sentencia, siendo que acometieron la atrocidad de penarlo a causa de su decir
reflexivo que tipificarían de <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">degenerado</i>.
Quedó obligado a la cicuta. No hay quien recuerde a aquellos heliastas, a
aquellos jueces anquilosados en el deshonor y en sus sentencias burdas. El
poeta irreverente, y siempre salvándose la necesaria distancia, se ha
continuado en esa senda moral, verdaderamente heroica, y que requiere de un
carácter templado a la hora de tomar decisiones orgánicas. El paradigma
socrático, claro, no debe implicar sumirse en el envenenamiento sino esforzarse
en evitarlo —incluso en aquellas circunstancias en que el transcurrir de los
días y las noches se vuelve excesivamente lento—. Si de algo sirviese el
mencionarlo, en las repúblicas, donde no son admisibles los súbditos ni los
títulos nobiliarios, es donde más se atesora la afirmación promisoria de que si
un sujeto soberano cualquiera demostrara reverencia, la ofrecería —más que para
manifestarse ante ningún rey, incluso si se tratara de un <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">rey justo</i>— para abrazar en la razón a aquellos poetas que se
vuelven universales (igual que un anciano se inclinaría para abrazar a su hijo
pródigo que se hallaba ausente).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>El propio Hasél reconoce que ha logrado obligar a las fuerzas
reaccionarias de represión <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">a leer poemas</i>;
y podría agregarse: los obliga a la lectura escrupulosa de poemas irreverentes.
Esto, la demonización del decir literario, no es la primera vez que le sucede a
un español poeta —<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">frío</i> o <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">caliente</i>—. Además de a HASÉL, hubo en el
año de 2017 unos doce cantantes españoles que se enfrentaron a un fallo de
encarcelamiento debido a un supuesto enaltecimiento del terrorismo, hallándose integrados
al colectivo musical </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/c/LaInsurgenciaTV/videos" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">La
Insurgencia</span></i></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"> y siendo que <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">no sueñan con Versalles sino con barricadas</i>.<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftn31" name="_ftnref31" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn31;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; mso-ansi-language: ES; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[31]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>¿No se lo acusaría al propio Mandela de «terrorista» en el mundo
occidental e imperial (aunque nunca habría cometido el pecado de ser poeta),
encarcelándoselo y sometiéndoselo a tortura, durante casi tres décadas, a causa
del fallo de un tribunal intrigante del <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Apartheid</i>
sudafricano? Suele suceder —al menos en el esquema colonial de las relaciones
políticas y de su aparato de justicia—: se practica la confusión atropellada y
lábil de los conceptos jurídicos que son relativos o al acto de insurgencia o al
de terrorismo. No es que acaso los funcionarios abocados a cumplir sus tareas
de judicatura se confundan en sus fallos; el sentido del ejercicio de
sentencia, de su casuística, es aquello que verdaderamente se confunde,
haciéndose del tecnicismo de la omisión de la prueba un arte exprofeso de
silogismo: el monarca ha robado; no obstante es prohibido tildarlo de ladrón; y
el único delito penal es, así, verdaderamente, el de <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><a href="https://ladonacion.es/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">nombrarlo ladrón</a></i>. El relato de la insurgencia contra las
injusticias de un reino es traslapado, tras de un sentido monista de
cumplimiento del <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">orden civil</i>. Se
hipostasia a la necesaria justicia, no porque se la vuelva acaso una esfinge, puesto
que así al menos sería un monstruo fabuloso con enigmas irresolubles, sino,
volviéndosela una muralla imposible para toda una muchedumbre de comunes,
insoportable, inescrutable. Y que se destina, así, a que antes o después se la rebata,
además, mediante otro concreto social: el <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">herri
harresia </i>—ese otro muro que erige la misma muchedumbre profana, al
proponerse impedir la detención de un <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">rapper</i>
proscrito, ante la parafernalia de un operativo policíaco—.<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftn32" name="_ftnref32" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn32;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; mso-ansi-language: ES; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[32]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>La defensa del poeta secuestrado, se ha expandido hacia las plazas y
las calles del reino —como en la plaza Lesseps y la avenida Riera de Cassoles o
la Vía Augusta, en Barcelona—. Sucedió en Girona, en Lleida, en Valencia.
Sucedió en la binacional Euskal Herria —citados en Iruñea (o Pamplona, en su
onomástica española), en la plaza del Castillo—. O se han encontrado esos
defensores del poeta encarcelado en el Boulevard de Donostia. Y han sido
convocados a su vez en Bilbo (o Bilbao), en su plaza de Arriaga. Y en Madrid,
se hallaron en las escalinatas del Congreso —mediante un encuentro organizado a
manos de formaciones soberanistas catalanas, gallegas y vascas—. Y hasta
Alberto GARZÓN, el señor ministro de consumo, declararía que la detención del <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">rapper</i> denota un «síntoma de déficits
democráticos graves». Y se ha salido a las calles de Segovia, frente a su
Palacio de Justicia. Y más defensores del poeta se hallaron en Las Palmas de
Gran Canaria. Y lo mismo sucedería en Zaragoza. Y en otras ciudades de otras
regiones los poemas y sus poetas continuarían multiplicándose en las calles,
como los panes y los peces.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Y se multiplicarían las personas heridas de gravedad a causa de
artillería, de golpizas ensañadas o de atropellamiento policíaco, y detenidas,
incluso quebrantadas en su dignidad. En todo el reino se multiplicarían. Se
multiplicaron y expandieron y son muchedumbre engendrada, a pesar de que los
operativos antidisturbios, a los participantes de esos mítines para la defensa
del poeta encarcelado, les provocaran lesiones de proyectil —y que se estima,
según el codirector del</span> <span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">Centre de Defensa de Drets Humans <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Irídia</i> y asesor jurídico Andrés GARCÍA,
fueron dadas mediante impactos de <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">foam</i>—.
El secuestro y encarcelamiento ejecutados contra <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">un decir</i>, o su provocación al exilio, una y otra vez se reitera, no
comenzaría con HASÉL, puesto que anteriormente se hallan los casos de César
STRAWBERRY, de VALTONYC, de Cassandra VERA, entre otras personalidades
vinculadas a la narrativa antimonárquica.<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftn33" name="_ftnref33" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn33;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; mso-ansi-language: ES; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[33]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Si bien los poetas <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">argumentan</i>
su mundo de imaginerías, esto no es suficiente para convencer. El argumento es
relativo a la discusión. Para alcanzar el plano del fundamento se requiere que
las propias cuestiones se amparen en la prueba: el ejercicio del saber <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">justificar</i> compromete los límites (o la
subjetivación) de todo argumento. Es por esto que la doctrina legal es posible
triturarla en su metodología a manos de sus doctos y filósofos, si acaso se
hallan leales al archivo. En cambio, en el mundo de los textos poético,
narrativo, dramático, hasta es posible discutir un objeto de ilusión a partir
de hechos imposibles; y se puede ensayar a partir de tropos, como mediante el <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">adínaton</i> que sirve incluso a un epigrama
clasista sin igual: <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Es más fácil que un
camello entre por el ojo de una aguja que un rico entre en el Reino de los
Cielos</i> (esto, más allá del sentido discutible que ciertamente hallará el
filólogo en las necesarias relaciones históricas de traducción). <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Así, y esto es aprendido con la retórica peripatética, quien convence —y
es que quien <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">convence</i>, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">vence</i>— es siempre un sujeto político
(enserido, claro, en los intereses y relaciones de trabajo en que se envuelve
un <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">poeta</i> o un <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">apolónida</i>, un <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">carpintero</i>,
un <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">parlamentario</i>, un <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">desahuciado</i>, un <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">inmigrante</i>, un <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">transexual</i>,
un <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">docente</i>, un <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">exiliado</i>, incluso un <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">enemigo
de clase</i>). Por esto, el acto retórico de apologizar al poeta irreverente —para
el caso, mediante relaciones académicas o la publicación de una tesela acaso
con un donaire epistolar— no se reduce a relaciones estéticas, habidas, sin
duda, dado que aquella narratología en que se comprende se refracta no de un
mal albur sino de una necesaria «política de alianzas» (ciertamente, siendo,
esto, a su vez, si lo requiere todo revolucionario, de preclara cardinalidad
leninista).<span style="color: #3d85c6;">[34]</span> La alianza orgánica es institucionalmente superadora del sólo
espontaneísmo o <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">comunitarismo</i> (del
mecanicismo y automatismo <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">foquista</i> o
voluntarista dados en sus formas «eserista» o «populista»), o de la sola <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">ética del instante</i> —insuficiente,
incluso vuelta cosa o malversada en adoquines volcados a diestra y siniestra en
las calles de la vida—. El <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">odio de clase </i>(como
el habido legítimamente entre los esclavos contra la sociedad de la esclavonía),
el problema<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>de su idea, no se reduce a
la <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">psicología de la ira</i> (o a las <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">pasiones del alma</i>, de mero registro
cartesiano). <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>El poeta irreverente no es un relator antojadizo —ni siquiera si se
postulara como un narrador sujeto a las condiciones del dadaísmo, a ese anarquismo
extremo de expresión, de esa raíz maravillosa que adquirirían además otras
ficciones— sino un esmerado sujeto lógico que se obliga a comprender las leyes
de la historia (imposibles de reducir, además, a sus propias relaciones
biográficas, dado que tratan de relaciones orgánicas). Porque en el <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">regressus</i> del hecho narrativo habrá que
enfrentarse a una cuestión dudosa impostergable: ¿quién hace la síntesis
retórica de esta insurgencia en contra de las injusticias que padecen los
súbditos de un reino, siendo que aquello que verdaderamente se anhela es la república?
Y la poesía, ese mundo antiguo, no será suficiente para resolver una definición
teórica que oriente la amalgama de tantos sublevados, como obreros de la vida
nueva, como estudiantes de la vida nueva. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Uníos</i>:
¿acaso esta proclama aún no resuena, en la sangre de tantos oprimidos en el
mundo?<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Los poetas irreverentes, de alguna manera, al proferir anhelos de
república, se hallarán integrados al juzgamiento histórico de aquella
representación de Nación que se significa en el <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">sujeto soberano</i> y que no se admite que refiera a un rey —y esto se
volvería posible a partir de la revolución burguesa francesa, además, en su asamblea
nacional del <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">tercer estado</i>, aunque en
aquella época la <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">clase obrera</i> no se
hallaría integrada a pesar de ensoñar posteriormente su intento de universalidad—.
Del otro lado del Atlántico, en el Nuevo Mundo, un <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">rapper</i> que no se someta al infame régimen del americano blanco no
hallará acaso una mejor fortuna que en el Viejo Mundo los poetas negados a ser
súbditos de su rey. Se halla el caso del <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">rapper</i><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Willie McCOY a quien seis operativos
policíacos ejecutaron mediante disparos con armas de fuego en cabeza, orejas,
cuello, pecho, brazos, hombros, manos y espalda.<a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftn34" name="_ftnref34" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn34;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; mso-ansi-language: ES; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[35]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
No se finalizaba aún esta tesela de ribete epistolar que nuevamente el poeta Elgio
—otro <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">rapper</i> español— resultó
condenado por parte de la Audiencia Nacional, y ratificada su condena por el Tribunal Supremo, como <i>autor criminalmente responsable de un delito de enaltecimiento o justificación del terrorismo</i>.</span><span class="MsoFootnoteReference" face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" style="font-size: 16px;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftn34" name="_ftnref34" style="font-size: 16px;" title="">[36]</a></span><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"> Es que estos poetas insurgentes no aprenden la lección de obediencia. Y desobedecen, si se atiende su propia trova, porque el horror judicial que se tendría a sus versos no es más que un <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vvklHaEMBvs" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><i>Riesgo abstracto</i></a>: <i>si una canción parece violenta, no queráis ver una población despierta</i>. </span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: arial;"><br /></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: arial;"><br /></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: arial;"><br /></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif"><span style="color: #716f6f; font-size: x-small;"><b>Montevideo, República Oriental del Uruguay</b></span></span></span><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"> </span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><br /></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><br /></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><br /></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"></span></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.naranjasdehiroshima.com/2021/02/hasel-poeta-proscrito.html" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="470" data-original-width="355" height="200" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEitcDN_sHBUxOfjhcZF1RLlTpMrujsqk24k6sv6MZvvqED7A1AZOBSj1nZk-7KBj-7uZ4nZ-mKtH9GJvaxewscGHXu5jXygMeOXWhTcP_ao_n42RizMRBrzCObNP866aqNSloXJ_3PB4bVV/w151-h200/Raper+Has%25C3%25A9l.jpg" width="151" /></a></div><b style="color: #444444; font-family: arial; font-size: medium;">Título: Hasél - Poeta Proscrito | Dirección: <a href="https://www.youtube.com/c/NikoneCons/videos" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Nikone Cons</a> | País: Reino de España | Año: 2021 | Duración: 58 min.</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-weight: normal; text-align: left;"><iframe allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/JYFAV6f1KRA" width="419"></iframe><span style="font-family: ";"><b> </b></span><span style="font-family: ";"><b><i><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: ";"><b><i><span style="color: #444444; font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: ";"><b> </b></span><span style="font-family: ";"><b><i><a href="https://www.youtube.com/hashtag/llibertatpablohasel" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">#llibertatpablohasel</a></i></b></span></span></i></b></span></span></i></b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: large;"><b></b></span></div>
<div style="mso-element: footnote-list;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><br clear="all" />
</span><hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<span style="font-family: arial;"><!--[endif]-->
</span><div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. BURDIEL, I. 2012.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>«Los
Borbones en pelota» en URL: </span><a href="https://ifc.dpz.es/recursos/publicaciones/32/48/_ebook.pdf" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"">https://ifc.dpz.es/recursos/publicaciones/32/48/_ebook.pdf</span></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""> (Acceso 2021, febrero 22).</span><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn2" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" style="line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" style="line-height: 150%;"> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. SERRALTA, F. 2011. «Sobre una
referencia histórica de La hermosura aborrecida (Lope de Vega)» en URL: </span><a href="https://journals.openedition.org/criticon/2611" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" style="line-height: 150%;">https://journals.openedition.org/criticon/2611</span></a><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" style="line-height: 150%;">
(Acceso 2021, febrero 16).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Y además, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. Di PASTENA, E. 2003. «Hacia una
edición crítica de <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">La hermosura
aborrecida</i>, de Lope de Vega» en URL: </span><a href="https://cvc.cervantes.es/literatura/criticon/PDF/087-088-089/087-088-089_245.pdf" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" style="line-height: 150%;">https://cvc.cervantes.es/literatura/criticon/PDF/087-088-089/087-088-089_245.pdf</span></a><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" style="line-height: 150%;">
(Acceso 2021, febrero 16).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn3" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""> </span><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">Se reconoce
que esta especificación del relato como «ficcional» es sólo una frontera
disyuntiva entre lo irracional o lo racional —finalmente, sólo un intento débil
de discriminación entre «Poesía» y «Verdad»—. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. BUENO, G. 2009. «Poesía y verdad» en URL: </span><a href="http://nodulo.org/ec/2009/n089p02.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">http://nodulo.org/ec/2009/n089p02.htm</span></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">
(Acceso 2021, febrero 22).<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn4" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif">[4]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. GALA; C. [2000]. «DE LA PARODIA AL PATETISMO: LORCA, DALÍ Y
BUÑUEL» en URL: </span><a href="https://cvc.cervantes.es/literatura/cauce/pdf/cauce22-23/cauce22-23_25.pdf" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"">https://cvc.cervantes.es/literatura/cauce/pdf/cauce22-23/cauce22-23_25.pdf</span></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""> (Acceso 2021, febrero 22).</span><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn5" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftnref5" name="_ftn5" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn5;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif">[5]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""> </span><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">En la época
clásica (segunda mitad de siglo V), se incursionaría en la reflexión acerca de
la <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">actitud ante la vida</i> especialmente
mediante «poetas» y «legisladores».<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn6" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftnref6" name="_ftn6" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn6;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" style="line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif">[6]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" style="line-height: 150%;"> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. Universitat de Lleida. 2021,
febrero 15. «Comunicat del consell de direcció per les protestes a l'edifici
del Rectorat» en URL: </span><a href="https://www.udl.cat/ca/serveis/oficina/Noticies/Comunicat-del-consell-de-direccio-per-les-protestes-a-ledifici-del-Rectorat/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" style="line-height: 150%;">https://www.udl.cat/ca/serveis/oficina/Noticies/Comunicat-del-consell-de-direccio-per-les-protestes-a-ledifici-del-Rectorat/</span></a><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" style="line-height: 150%;">
(Acceso 2021, febrero 16).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftnref7" name="_ftn7" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif">[7]</span></span></span></span></a><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif"> </span><i><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">Vid</span></i><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" lang="ES-UY">. EUROPA PRESS. 2021, febrero 08. «Centenares de
representantes culturales, encabezados por Almodóvar, Serrat y Bardem, piden la
libertad para Pablo Hasél» en URL: </span><a href="https://www.publico.es/actualidad/centenares-representantes-culturales-encabezados-almodovar-serrat-bardem-piden-libertad-pablo-hasel.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">https://www.publico.es/actualidad/centenares-representantes-culturales-encabezados-almodovar-serrat-bardem-piden-libertad-pablo-hasel.html</span></a><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" lang="ES-UY">
(Acceso 2021, febrero 20).</span></span></p></div>
<div id="ftn8" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftnref8" name="_ftn8" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn8;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif">[8]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. HASÉL, P. 2021, febrero 19. «ANTE MI NUEVA SENTENCIA DE
PRISIÓN QUE NO ES FIRME» en URL: </span><a href="https://twitter.com/PabloHasel/status/1363524706595397636" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"">https://twitter.com/PabloHasel/status/1363524706595397636</span></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""> (Acceso 2021, febrero 26).</span><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-MX" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-MX;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn9" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftnref9" name="_ftn9" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn9;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" style="line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif">[9]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" style="line-height: 150%;"> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. RT. 2021, febrero 12. «Último día
para el ingreso voluntario en prisión del rapero español Pablo Hasél por 64
tuits y una canción» en URL: </span><a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/383344-ingreso-prision-rapero-espana-hasel-tuit-cancion" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" style="line-height: 150%;">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/383344-ingreso-prision-rapero-espana-hasel-tuit-cancion</span></a><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" style="line-height: 150%;">
(Acceso 2021, febrero 12).<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn10" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftnref10" name="_ftn10" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn10;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" style="line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif">[10]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" style="line-height: 150%;"> </span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" lang="ES-UY" style="line-height: 150%;">Vid</span></i><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" lang="ES-UY" style="line-height: 150%;">. HASÉL, P. (declaración de Centro Penitenciario
Ponent). 2021, febrero 19. «La guerra sucia desinformativa» en URL: </span><a href="https://twitter.com/PabloHasel/status/1364219076957007875/photo/1" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" lang="ES-UY" style="line-height: 150%;">https://twitter.com/PabloHasel/status/1364219076957007875/photo/1</span></a><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" lang="ES-UY" style="line-height: 150%;"> (Acceso 2021, febrero 23).<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn11" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftnref11" name="_ftn11" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn11;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" style="line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif">[11]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" style="line-height: 150%;"> </span><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" lang="ES-UY" style="line-height: 150%;">Para una reseña de la operatoria judicial contra Pablo
HASÉL, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. RT. 2021, febrero 23.
«Quién es Pablo Hasél, el rapero cuyo encarcelamiento ha desembocado en fuertes
protestas en España» en URL: </span><a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/384299-pablo-hasel-rapero-encarcelamiento-protestas-barcelona" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" lang="ES-UY" style="line-height: 150%;">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/384299-pablo-hasel-rapero-encarcelamiento-protestas-barcelona</span></a><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" lang="ES-UY" style="line-height: 150%;"> (Acceso 2021, febrero 23).<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftnref12" name="_ftn12" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" style="line-height: 150%;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[12]</span></span></span></a><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" style="line-height: 150%;">
Mucho otro florilegio se halla compilado por la academia gallega en <i>Ejercicios de análisis literario y colección
de piezas selectas en prosa y composiciones poéticas castellanas</i>, de R.
CASAL y AMENEDO.</span></span></p></div>
<div id="ftn13" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftnref13" name="_ftn13" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn13;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif">[13]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""> </span><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">Para una
revisión panorámica de cuestiones atinentes a la revitalización del formato <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">postelevisivo</i>, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. SEDEÑO-VALDELLÓS, A. M.; 2020, marzo 12.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>«El videoclip musical, fuente de creatividad
viral» en URL:</span><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY">
</span><a href="https://theconversation.com/el-videoclip-musical-fuente-de-creatividad-viral-132885" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">https://theconversation.com/el-videoclip-musical-fuente-de-creatividad-viral-132885</span></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">
(Acceso 2021, febrero 22).<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn14" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftnref14" name="_ftn14" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn14;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif">[14]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""> </span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">Vid</span></i><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">. BUREN, R. 2015, septiembre 16. «Las manos de Víctor
Jara (42 años de su muerte)» en URL: </span><a href="https://www.diagonalperiodico.net/culturas/27767-manos-victor-jara-42-anos-su-muerte.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">https://www.diagonalperiodico.net/culturas/27767-manos-victor-jara-42-anos-su-muerte.html</span></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">
(Acceso 2021, febrero 25).<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn15" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftnref15" name="_ftn15" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn15;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif">[15]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. CASTILLO, O. 2016, septiembre 10. «Cantos revolucionarios: la
protesta musical como arma social» en URL: </span><a href="https://culturacolectiva.com/musica/cantos-revolucionarios-la-protesta-musical-como-arma-social" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"">https://culturacolectiva.com/musica/cantos-revolucionarios-la-protesta-musical-como-arma-social</span></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""> (Acceso 2021, febrero 27).</span><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn16" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftnref16" name="_ftn16" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn16;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif">[16]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. RT. 2021, febrero 22. «António Guterres califica los
movimientos nazis y de supremacía blanca como una "amenaza
transnacional" que se vuelve más peligrosa cada día» en URL: </span><a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/384296-antonio-guterres-movimientos-nazis-supremacistas-amenaza-transnacional" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/384296-antonio-guterres-movimientos-nazis-supremacistas-amenaza-transnacional</span></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""> (Acceso 2021, febrero 25).</span><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn17" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftnref17" name="_ftn17" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn17;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" style="line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif">[17]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" style="line-height: 150%;">
De entre destacados artículos que reseñan la biografía de este escritor
granadino, valga mencionar el siguiente de Revista Proceso: <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">García Lorca y la hipocresía del franquismo</i>,
de A. GUTIÉRREZ. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. GUTIÉRREZ, A.
2016, agosto 24. «García Lorca y la hipocresía del franquismo» en URL: </span><a href="https://www.proceso.com.mx/reportajes/2016/8/24/garcia-lorca-la-hipocresia-del-franquismo-169469.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" style="line-height: 150%;">https://www.proceso.com.mx/reportajes/2016/8/24/garcia-lorca-la-hipocresia-del-franquismo-169469.html</span></a><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" style="line-height: 150%;">
(Acceso 2021, febrero 26).<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn18" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftnref18" name="_ftn18" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn18;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif">[18]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""> </span><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-MX" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-MX;">En «<u>1 La
cogida y la muerte</u>» de GARCÍA LORCA: <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Llanto
por Ignacio Sánchez Mejías</i>, </span><span style="text-align: left;"><span face="Segoe UI, sans-serif">el verso anota <i>Un niño trajo la blanca sábana</i> […]. Vid. GARCÍA LORCA, F. S.a. «Llanto por Ignacio Sánchez Mejías» en URL: <a href="http://www.cervantesvirtual.com/obra-visor/llanto-por-ignacio-sanchez-mejias-785143/html/e0c85a1b-ec35-497d-b4c9-b11bcc62d25f_2.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.cervantesvirtual.com/obra-visor/llanto-por-ignacio-sanchez-mejias-785143/html/e0c85a1b-ec35-497d-b4c9-b11bcc62d25f_2.html</a> (Acceso 2021, febrero 25). <u>Nota:</u> los versos de «<u>1 La cogida y la muerte</u>» </span></span><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" lang="ES-MX">se leían en la radiofonía de la República Oriental del
Uruguay, durante la dictadura militar fascista que ejecutó su golpe de estado
contra las instituciones democrático republicanas, en el arco histórico de 1973
hasta 1985, para convocar clandestinamente a los obreros y a los estudiantes,
en el horario de las <i>cinco de la tarde</i>,
al mitin en las calles en contra de la tiranía: el periodista Ruben CASTILLO,
un 9 de julio del año de 1973, leería, en su programa radiofónico, los versos
de GARCÍA LORCA, y con énfasis diría <i>¡Ay
qué terribles cinco de la tarde!</i>; y así las calles de la ciudad de
Montevideo se desbordaron de hombres y de mujeres, a las cinco de la tarde, para
clamar por las libertades democráticas de una república.</span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn19" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftnref19" name="_ftn19" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn19;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif">[19]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""> El dramaturgo y poeta E. IONESCO es
quien supo referenciar, mediante una imagen verbalizada zoomórfica, en su obra <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Rinoceronte</i>, al movimiento fascista<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>rumano de los Guardias de Hierro (organizado
a partir de la Legión del Arcángel San Miguel). Aquel movimiento se dedicaría a
la matanza de hombres y mujeres rumanos, integrantes de la comunidad judía, en
el año de 1941. En esa dramaturgia, la <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">libertad
de expresión</i> se reduce finalmente sólo al ruido animal de los rinocerontes
ante cada llamado telefónico y en cada programación radiofónica. Logró advertir
ese mundo reaccionario a partir de su <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">mecanismo
absurdo</i>, incluso a pesar de haber aceptado, anteriormente, el participar en
los <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">servicios culturales </i>de la Real
Legación de Rumanía ante el gobierno de colaboracionistas nazis que se
estableciera en Vichy y a pesar de ser, a su vez, posteriormente, un crítico
acérrimo de la revolución socialista rumana y su república.</span><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn20" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftnref20" name="_ftn20" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn20;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif">[20]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""> Una raíz fundamental se halla en
el decreto <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">UNITATIS REDINTEGRATIO</i>,
del año de 1964, donde se <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">exhorta a los
fieles a que se abstengan de toda ligereza o imprudente celo, que podrían
perjudicar al progreso de la unidad</i>.</span><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn21" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftnref21" name="_ftn21" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn21;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif">[21]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. OSORO SIERRA, C. 2021, febrero 16. Sin título [<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Acabo de hablar con el presidente de
@fcjecom, Isaac Benzaquén, para trasladarle la cercanía de la Iglesia católica
en Madrid tras los intolerables ataques que han sufrido</i>] en URL: </span><a href="https://twitter.com/cardenalosoro/status/1361746669142999041" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"">https://twitter.com/cardenalosoro/status/1361746669142999041</span></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""> (Acceso 2021, febrero 26).</span><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-MX" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-MX;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn22" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftnref22" name="_ftn22" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn22;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif">[22]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""> De alguna manera, se propone que
en todo caso esa hilaridad se discute envolviéndosela en la propia <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">ética de la risa</i>, de esa fricción del
entendimiento habida consigo mismo. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>.
BUENO, G. [1953]. «Ética de la risa» en URL: <a href="http://www.filosofia.org/hem/195/ga95303a.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.filosofia.org/hem/195/ga95303a.htm</a>
(Acceso 2021, marzo 1).</span><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-MX" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-MX;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn23" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftnref23" name="_ftn23" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn23;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif">[23]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""> </span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">Vid</span></i><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">. BARRACHINA, B. 2021, febrero 11. Sin título [<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Me han despedido, como al abuelo de Leonor</i>]
en URL: </span><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""><a href="https://twitter.com/bernibarrachina/status/1359799404803293185" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">https://twitter.com/bernibarrachina/status/1359799404803293185</span></a></span><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(Acceso 2021, febrero 27).<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn24" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftnref24" name="_ftn24" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn24;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif">[24]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. Federación de Sindicatos de Periodistas. 2020, junio 25.
«Cinco años de ‘Ley Mordaza’ y el Gobierno no cumple su compromiso de
reformarla» en URL: </span><a href="https://fesperiodistas.org/cinco-anos-de-ley-mordaza-y-el-gobierno-no-cumple-su-compromiso-de-reformarla/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"">https://fesperiodistas.org/cinco-anos-de-ley-mordaza-y-el-gobierno-no-cumple-su-compromiso-de-reformarla/</span></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""> (Acceso 2021, febrero 26).</span><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn25" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftnref25" name="_ftn25" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn25;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif">[25]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""> </span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">Vid</span></i><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">. Amenofis. 2008, diciembre 27. «Coplas catalanas» en
URL: </span><a href="http://memoriablau.es/viewtopic.php?t=944" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">http://memoriablau.es/viewtopic.php?t=944</span></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">
(Acceso 2021, febrero 22).<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn26" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftnref26" name="_ftn26" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn26;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif">[26]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. BURDIEL, I. 2012.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>«Los
Borbones en pelota» en URL: </span><a href="https://ifc.dpz.es/recursos/publicaciones/32/48/_ebook.pdf" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"">https://ifc.dpz.es/recursos/publicaciones/32/48/_ebook.pdf</span></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""> (Acceso 2021, febrero 22).</span><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn27" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftnref27" name="_ftn27" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn27;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif">[27]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Cfr</i>. VOSSLER, C.; Fray Luis de León; (2.ª ed.) ESPASA – CALPE SA;
Buenos Aires, 1946 (págs. 13-14).</span><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn28" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftnref28" name="_ftn28" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn28;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif">[28]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""> </span><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">La <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">tortura coactiva</i> se comenzaría a aplicar
en el Viejo Mundo a partir de Inocencius PP IV, en el año de 1252.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn29" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftnref29" name="_ftn29" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn29;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif">[29]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""> El «burgués»: <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">los que dominan el comercio entre pocos</i>. </span><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn30" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftnref30" name="_ftn30" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn30;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif">[30]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""> <u>Nota:</u> la <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">lawfare</i> es un tema pedagógico ensayado
en URL: <a href="https://prometheuschannel.blogspot.com/2018/11/lawfare.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://prometheuschannel.blogspot.com/2018/11/lawfare.html</a>,
en coordenadas geopolíticas latinoamericanas. </span><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-MX" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-MX;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn31" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftnref31" name="_ftn31" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn31;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif">[31]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. RT. 2017, diciembre 11. «La Justicia española encarcela a doce
raperos por un delito de enaltecimiento del terrorismo» en URL: </span><a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/257294-espana-condena-carcel-raperos-enaltecimiento-terrorismo" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/257294-espana-condena-carcel-raperos-enaltecimiento-terrorismo</span></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""> (Acceso 2021, febrero 20).</span><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn32" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftnref32" name="_ftn32" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn32;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif">[32]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. NAIZ. 2021, febero 16. «Fuerte respuesta en Catalunya y eco
internacional tras la detención de Hasél» en URL: </span><a href="https://www.naiz.eus/eu/info/noticia/20210216/los-mossos-entran-en-el-rectorado-universidad-de-lleida-para-detener-a-hasel" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"">https://www.naiz.eus/eu/info/noticia/20210216/los-mossos-entran-en-el-rectorado-universidad-de-lleida-para-detener-a-hasel</span></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""> (Acceso 2021, febrero 20).</span><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
</div>
<div id="ftn33" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftnref33" name="_ftn33" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn33;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif">[33]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. AFINOGENOVA, I. 2021, febrero 19. AHÍ LES VA: «¿“Democracia
plena”? Cárcel para el rapero Pablo Hasél y permiso para marcha nazi en España»
en URL: </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8OmGaOJrbIg" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8OmGaOJrbIg</span></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""> (Acceso 2021, febrero 19).</span><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""><span style="color: #3d85c6;">[34]</span> Para las relaciones de refractado de un relato y su escritor, como <i>problema en el mundo</i>, a partir sobre todo de aquel componente narratológico que es relativo a la historia, se halla el caso leninista del análisis de la relación contradictoria habida entre el <i>relato sobrio</i> y el <i>relato clerical</i> en un mismo cuerpo narrativo —no como producto accidental de ese devenir en que se ilustra, sino como expresión de una época—. <i>Vid</i>. LENIN, V. I. [2004]. «Leo Tolstoy as the Mirror of the Russian Revolution» en URL: <a href="https://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1908/sep/11.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1908/sep/11.htm</a> (Acceso 2021, marzo 1).</span></span></p>
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<div id="ftn34" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftnref34" name="_ftn34" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn34;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" style="line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif">[35]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" style="line-height: 150%;"> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. People´s Daily. 2020, marzo 14.
«Texto íntegro del Registro de las violaciones de derechos humanos de Estados
Unidos en 2019» en URL: </span><a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2020/0314/c31621-9668193.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" style="line-height: 150%;">http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2020/0314/c31621-9668193.html</span></a><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif" style="line-height: 150%;"> (Acceso
2021, febrero 21).<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
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<div id="ftn35" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<p class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/pallaspablo/Desktop/Pablo%20Has%C3%A9l.docx#_ftnref35" name="_ftn35" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn35;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""Segoe UI", sans-serif">[36]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif""> </span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">Vid</span></i><span face=""Segoe UI","sans-serif"" lang="ES-UY" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">. RT. 2021, febrero 22. </span></span><span style="text-align: left;"><span face="Segoe UI, sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;">«Seis meses de prisión para Elgio: otro rapero es condenado en España por enaltecimiento del terrorismo» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/384310-seis-meses-prision-rapero-elgio-espana" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/384310-seis-meses-prision-rapero-elgio-espana</a> (Acceso 2021, febrero 22).</span></span></span></p>
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</div>Pablo Pallashttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02676986163926451532noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8368737022377042313.post-31924849331763627652020-03-16T20:16:00.197-03:002022-12-17T21:51:15.021-03:00De la verdad narrada: Caso VIII <div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><i><span style="color: #444444;"> </span><span style="color: blue;"> </span><span style="color: #3d85c6;"><a href="http://en.chinaxinjiang.cn/14/202107/t20210715_659262.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">para la salvaguarda de las etnias y de las religiones de Xinjiang</a></span></i></span></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El terrorismo asociado al fanatismo es un problema geopolítico que ha sido, a sus inicios, tanto instrumento de una teogeopolítica funcional a la geopolítica imperial estadounidense, siendo que financió y armó a conglomerados antigubernamentales que expandió y diversificó en el Oriente Medio durante siglo XX, como también, </span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">posteriormente,</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> un problema de economía política y de geografía humana intrínseco a las poblaciones de los países integrados a la NATO y a las poblaciones «no europeas»</span><span style="text-align: justify;"><span face=""arial" , sans-serif" style="color: #222222;"> </span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">víctimas de sus intervenciones bélicas. En el problema de inicio, el terrorismo es implementado con apoyo económico del complejo bélico-industrial desarrollado para que sea funcional al propósito imperial de balcanización, de expoliación y de latrocinio contra los países antiimperialistas (resaltan, entre otros, los casos de </span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">China, de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Irán, o de Siria, como </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">países víctimas del terrorismo y fanatismo</span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">). En el problema posterior —y en conjunción con las operaciones de propaganda negra del oligopolio de la comunicación que lo secunda </span><i style="color: #444444;">en el relato del mundo</i><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><i>, </i></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">más que para la resolución de una mera </span><i style="color: #444444;">fake news</i><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, para consolidar una historiografía o </span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">reconstrucción</span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> ideológicamente condescendiente de su intervencionismo; </span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">y</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> </span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">falaz, como la del caso polaco del ultranacionalista <a href="https://www.voltairenet.org/article191931.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Instytut Pamieci Narodowej</a> que tergiversa <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/340127-75-aniversario-liberacion-varsovia-nazis-documentos-desclasificados-mitos" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">la heroica defensa soviética desplegada en Europa para liberarla del nazifascismo</a></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">— </span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">la dirigencia política de la NATO </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">presenta el ejercicio terrorista asociado al fanatismo como un escopo criminógeno en sus territorios europeos de influencia, donde su misma operatoria terrorista y fanática se le volvió contraproducente, y a ese mismo objeto de análisis, no obstante, lo presenta, si es <i>exterior</i> a Europa y de su campo de influencia geopolítica, a su vez, como a supuestas <i>fuerzas de liberación</i> especialmente orientadas —en un campo de </span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><i><a href="http://prometheuschannel.blogspot.com/2018/11/lawfare.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">lawfare</a></i></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> a una operatoria separatista que sólo remite verdaderamente al anhelo imperial, retrógrado, de volver a imponer una anterior posición histórica de servidumbre colonial. Así ha actuado la NATO, cruelmente, como sucesora de imperios fenecidos, e.g. con el harto mentado <a href="http://prometheuschannel.blogspot.com/2015/12/geopolitica-massacre-proves-turk.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">caso Siria</a>. Es en esa misma región del «Gran Oriente» que se tiene como caso paradigmático de terrorismo afgano a la guerrilla de los muyahidines que es una invención propiamente estadounidense, destacándose en esto la labor política de Zbigniew Kazimierz BRZEZINSKIUN, un geoestratega de CARTER y de su partido demócrata, quien extendería su carácter de ideólogo de imperio a otros gobiernos sucesivos, expandiéndose su influjo discretamente incluso hasta la administración OBAMA. Es BRZEZINSKIUN quien interpretará a su vez <a href="https://library.fes.de/libalt/journals/swetsfulltext/11220691.pdf" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">el modelo esencialista de Bernard LEWIS</a> para operar, e insistentemente, además, y como hecho consumado, una retrogradación de la geopolítica de relaciones Occidente-Oriente de siglos XX y XXI casi que a unas cruzadas tardías de siglo XIV. Esto, si se atiende el análisis que presenta un estadista como JALIFE-RAHME en su conferencia internacional <i><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RsqXLbnoDBY" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">¿Qué hay detrás de Afganistán?</a></i> (para su canal oficial de <a href="https://www.youtube.com/c/CONFERENCIASEXCLUSIVASAlfredoJalife/videos" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Radar Geopolítico</a>), ha de operarse a partir de unas «finanzas de guerra», i.e. mediante una operatoria mercantil propia del complejo bélico-industrial existente y que se asocia a la NATO y con el que se corresponden plenamente las administraciones estadounidenses. Y se e</span></span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana;">ntroniza especialmente el terrorismo fanático, aquiescente con el ideario feudal, porque resulta funcional al propósito político del neoliberalismo: el de descomponer económicamente el </span><i style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana;">sentido de República</i><span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana;">. A esto es que principalmente se aboca el imperialismo en su guerra fragmentada de siglo XXI (indisociable asimismo de aquella propaganda de apariencia y ritualista que es relativa tradicionalmente a una <i>guerra de cortesías</i>).</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="https://govt.chinadaily.com.cn/index/specials/developmentstrategies" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; display: inline; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: center;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="252" data-original-width="800" height="153" src="https://govt.chinadaily.com.cn/static/2019govts_themes/NDS/i/banner.jpg" width="488" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="351" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/ebeGipO6-gU" width="422" youtube-src-id="ebeGipO6-gU"></iframe></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: right;"><a href="http://www.xjbt.gov.cn" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; display: inline; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="123" data-original-width="474" height="126" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjocLCPxk96vg0KGnasoRUoKgwWpBiWynFRM0Uw-4_TJRP-mpeUOFYQ8uiBMs5fEc1eI5Ayiv2kc5OcihgFdleZaEwjy4UYhCvtmNHpTE6xPrORBg5Dc4dgGLnU1-M1OfMN0IXEBFj2h5CToyi7vCXQqRYDX_iN1KZKd0lTFKn_M-RjdZI6BaEW_8qshQ/w489-h126/Captura%20de%20pantalla%20(11).png" width="489" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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<span style="font-family: verdana;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Para el análisis de esta cuestión que hace a la identificación del verdadero relato antiterrorista, por tanto, se presenta como caso sobresaliente la contraofensiva de la revolución china al terrorismo-y-fanatismo que intentaría desplegarse en su noroccidental territorio de la <a href="http://chinaxinjiang.cn/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Región Autónoma Uigur de </a></span><a href="http://chinaxinjiang.cn/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Xinjiang</a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, donde <a href="http://en.chinaxinjiang.cn/02/03/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">conviven múltiples etnias y religiones</a>. Interesa este caso por la irracional virulencia narrativa de la que es objeto la revolución china, en las campañas de comunicación del conglomerado de la NATO, puesto que tergiversan el proceso antiterrorista chino, enmarcado en programas de desarrollo económico, presentándolo como <i>una operación de opresión a las etnias</i> de Xinjiang. No obstante, debe reconocerse como objeto geopolítico de análisis que <a href="http://sousuo.gov.cn/s.htm?t=govall&q=%E6%96%B0%E7%96%86+" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">el caso chino de Xinjiang</a> es ejemplo de cómo verdaderamente un <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=P1oPwzCWMAQ" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">proceso revolucionario</a> puede enfrentarse al terrorismo fanático mediante la promoción del bienestar social y haciéndose hincapié en tres <a href="http://en.chinaxinjiang.cn/14/201908/t20190819_578764.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">planos educativos</a> fundamentales: <a href="http://en.chinaxinjiang.cn/14/202009/t20200918_653019.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">i. la enseñanza de la legislación y el derecho de toda persona</a>, <a href="http://en.chinaxinjiang.cn/14/201908/t20190819_578764.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">ii. la radicación efectiva de la formación técnica y profesional de la población</a> y </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://en.chinaxinjiang.cn/14/201811/t20181116_571777_2.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">iii. el ejercicio nacional de una «lengua analítica»</a> (i.e., no sintética)</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">que como <i>chino clásico</i> históricamente institucionaliza las relaciones intelectuales multiétnicas necesarias, dada la composición del <a href="https://ddd.uab.cat/pub/llibres/2015/180644/Casas-Rovira_2015.pdf" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">geolecto chino</a> manifestado en sus diez lenguas sínicas oficiales (el del norte, el wu, el gan, el xiang, el hakka o kejia, el yue, el min, el jin, el hui y el ping) y en la propia complejidad a su vez de sus caracteres que en un 90% son relativos a un principio de formación pictofonético (aparte de eso, apenas el 3% de su escritura es resuelta, en cambio, sólo con pictogramas o ideogramas). Aunque esta universalización lexical no es óbice para <a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2021/0926/c31621-9901095.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">la realización efectiva en Xinjiang de los lenguajes de las minorías étnicas</a> que se aplican de manera amplia en los planos de la educación, la judicatura y la propia administración pública (e.g. a partir del uigur, del kazak, del kirgiz, del mongol, del xibe, etc.). En cambio, aparte de esto, a su vez, es relativamente sencillo de reconocer que la mentada <i>lucha en contra del terrorismo</i> de la Casa Blanca, o del Occidente, en general, más que corresponderse con verdaderos actos antiterroristas, refluye, sobre todo, de <a href="https://prometheuschannel.blogspot.com/2022/08/de-la-verdad-narrada-caso-x.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">ejercicios de tutelaje neocolonial</a> expuestos a una </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">contradicción flagrante con el derecho internacional público (operándose e.g. mediante artilugios como el <a href="https://espanol.cgtn.com/n/2022-06-29/HEDeEA/Un-balde-de-agua-fria-para-la-denominada-Estrategia-del-Indo-Pacifico-de-Estados-Unidos/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">SPP</a>).</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> No es casual; hay todo un proselitismo belicista extendido que confina a aquel </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">terrorismo</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">» que es funcionalmente imperialista</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> a una mera cuestión castrense, presentándose sus múltiples casos como un <i>totum revolutum</i>, impidiéndose ciertamente una verdadera adjetivación histórica del proceso y su definición teórica </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—siendo </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">oficiado ese relato y sus hipálages alucinatorias, además, por el mismísimo oligopolio del que refluye el aparataje noticioso</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> y, no obstante, pocos reportes o ninguno se registran acerca de una <a href="http://www.bingtuannet.com/btrb_rmbd/jpzt/bteddh/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">economía política antiterrorista</a> que discuta con conocimiento de <a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-07/21/c_138244704.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">fuentes etnohistóricas</a> (e.g., si se ensayara <a href="http://en.chinaxinjiang.cn/14/201907/t20190722_578180_2.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">la geoantropografía de un problema político que sea relativo a una región como la de Xinjiang</a>, deberían considerarse necesariamente algunas de las <a href="http://en.people.cn/n3/2022/0704/c90000-10118522.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">cincuenta y seis composiciones étnicas chinas</a>, </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">al menos brevemente, y aprender de sus </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">relaciones económicas posibles y tradiciones, de la uigur, la han, la kazaka, la hui, la mongola, la kirgiz, la xibe, la tadjik, la uzbeka, la manchú, la daur, la tatar, la rusa, etc.). Es más, en el mundo noticioso del oligopolio de la comunicación no existen </span><i style="color: #444444;">los especialistas en economía política antiterrorista </i><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">(y aunque, esto, claro, no habría de corresponderse necesariamente con la arqueología propia de un sinólogo, ni asimismo con algunas de sus derivaciones literarias posibles, e.g. mediante aquellas que refirieran a multiplicadas construcciones <i>oulipianas</i>, etc., sí debe comprenderse que para el Occidente, en general, </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">la China</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, si se remeda a <a href="https://books.google.com.uy/books?id=_iTt4ku2nv0C&printsec=frontcover&dq=La+china+da+que+pensar+F.+JULLIEN&hl=es&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwi6oLLOovroAhW1GbkGHStcBgEQ6AEIJjAA#v=onepage&q&f=false" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">F. JULLIEN</a>, es un objeto de interés que <i>ha de asumirse como tema necesario para reabrir el mundo moral</i>, <i>para hacerle regresión</i>, <i>para pensarlo desde fuera</i> en relación a </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">la China-en-sí</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, <i>porque finalmente deviene en un útil teórico</i>)</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">. Y es que China es una república que posee un acervo pedagógico de décadas verdaderamente titánico, sobre todo en lo relativo a la reducción de pobreza en educación atinente con la miseria infantil rural —e.g. a partir de las operaciones programáticas emprendidas mediante su FCDJ durante la administración de DENG XIAOPING (inicialmente en la provincia de Anhui en el año de 1990, o en la de Hubei a partir del año de 2011)—. Es un sistema de enseñanzas chino que incluso se internacionaliza y logra abarcar a partir del año de 2011 regiones africanas, afianzándolo el gobierno chino posteriormente en el año de 2015 con la <i>Declaración de Incheon para la Educación 2030</i>. Ese caso se presenta como <i>Proyecto Esperanza para África</i> y brinda asistencia y cooperación a naciones previamente identificadas por UN, como lo son Tanzania, Kenia, Namibia, Burundi y Ruanda. Incluso se halla la antecedencia monumental de 2000 acerca del <a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/MAGAZINES_0515/18116.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Foro de Cooperación China-África</a>, siendo que una de sus seis categorías de derechos humanos implementada es relativa justamente a la educación y la cooperación científico tecnológica en un marco de intercambio de conocimientos. Esa institucionalidad de enseñanzas de China rezuma, así, de una cartografía pedagógica que se imbrica necesariamente a una geopolítica concentrada en el desarrollo geoantropográfico de la población infantil socioeconómicamente vulnerable. La prolepsis de esa pedagogía trata acerca de un internacionalismo sistemático que profesa el entimema siguiente: «<a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2020/0703/c31614-9706784.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">no dejar a ningún niño abandonar la escuela o ser abandonado por la educación pública debido a la pobreza</a>». Es por esto fundamentalmente que el caso antiterrorista chino a su vez sobresale como objeto de emulación, porque refiere a un ejemplo pedagógico sin igual que logra definirse como verdadero contradictorio político al terrorismo y fanatismo en las regiones del Oriente, en el Asia Central, al </span><a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/xinjiang.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">comprometerse programáticamente</a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> en aras de la salvaguarda de su multiplicidad étnica y religiosa, así como al avanzar en un proceso de progreso vincular que es abarcador de la <a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/16/c_138313359.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">formación técnica y profesional</a> de sus pobladores para una inserción óptima, y dignificante de la persona, en el propio mundo laboral y socioeconómico. Sobresale además esta misma cartografía incluso mediante la fundación de <a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-08-25/Lies-and-truth-Vocational-education-and-training-in-Xinjiang-TeSMTJq2gU/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">centros de educación vocacional y profesional en Xinjiang</a>, a partir de los que se logra evitar a su población de educandos infractores que sólo finalicen en prisión, dado su <a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d514f78497a4d33457a6333566d54/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">acometimiento de actos ilegales al influjo intrigante de un propagandismo terrorista y fanático</a>, lesionador de la integridad de la vida social y religiosa de los uigures, así como de sus tradiciones y de los derechos positivos que han logrado obtener mediante el gobierno chino. El diplomático bielorruso <a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-06/27/c_138177985.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Vadim PISAREVICH</a>, representante permanente adjunto ante la oficina de UN que visitara alguno de esos institutos formativos, según la síntesis pedagógica que remeda del célebre Víctor HUGO, mencionaría acerca de esta misma cuestión de teoría didascálica una sentencia afortunada: <i>El que abre la puerta de una escuela, cierra una prisión</i>.</span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2019/PHOTOS_0704/1395.html#3" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="534" data-original-width="800" height="324" src="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/uploadfile/2019/0705/20190705085030277.jpg" width="485" /></a></div><br /><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="399" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/L0ArA-fcGOE" width="481" youtube-src-id="L0ArA-fcGOE"></iframe></div><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;"><div>December 16, 2021 By: Xinhua</div><div><b>Inside China Ep.6: Are ethnic cultures being protected in China?</b></div><div>Video: How are the cultures and languages of the different ethnic minorities protected and preserved? Is there "cultural genocide" going on in China? Xinhua's Miao Xiaojuan and U.S. experts visited Tibet and Xinjiang to find out.</div><div><a href="http://en.people.cn/n3/2021/1216/c90000-9933800.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://en.people.cn/n3/2021/1216/c90000-9933800.html</a></div></span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/special-coverage/Xinjiang.html" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="90" data-original-width="790" height="56" src="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0//attachment/2018/2018-03-01/b68d611c-d6d8-4393-9fb7-b096c06792d9.jpg" width="490" /></a></div><br /><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="345" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/XgQHjDn09DI" width="420" youtube-src-id="XgQHjDn09DI"></iframe></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="348" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/us2facZRIwk" width="420" youtube-src-id="us2facZRIwk"></iframe></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.btzx.com.cn/special/bofang/btzxjmd/index.shtml" rel="nofollow" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;" target="_blank"><br /><img border="0" data-original-height="180" data-original-width="180" height="180" src="https://n.sinaimg.cn/sinacn10204/360/w180h180/20191010/bc15-ifrwayx3383020.jpg" width="180" /></a><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="349" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/9d_F_FabvEk" width="420" youtube-src-id="9d_F_FabvEk"></iframe></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.bjreview.com/Special_Reports/2021/xj2021/" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="92" data-original-width="430" height="104" src="http://www.bjreview.com/Special_banner/202106/W020210616594607153968_430.jpg" width="488" /></a><a href="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/twB_6GV5AM8/maxresdefault.jpg" style="clear: left; display: inline; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"></a></div></div></div></span>
<span style="font-family: verdana;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="clear: left; float: left; font-family: verdana; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="112" src="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/twB_6GV5AM8/maxresdefault.jpg" width="200" /></span><span style="font-family: verdana;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En este artículo, meramente compilatorio, a la manera de simples reseñas, se adicionan repositorios de reportes vinculados al territorio chino de Xinjiang </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">(un intento de sinopsis, apenas, de noticias que son relativas al arco histórico 2019-2020)</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, y se asocian al propósito generalísimo del <a href="https://www.youtube.com/hashtag/pcch" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">PCCh</a> de consolidar la paz, tomándose como fuente predilecta el archivo de materiales provenientes de la CGTN (</span><a href="https://espanol.cgtn.com/search?keyword=xinjiang" rel="nofollow" style="text-align: left;" target="_blank">CGTN: caso XINJIANG</a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">), siendo que su producción de contenidos, a su vez, se halla integrada a un consolidado conglomerado noticioso internacional como lo es el de la <a href="http://www.brnn.com/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">BRNN</a>. La CGTN permanentemente revisa —en su vigilia documental— la composición fraudulenta de artículos que pretenden desacreditar al gobierno chino, sobre todo a partir del amarillismo o sensacionalismo noticioso, mediante un registro seudoetnográfico o un perspectivismo que es burdamente reductor del problema étnico. <i>Nihil novum sub sole</i>, se cumple esta paremia habida en el libro de <i>Eclesistés</i> y en el texto castellano de retrato de<i> La Lozana andaluza</i>, claro, si se atienden las múltiples antecedencias habidas acerca de la <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/382486-reino-unido-retira-licencia-chino-cgtn" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">lábil función de la «prensa libre»</a>; y de su extenso y ominoso prontuario acaso valdría</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> destacar, sólo brevemente, al menos, dos episodios: i. el de <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/339866-gobierno-britanico-financiar-reuters-propaganda-antisovietica" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">la financiación operada por Her Majesty's Government, mediante la BBC, a la agencia de noticias Reuters que debería formular en sus reportes propaganda antisoviética, para impulsar la influencia británica en contra de la otrora Unión de Repúblicas Socialistas Soviéticas, a partir de la década de 1960</a>, sin que esto impidiese acaso otras múltiples operaciones tácitas, incluso de masacre de poblaciones asiáticas que la inteligencia británica confabuló mediante su esmerado propagandismo anticomunista a partir de la prensa y la radiofonía (como en el <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/407543-desclasificado-londres-incitar-masacre-indonesia" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">caso Indonesia</a>, también de la década de 1960), y, ii. el de la gestación inaudita, </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">a inicios de 2020,</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> obrada con patetismo por algún comicastro adlátere a la OAS y por defecto a </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">la NATO, de un plan diplomático que finalmente <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pmfX2m6LkbU" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">evanesca a la cadena multiestatal TELESUR</a>, dado que su ejercicio geopolítico de lo noticioso, sobre todo en el plano latinoamericano y caribeño, ha resultado en un contradictorio notorio al panamericanismo o a su pregonada <i><a href="http://prometheuschannel.blogspot.com/2017/03/del-reconocimiento-del-discurso.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">democracia panamericanista</a></i>). Claro que la operatoria propagandista de los conglomerados noticiosos de comunicación contra China es funcional a la propia diplomacia de imperio. Esto podría comprenderse si se atienden las formulaciones teóricas del investigador A. JALIFE-RAHME, analista que destacada justamente en la <a href="https://www.jornada.com.mx/2009/07/19/opinion/012o1pol" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">identificación del valor geopolítico de Xinjiang</a>. Y no sólo respecto del plano religioso que se imbrica en las relaciones sociales de la región </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Uigur </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">sino a su vez en lo concerniente a su localización estratégica (e.g. en lo relativo a la «<a href="http://en.chinaxinjiang.cn/14/201805/t20180503_564111_3.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Ruta de la seda</a>») y a su riqueza derivada de la explotación de materias primas (carbón, cobre, cromo, gas, </span></span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana;">«</span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana;"><a href="https://www.alfredojalife.com/2019/05/29/rare-but-everywhere/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">metales raros</a></span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana;">»</span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana;">, níquel, oro, petróleo, sales minerales). Es quien advierte que el <i>conflicto étnico</i> es asumido por los huntingtonianos (fijados en el sincategoremático <i>choque de civilizaciones</i>) y para alentar una balcanización del territorio chino, hallándose incluso <a href="https://www.iri.edu.ar/publicaciones_iri/IRI%20COMPLETO%20-%20Publicaciones-V05/Publicaciones/cd%20V%20congreso/ponencias/0%20Sarli_Schiaffi_El%20separatismo%20en%20la%20Rep%FAblica%20Popular.pdf" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">el caso del financiamiento a un activismo de uigures separatistas con sede en territorio estadounidense</a>, intentándose disyuntivamente, a su vez, una proliferación del fanatismo religioso </span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana;">—y siendo que esa argumentación reaccionaria es asumida por las </span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana;">fuerzas terroristas internacionales, e.g. como aquella que sería <a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2020/0619/c31621-9702389.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">operada por el Movimiento Islámico del Turkestán Oriental</a> mediante trágicos atentados que </span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana;">perpetró contra la población de Xinjiang durante los años de 1997, de 2009, de 2014</span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana;">—</span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana;">. Es por esto que debe advertirse finalmente acerca de qué trata </span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana;">la fórmula de una <i>paz adjetivada</i> </span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana;">—</span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana;">en tanto <i>criterio de relación contraterrorista</i></span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana;">— </span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana;">y <a href="https://so.12371.cn/dangjian.htm?t=newsmerge&client=no&q=%E6%96%B0%E7%96%86" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">su correspondencia dialéctica con el proceso revolucionario chino</a>, i.e. hay que reconocer históricamente el valor político de una paz antiterrorista y antifanática que se resuelve en constituyente material y formal de derechos (de su dominio <i>tridimensional </i>de generación, de los civiles, extendidos universalmente, pasándose a los socioeconómicos, hasta los propiamente ambientales, informativos, etc.); y su comprensión dimana de lo definido propiamente por <a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/32001/416924/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">XI JINPING</a> al disertar en nombre del XVIII Comité Central del PCCh: </span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana;">«La seguridad nacional constituye la piedra angular de la estabilidad y la consolidación del Estado, y en su salvaguardia radican los intereses fundamentales del pueblo de las diversas etnias del país. Tenemos que perfeccionar la estrategia y las políticas de la seguridad nacional, defender resueltamente la seguridad política del Estado e impeler los diversos trabajos de la seguridad con una visión de conjunto. Completaremos el sistema de la seguridad nacional, consolidaremos la garantización de la misma mediante <a href="http://www.xj12380.gov.cn/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">el imperio de la ley</a> y aumentaremos nuestra capacidad de prevenir y resistir los riesgos para la seguridad. Hemos de prevenir rigurosamente y combatir con firmeza todo tipo de actividades de infiltración, subversión y sabotaje, los actos de violencia y el terrorismo, y las actividades de los separatistas étnicos y del extremismo religioso. Es necesario reforzar la educación en la seguridad nacional y fortalecer la concienciación de todo el Partido y el pueblo de todo el país sobre su importancia, promoviendo en toda la sociedad la formación de una poderosa fuerza convergente para salvaguardarla» (extractado de <i><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2017-11/03/c_136726335.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Texto íntegro del informe presentado por Xi Jinping ante XIX Congreso Nacional del PCCh</a></i>; China, Beijing, 2017, octubre 18).</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana;"><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://en.people.cn/102775/517364/index.html" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="202" data-original-width="981" height="99" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg-3eCA9siUzfCKxnlegiVD888xaZKWg0NENmeabvDpaJSksQxgKeM-UonuCa51W7U54umVhkyS6WlP-OZLWEgQdnpcYJVPwP0xX5v0w4RqUAiu76Bbe9tUHb22HjHVHRPARin1OdAqWuZP8vkaXKT5W-Yb-__4ZuK5WrKuu-c5MfLK-0qxB_BT66388w/w480-h99/Captura%20de%20pantalla%20(16).png" width="480" /></a></div><br /><span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana;"><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana;"><div>July 04, 2022 By People's Daily </div><div><b>Relocation creates happy new life for rural residents in NW China’s Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://en.people.cn/NMediaFile/2022/0704/FOREIGN202207041101000020502981189.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="529" data-original-width="800" height="172" src="http://en.people.cn/NMediaFile/2022/0704/FOREIGN202207041101000020502981189.png" width="260" /></a></div>Beside a pavilion at a leisure square in a residential community in Akto county, Kizilsu Kirgiz Autonomous Prefecture, northwest China’s Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, people of the Kirgiz ethnic group were dancing to the music played with a traditional Kirgiz stringed instrument. The residential community, which has neatly arranged residential buildings, wide and flat roads, exuberant trees and blooming flowers, is named the Kunlun Jiayuan residential community. It is the largest relocation site built for poverty alleviation in Akto county, Kizilsu Kirgiz Autonomous Prefecture. Between 2017 and 2019, 6,880 people from 1,660 households in five administrative villages of Qarlung township, Akto county, as well as some residents from the surrounding villages, moved into the community and started a new life there.</div><div><a href="http://en.people.cn/n3/2022/0704/c90000-10118547.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://en.people.cn/n3/2022/0704/c90000-10118547.html</a></div><div><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/special-coverage/Letters-from-Xi/index.html" imageanchor="1" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="225" data-original-width="718" height="152" src="https://backup.globaltimes.cn/test/img/letter/letter_enter.png" width="489" /></a></div><br /><div><br /></div></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="399" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/_inMsbrjdWI" width="480" youtube-src-id="_inMsbrjdWI"></iframe></div><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2022/0716/c31621-10123855.html" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="659" data-original-width="800" height="402" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEifX3OZITBE1aCvEWC9PjWrfy1pzhIhrwK3897c_w_tZQsC9eKLH9ZJdODRbUqQgYbys4kBDlvG1Z77fIb9_uArnF5azyKx_SL69aQdISOR-Vc0ZdNeBSj5hfY14zZPM_WXHQLQ38xbdVqUiybMwrtdGA2H5Jkjy1ZyqxFpX1aVpzjyX4opUa9aDfw0-w/w488-h402/Xi%20en%20Xinjiang.jpg" width="488" /></a></div></span></span></div><div style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><a href="http://english.pladaily.com.cn/view/2022-08/19/content_10179331.htm" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="800" data-original-width="533" height="733" src="http://english.pladaily.com.cn/view/attachement/jpeg/site2/20220819/1c697a5565c324693e0b0f.jpeg" width="489" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-08-25/Lies-and-truth-Vocational-education-and-training-in-Xinjiang-TeSMTJq2gU/index.html" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="275" src="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-08-25/Lies-and-truth-Vocational-education-and-training-in-Xinjiang-TeSMTJq2gU/video/0b35b340bd0b4bb99eeaa65d9ced95e3/0b35b340bd0b4bb99eeaa65d9ced95e3.jpg" width="489" /></a><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-08-25/Lies-and-truth-Vocational-education-and-training-in-Xinjiang-TeSMTJq2gU/index.html" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><br /></a></div></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana;"><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: center;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: verdana;">-oOo-</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana;"><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><b><span style="color: #9fc5e8;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/16/c_138313359.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">FULL TEXT: VOCATIONAL EDUCATION AND TRAINING IN XINJIANG</a></span></b></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-07/21/c_138244704.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="text-align: left;"><b><span style="color: #2b28ea;">FULL TEXT: HISTORICAL MATTERS CONCERNING XINJIANG</span></b></span><b><span style="color: #444444;"> </span></b></a></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-03/18/c_137904166.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="color: #3ed7f6;">FULL TEXT: THE FIGHT AGAINST TERRORISM AND EXTREMISM AND HUMAN RIGHTS PROTECTION IN XINJIANG </span></a></b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="72" data-original-width="490" height="71" src="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/statics/images//zgrq_en/logo_PC.png" width="485" /></a></div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div><span style="color: #444444;"><div><div><div><br /></div><div><div>September 27, 2022 By: The Daily Mail Pakistan</div><div><b>OHCHR's report on Xinjiang emerges as highly dubious</b></div><div><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/OPINIONS_0927/18977.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/OPINIONS_0927/18977.html</a></div><div><br /></div><div>September 27, 2022 By: China Daily</div><div><b>Real Xinjiang contradicts West's lies</b></div><div><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/OPINIONS_0927/18976.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/OPINIONS_0927/18976.html</a></div></div><div><br /></div><div>September 07, 2022 By: CGTN</div><div><b>Human Rights: Expert: Xinjiang human rights report caters to Western narrative</b></div><div><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/REVIEW_0907/2251.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/REVIEW_0907/2251.html</a></div><div><br /></div><div>September 07, 2022 By: Shi Peipei </div><div><b>United Nations OHCHR Xinjiang report is irresponsible</b></div><div><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/OPINIONS_0907/18846.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/OPINIONS_0907/18846.html</a></div><div><br /></div><div>September 07, 2022 By: CGTN</div><div><b>Broken logic: OHCHR report on Xinjiang is used as a political tool</b></div><div><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/OPINIONS_0907/18845.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/OPINIONS_0907/18845.html</a></div></div><div><br /></div><div><div>September 02, 2022 By: en.humanrights.cn</div><div><b>Diplomats from 30 Islamic countries visit Xinjiang</b></div><div><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/PR/MEMORABILIA/2022/2022/0902/18828.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/PR/MEMORABILIA/2022/2022/0902/18828.html</a></div></div><div><br /></div><div>September 02, 2022 By: chinadaily.com.cn</div><div><b>China condemns 'invalid' UN report</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/POLITICS_0902/18816.html" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="516" data-original-width="800" height="175" src="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/uploadfile/2022/0902/20220902092242160.jpeg" width="272" /></a></div>China hit back on Thursday at a United Nations report on the Xinjiang Uygur autonomous region, saying that it was a mishmash of disinformation and a political tool to exploit Xinjiang to contain China. Foreign Ministry spokesman Wang Wenbin made the remarks after the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, or OHCHR, on Wednesday issued a so-called assessment of human rights concerns in Xinjiang. "The report was planned and manufactured firsthand by the US and some Western forces, and is totally illegal and invalid", Wang said. He said the US and some Western countries went to great lengths to pressure the OHCHR to release the report, and their schemes would be unpopular and lead nowhere. As the OHCHR compiled the report based on the political motives of some anti-China forces, Wang said it seriously ran counter to the mandate of the OHCHR and violated the principles of universality, objectivity, non-selectivity and the non-politicization of human rights. "It once again proves that the OHCHR has been reduced to being the accomplice and enforcer of the US and other Western countries to force developing countries to fall in line with them," Wang added. What the OHCHR should truly care about are severe human rights violations committed by the US and other Western countries, including genocide of indigenous people and systemic racism against minorities, Wang said. The report couldn't be said to represent the United Nations, let alone the international community, Wang said, adding that opposition to the report was the mainstream viewpoint in the international community. According to Wang, more than 60 countries have written to the OHCHR to oppose the release of the report and nearly 1,000 nongovernmental organizations and people from Xinjiang have also expressed their objections. Nearly 100 countries, including Muslim nations, have at various meetings of the UN Human Rights Council and on other public occasions expressed their support for China's legitimate position on Xinjiang-related issues and opposition to using Xinjiang-related issues to interfere in China's internal affairs, Wang said. "People of all ethnic groups in Xinjiang are in the best position to tell the world what the human rights situation is like in Xinjiang," Wang said.</div><div><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/POLITICS_0902/18816.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/POLITICS_0902/18816.html</a></div></div><div><br /></div><div>August 15, 2022 By: Ecns.cn</div><div><b>Why has religious extremism become rootless grass in China's Xinjiang?</b></div><div><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/OPINIONS_0815/18726.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/OPINIONS_0815/18726.html</a></div></span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;"><div>July 26, 2022 By: chinadaily.com.cn</div><div><b>Open letter to UN High Commissioner for human rights</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/POLITICS_0726/18608.html" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="322" src="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/uploadfile/2022/0726/20220726023150719.jpg" width="484" /></a></div><br /><b><br /></b></div><div><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/POLITICS_0726/18608.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/POLITICS_0726/18608.html</a></div></span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;">March 25, 2022 By: chinadaily.com.cn</span></div><div><b><span style="color: #444444;">Women's rights and role in development in Xinjiang discussed at seminar</span></b></div><div><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/TRENDS_0325/17871.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/TRENDS_0325/17871.html</a></span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;">March 21,2022 By: </span><span style="color: #444444;">chinadaily.com.cn</span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;"><b>Xinjiang's development lays foundation for rights</b></span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/TRENDS_0321/17839.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/TRENDS_0321/17839.html</a></span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;">March 17, 2022 By: chinadaily.com.cn</span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;"><b>Labor rights respected, guaranteed in Xinjiang: Experts</b></span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/TRENDS_0317/17811.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/TRENDS_0317/17811.html</a></span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;">March 17, 2022 By: </span><span style="color: #444444;">chinadaily.com.cn</span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;"><b>Guarantee of labor rights in Xinjiang improves lives</b></span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/TRENDS_0317/17810.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/TRENDS_0317/17810.html</a></span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;">March 23, 2021 By: en.humanrights.cn</span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;"><b>Ill-intentioned Sanctions Harmful to Xinjiang Workers Rights</b></span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2021/TRENDS_0323/16283.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2021/TRENDS_0323/16283.html</a></span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;">March 23, 2021 By: en.humanrights.cn</span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;"><b>The Truth about Population Development in Xinjiang:A Response to Adrian Zenz’s Xinjiang Report of ‘Genocide’</b></span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2021/TRENDS_0323/16281.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2021/TRENDS_0323/16281.html</a></span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;">March 04, 2021 By: Xinhua</span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;"><b>Experts discuss Xinjiang employment, labor rights at seminar</b></span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2021/WORLD_0304/16164.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2021/WORLD_0304/16164.html</a></span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;">October 15, 2020 By: en.humanrights.cn</span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;"><b>China holds webinar on Xinjiang’s population and human rights to rebut smears</b></span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2020/TRENDS_1015/15683.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2020/TRENDS_1015/15683.html</a></span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;">March 04, 2020 By: chinahumanrights.org</span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;"><b>Photo exhibition on Xinjiang held in Geneva</b></span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2020/WORLD_0304/14823.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2020/WORLD_0304/14823.html</a></span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;">March 03, 2020 By: Xinhua</span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;"><b>Photo exhibition on Xinjiang launched in Geneva during UN Human Rights Council session</b></span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2020/WORLD_0303/14816.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2020/WORLD_0303/14816.html</a></span></div><div><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://espanol.cgtn.com/search?keyword=Xinjiang%20en%20datos" rel="nofollow" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em; text-align: right;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="932" data-original-width="604" height="351" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg2NHx6FSNvZKndlBfV_xGxe5qUNhx4sF6Xi_kYBY_u35HW6BhcW6gV3hffQoVPTAJTaL9AB1V8boyfooksGbcRF9lDhmHMCBosAgslzFTUy03M94EYk9GXcUYMMm0Sjal_bGi5TIhTKTH_FtZbwGG4AEKixLG7CMvuO5VvAVx_-NRRsky3_QCVLDEZ2A/w227-h351/Xinjiang%20en%20datos%201.jpg" width="227" /></a></div><br /><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div>People's Daily 22.06.22</div></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div><b>China se opone a implementación por parte de EEUU de «Ley de Prevención del Trabajo Forzado Uigur»</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2020/2020-11-13/f4e8c7ce-1222-4d69-a639-36e5dd12c33c.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="480" data-original-width="800" height="144" src="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2020/2020-11-13/f4e8c7ce-1222-4d69-a639-36e5dd12c33c.jpeg" width="240" /></a></div>Un portavoz del Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores de China dijo hoy martes que China condena enérgicamente y se opone firmemente a la llamada «Ley de Prevención del Trabajo Forzado Uigur», formulada por Estados Unidos. El portavoz Wang Wenbin dijo que toda la cuestión del «trabajo forzado en Xinjiang» es una enorme mentira inventada por las fuerzas anti-China para difamar a China. Es completamente contraria a la realidad de que los derechos e intereses laborales de las personas de todos los grupos étnicos en la región autónoma uygur de Xinjiang de China están debidamente garantizados. Basadas en esta mentira, la «Ley de Prevención del Trabajo Forzado Uigur» y las sanciones estadounidenses contra entidades e individuos pertinentes en Xinjiang representan una escalada de la represión estadounidense contra China bajo el disfraz de los derechos humanos y demuestran que Estados Unidos socava deliberadamente las normas económicas y comerciales mundiales, así como la estabilidad de las cadenas industriales y de suministro internacionales, dijo Wang.</div><div><a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2022/0622/c31621-10112799.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2022/0622/c31621-10112799.html</a></div></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div><span style="color: #444444;">China Daily 16.09.21</span></div><div><b><span style="color: #444444;">A tale of two anti-terror modes </span></b></div><div><b><span style="color: #444444;">By Fu Xiaoqiang</span></b></div><div><b><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d774e7855444d77457a6333566d54/img/8ebcf9092b6547bab7adf7f29c34b7eb/8ebcf9092b6547bab7adf7f29c34b7eb.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="color: #444444;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="150" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d774e7855444d77457a6333566d54/img/8ebcf9092b6547bab7adf7f29c34b7eb/8ebcf9092b6547bab7adf7f29c34b7eb.jpg" width="267" /></span></a></div><span style="color: #444444;">Ahead of the 20th anniversary of the Sept 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, the United States pulled its troops out of Afghanistan, bringing to an inglorious end the longest war it has waged overseas. That the US withdrew from Afghanistan without fulfilling its mission of eradicating terrorism from the country shows that its two-decade-old "war on terror", which also covered Iraq, Libya, Syria and other Middle East countries, has been a failure. This year also marks the 20th anniversary of the establishment of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, which has pledged to continue deepening cooperation to combat terrorism and maintain regional security and stability. The international community should draw lessons from the different approaches of the US and the SCO to anti-terrorism operations. First, the US attaches great importance to its preemptive strike strategy and indulges in unilateralism. Initially, the "war on terror" enjoyed global support. But when it started violating international norms and using the "war on terror" to consolidate its hegemony, it lost the support of many countries. For example, the US violated the United Nations Charter to invade Iraq in 2003. After that, the US-led forces launched unilateral attacks on Libya and Syria and other countries. On the other hand, the SCO has vowed to combat terrorism by deepening cooperation among the region's countries. As a multilateral organization, the SCO is committed to maintaining security and stability in Eurasia, deal with emerging challenges and threats, and help boost trade, increase cultural and people-to-people exchanges, and deepen cooperation on humanitarian issues.</span></div><div><a href="http://www.cicir.ac.cn/NEW/en-us/opinion.html?id=4c004c98-a65f-4e29-a237-359d7b5c80c3" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.cicir.ac.cn/NEW/en-us/opinion.html?id=4c004c98-a65f-4e29-a237-359d7b5c80c3</a></div><div><br /></div><div><span style="color: #444444;">Contemporary International Relations 24.06.21</span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;"><b>Centennial Evolution of the CPC's National Security Thought </b></span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;"><b>By Dong Chunling</b></span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;"><b><br /></b></span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2020/2020-04-30/c3ecd413-b6e2-4e2e-b30b-10c28e40f076.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="300" data-original-width="500" height="166" src="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2020/2020-04-30/c3ecd413-b6e2-4e2e-b30b-10c28e40f076.jpeg" width="278" /></a></div>Born at a time of domestic turmoil and foreign aggression, the Communist Party of China(CPC) has an ingrained understanding of and has always attached great importance to national security. Undergoing different stages of national development from "standing up" to "growing rich" and to "becoming strong," the CPC has been constantly adjusting its visions and strategies on national security in light of changes in the international situation. Such visions and strategies will surely continue to be enriched and improved in the great endeavors of building socialism with Chinese characteristics. With the proposal of the "ten upholds," the theoretical system of national security with Chinese characteristics for the new era has taken shape, which will be underpinned by a holistic approach to national security. Thus, a historic leap in the century-old construction of the CPC's national security theory system has been achieved. This paper aims to explore the ideological context of the formation and development of a holistic approach to national security from the centennial evolution of the CPC's national security thought, comprehend the theoretical guiding role of the CPC's national security thought from China's historic achievements over the past century, and grasp the historic significance and values of upholding and developing a holistic approach to national security from the new historic juncture in China's development and its historical responsibilities in the context of great changes unseen in a century.</span></div><div><a href="http://www.cicir.ac.cn/NEW/en-us/opinion.html?id=209ca3f5-113d-4166-bf68-b6833ad14c98" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.cicir.ac.cn/NEW/en-us/opinion.html?id=209ca3f5-113d-4166-bf68-b6833ad14c98</a></div><div><br /></div></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana;"><a href="http://sousuo.gov.cn/s.htm?t=govall&q=%E6%96%B0%E7%96%86+" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-weight: 700; text-align: center;" target="_blank"><img alt="http://sousuo.gov.cn/s.htm?t=govall&q=%E6%96%B0%E7%96%86+" border="0" data-original-height="47" data-original-width="44" height="50" src="http://www.gov.cn/govweb/xhtml/2016gov/images/public/logo.jpg" width="48" /></a></span><a href="http://sousuo.gov.cn/s.htm?t=govall&q=%E6%96%B0%E7%96%86+" rel="nofollow" style="font-weight: 700; text-align: center;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="49" data-original-width="402" height="50" src="http://www.gov.cn/govweb/xhtml/2016gov/images/public/logo_wz.jpg" width="419" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">
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<span style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: right;"><a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/32001/92390/index.html" rel="nofollow" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="80" data-original-width="775" height="40" src="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/mediafile/200710/12/F2007101215331800023.jpg" width="410" /></a> <a href="http://en.chinaxinjiang.cn/" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif; text-align: center;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="70" data-original-width="191" src="http://en.chinaxinjiang.cn/images/logo_20200113.png" /></a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><div class="separator" dir="rtl" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/results?search_query=%23AmazingXinjiang" rel="nofollow" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="800" data-original-width="800" height="210" src="https://news.cgtn.com/public/editor/2020-09-03/348/img/d75dab2c00ff471494a141ca0eed9aac/d75dab2c00ff471494a141ca0eed9aac.jpeg" width="201" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><a href="https://www.cgtn.com/special/Iv2UlP8RP2.html" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: center;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="333" data-original-width="800" height="133" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/7830796333566d54/img/cb105c370ea2484ca4e8c7222eee9cd7/cb105c370ea2484ca4e8c7222eee9cd7.jpg" width="320" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xjdaily.com.cn/" rel="nofollow" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="130" data-original-width="200" height="136" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjHIoHoS-FYm7yf-DV-OYv5a2s4mXNh2J8AnNZ0dRkXKD_QD_O17CgTLogFZhdUi-HHOhyphenhyphenwThstNA_AVNb2dO2gma9uWBaj7UOSmGBt250AOi09ZBwC15coOJQXHrp1mgDPkdZU6UkO44PJ/w210-h136/xjdaily+1.gif" width="210" /></a><br /><a href="http://xjtpw.xjdaily.com/" rel="nofollow" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="134" data-original-width="263" height="108" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh-70uAuSCCY5Lpitnrh8qvFjuhpJCt7pxKFnJD-ruHr2TJhyphenhyphenwC5m_K2j9_nTcEVGKAQSTEHM8ZfCCYgnyvmKY7SgbD4_AJWQvXi5wvB82No4jrnjdlHSogJJ0jjujXSi9p6TNisOi29zZ1/w211-h108/Xinjiang+archivo+de+fotos+1.jpg" width="211" /></a></div><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><u style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana, sans-serif; text-align: justify;">De su repositorio y archivo</u></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">31.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Memberikan Contoh Demi Seluruh Umat Manusia Terlepas Dari Kemiskinan</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-size: small; text-align: center;"><a href="http://p2.cri.cn/M00/19/07/rBABCV_tSC-AAKdTAAAAAAAAAAA353.899x600.850x568.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="535" data-original-width="800" height="200" src="http://p2.cri.cn/M00/19/07/rBABCV_tSC-AAKdTAAAAAAAAAAA353.899x600.850x568.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">Bebek panggang Pekín, adalah kuliner tradisional Tiongkok yang terkenal di seluruh dunia. Asal berkunjung ke Beijing, baik warga Tiongkok maupun warga asing, hampir semua orang akan mencicipi rasa bebek panggang “Pekín”. Ketika menikmati masakan enak khas Beijing ini, mungkin anda dapat mengenyam cita rasa Hotan, Xinjiang yang berjarak 4000 kilometros dari kota Beijing. Rasa sedap ini membantu Kabupaten Luopu, Daerah Hotan terlepas dari kemiskinan. Kabupaten Luopu terletak di gurun pasir Taklamakan, luas oasis tidak mencapai 6 persen daripada total luas tanah seluruh kabupaten. Populsi Luopu banyak tapi tanahnya sedikit, sektor usahanya juga sederhana. Luopu pernah tercantum dalam daftar kabupaten miskin tingkat nasional Tiongkok. Tahun 2017, kota Beijing menjalin hubungan "kemitraan pengentasan kemiskinan" dengan daerah Hotan Xinjiang, menternakkan bebek khas untuk kuliner "bebek panggang" di perkebunan buah-buahan setempat. Kini Kabupaten Luopu menjadi pangkalan penternakan bebek khas kedua di Tiongkok untuk kuliner “Bebek Panggang”. Di kebun peternakan unggas Fendou, terdengar leteran bebek yang berbunyi kwek-kwek. Peternak bebek, Abulaiti Rejiepu, yang baru berusia 25 tahun sedang sibuk menambah pakan untuk bebek. Dia berasal dari keluarga miskin. Bulan Septiembre de 2019, dia dipekerjakan Koperasi Pertainan dan diberikan latihan. Kini pendapatannya kira-kira 3000 yuanes por bulan. Di Kabupaten Luopu, terdapat 5000 kepala keluarga yang terlepas dari kemiskinan dengan mengandalkan usaha peternakan bebek. Ada yang bekerja di bengkel pengolahan bebek, ada yang memelihara bebek di rumah, ada juga yang bekerja di sektor logistik dan pengolahan pakan bebek. Abulaiti adalah salah satu contoh inspiratif yang muncul dalam kampanye pengentasan kemiskinan Tiongkok. Sejak tahun 2012, berdasarkan semangant “pengentasan kemiskinan tepat sasaran” yang diajukan pemimpin tertinggi Tiongkok Xi Jinping, pemerintah Tiongkok memberikan pengaturan Strategis untuk mendorong pembantuan Tiongkok Timur terhadap Tiongkok Barating yanggal relatif. Kota-kota di Tiongkok Timur diwajibkan memberikan bantuan kepada daerah Tiongkok Barat dengan mengirim tenaga ahli dan dana bantuan kepada daerah miskin untuk mewujudkan kemakmuran bersama. Kota Beijing adalah mitra yang wajib membantu daerah Hotan. Melalui usaha selama 8 tahun, kini hampir 100 juta penduduk miskin di pedesaan Tiongkok semuanya terlepas dari kemiskinan.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://indonesian.cri.cn/20201231/b32c6894-59e9-bc32-9d8d-b0e9549f70b4.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://indonesian.cri.cn/20201231/b32c6894-59e9-bc32-9d8d-b0e9549f70b4.html</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">31.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Le nombre de trains de fret Chine-Europe via le col d'Alataw atteint un nouveau record</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-size: small; text-align: center;"><a href="https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcRfAp82woduefPAxEJlfgwfoZ8Zf2ond0PmUw&usqp=CAU" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="183" data-original-width="275" height="133" src="https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcRfAp82woduefPAxEJlfgwfoZ8Zf2ond0PmUw&usqp=CAU" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">Un total de 5.000 trains de fret Chine-Europe ont traversé cette année le col d'Alataw, un important port ferroviaire de la région autonome ouïgoure du Xinjiang (nord-ouest de la Chine), établissant un nouveau record. Un train transportant des produits électroniques, des vêtements et d'autres marchandises à destination de Malaszewicze, en Pologne, a traversé mercredi le col. Il s'agit du 5.000e train de fret Chine-Europe à passer ce col. Les trains de fret Chine-Europe ont contribué à la lutte mondiale contre la pandémie de COVID-19, notamment en assurant la chaîne d'approvisionnement des pays et régions le long de "la Ceinture et la Route", a annoncé Xu Yueheng, fonctionnaire des douanes du col d'Alataw. Le col d'Alataw a lancé son service de train de fret Chine-Europe en 2011. A ce jour, 22 lignes traversent le col à destination de treize pays, dont l'Allemagne et la Pologne. Les marchandises importées transportées par les trains comprennent des voitures et des pièces détachées, du bois et des fils de coton, tandis que les appareils ménagers et les produits de première nécessité font partie des produits exportés, selon M. Xu.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://french.china.org.cn/business/txt/2020-12/31/content_77068728.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://french.china.org.cn/business/txt/2020-12/31/content_77068728.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">31.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Xinjiang: Dorf Talat in der Winternacht</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-size: small; text-align: center;"><a href="http://images.china.cn/site1003/2020-12/31/68cc82a9-3d4c-4b1e-a2e5-ed0d61b8bcaf.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="200" src="http://images.china.cn/site1003/2020-12/31/68cc82a9-3d4c-4b1e-a2e5-ed0d61b8bcaf.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">Talat, ein Dorf in Koktokay im Landkreis Fuyun in der Uigurischen Autonomen Region Xinjiang im Nordwesten Chinas, liegt in der Nähe der Quelle des Ertix-Flusses und wird deswegen auch als „das erste Dorf entlang des Ertix-Flusses" bezeichnet. In den aktuellen Winternächten sieht das Dorf mit sporadischen Lichtern wie eine Eis-Schnee-Welt aus.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://german.china.org.cn/txt/2020-12/31/content_77069271.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://german.china.org.cn/txt/2020-12/31/content_77069271.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">31.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>L’APN condamne l’ingérence des Etats-Unis sur le Tibet</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-size: small; text-align: center;"><a href="http://images.china.cn/site1002/2020-12/31/4852a7fa-b5d7-4813-821c-30e47cfdf215.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="321" data-original-width="540" height="200" src="http://images.china.cn/site1002/2020-12/31/4852a7fa-b5d7-4813-821c-30e47cfdf215.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">Mercredi, l’Assemblée populaire nationale (APN, l’assemblée législative suprême de Chine) s’est fortement opposée à l’adoption par les Etats-Unis d’un projet de loi de financement pour l’année budgétaire 2021, qui contient des contenus négatifs liés à la Chine. Les clauses mises en cause portent sur la région autonome de Tibet, Taiwan, Hong Kong et la région autonome ouïgoure de Xinjiang. D’après la Commission des affaires étrangères de l’APN, celles-ci nuisent gravement aux intérêts nationaux de la Chine et constituent une interférence grossière dans les affaires internes de la Chine. « La liberté de croyance religieuse des Tibétains est sauvegardée et les droits des temples et des moines bouddhistes tibétains sont pleinement garantis », souligne la Commission. Dans le cadre d’un plan majeur de 2300 milliards de dollars (1870 milliards d’euros) pour financer le gouvernement fédéral des Etats-Unis et apporter une aide longtemps retardée face au coronavirus, la « Loi de 2020 sur la politique et le soutien au Tibet » a également été adoptée dimanche dernier aux Etats-Unis, afin d’encourager les interférences extérieures dans le processus visant à nommer le prochain Dalaï-Lama. « Les conflits entre la Chine et la clique du Dalaï-Lama ne sont jamais des questions ethniques, religieuses ou de droits de l’homme. Ils concernent la souveraineté nationale et l’intégrité territoriale, qui sont des questions de principe fondamentales », rappelle la Commission.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://french.china.org.cn/china/txt/2020-12/31/content_77069094.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://french.china.org.cn/china/txt/2020-12/31/content_77069094.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">31.12.20 Nathan King</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>U.S.-China relations in 2020, a year in review</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-size: small; text-align: center;"><a href="https://videous.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-31/U-S-China-relations-in-2020-a-year-in-review-WFeGupqfPG/video/ec4c1c9b03f44d29ae67379bff88e86f/ec4c1c9b03f44d29ae67379bff88e86f.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://videous.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-31/U-S-China-relations-in-2020-a-year-in-review-WFeGupqfPG/video/ec4c1c9b03f44d29ae67379bff88e86f/ec4c1c9b03f44d29ae67379bff88e86f.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">This year a bad one for U.S. China relations - despite a trade deal U.S. finger-pointing over COVID-19, moves to contain China’s technological advances and tensions from the Taiwan region to Xinjiang led to a souring of ties not seen on decades. With a new U.S. administration set to take office in 2021 there are hopes that the 50th anniversary of former U.S. secretary of state, Henry Kissinger’s first visit to China could lead to a thaw. CGTN’s Nathan King reports from The White House.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://newsus.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-31/U-S-China-relations-in-2020-a-year-in-review-WFeGupqfPG/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">https://newsus.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-31/U-S-China-relations-in-2020-a-year-in-review-WFeGupqfPG/index.html</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">31.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Pompeo, Bias and Huawei: T-House's top tweets of 2020</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-size: small; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-31/Pompeo-Bias-and-Huawei-T-House-s-top-tweets-of-2020-WDPeO2RrYk/img/05eff1a5e693462b97ae1769dc8e577a/05eff1a5e693462b97ae1769dc8e577a.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-31/Pompeo-Bias-and-Huawei-T-House-s-top-tweets-of-2020-WDPeO2RrYk/img/05eff1a5e693462b97ae1769dc8e577a/05eff1a5e693462b97ae1769dc8e577a.jpeg" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">2020 has been a hard year. Millions of lives were lost as a result of COVID-19. Solidarity is essential in a global crisis. To defeat the virus, countries across the globe donated much-needed medical supplies to China at the early stage of the epidemic. When cases outside China surged, the country reciprocated with facial masks, PPEs and ventilators. While most of the world is united in the fight, there are still certain countries wasting time on political games. To divert public attention from their failed COVID-19 response, some U.S. politicians are deliberately misrepresenting Chinese tech giant Huawei, telling lies on the state of human rights in northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region and even blaming China for the novel coronavirus. T-House is dedicated to reporting, explaining and analyzing these ups and downs. It has posted more than 4,000 tweets in the past 365 days, covering the virus, Huawei, Xinjiang, China's anti-poverty fight and much more. On the last day of 2020, we look back at the T-House tweets which received the most impressions in each of the past 12 months.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-31/Pompeo-Bias-and-Huawei-T-House-s-top-tweets-of-2020-WDPeO2RrYk/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-31/Pompeo-Bias-and-Huawei-T-House-s-top-tweets-of-2020-WDPeO2RrYk/index.html</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">31.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Trenes de carga China-Europa vía puerto de Xinjiang marcan nuevo récord</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-size: small; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-08/07/139272640_15969316027361n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="613" data-original-width="800" height="200" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-08/07/139272640_15969316027361n.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">Un total de 5.000 trenes de carga China-Europa han transitado este año por el paso de Alataw, un importante puerto terrestre en la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, marcando un nuevo récord. Un tren cargado con productos electrónicos, ropa y otros bienes cruzó el paso el miércoles en ruta a Malaszewicze, Polonia, convirtiéndose en el número cinco mil entre China y Europa a través de esta ruta. Los trenes de carga China-Europa han contribuido a la lucha mundial contra la pandemia de COVID-19, especialmente para garantizar la cadena de suministro entre los países y regiones de la Franja y la Ruta, destacó Xu Yueheng, funcionario aduanero del paso de Alataw. El paso de Alataw lanzó el servicio de trenes de carga China-Europa en 2011. En la actualidad, 22 líneas transitan por dicha ruta, llegando a 13 países como Alemania y Polonia. Entre los principales bienes importados mediante los trenes se incluyen los automóviles y repuestos, la madera y el hilo de algodón, mientras que los electrodomésticos y los artículos de primera necesidad están entre los artículos exportados, detalló Xu.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-12/31/c_139632318.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-12/31/c_139632318.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">30.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Parlamento de China condena ley de EEUU con cláusulas injerencistas</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-size: small; text-align: center;"><br /></div><span style="font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/2KAaxyAhof0/maxresdefault.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/2KAaxyAhof0/maxresdefault.jpg" width="200" /></a></div>Una comisión de la Asamblea Popular Nacional (Parlamento) de China condenó hoy un proyecto de ley de Estados Unidos que contempla financiación para promover la intromisión en cuestiones del Tíbet, Taiwán, Hong Kong y Xinjiang. El Comité de Asuntos Exteriores denunció que el contenido negativo y las cláusulas del documento 'dañan seriamente los intereses nacionales de China e interfieren gravemente en los asuntos internos'. Deploró las calumnias hacia las políticas de Beijing en el Tíbet, tras resaltar los avances socioeconómicos allí, la mejoría en el nivel de vida y el respeto al derecho a la libertad de creencias religiosas de todos sus grupos étnicos, esto último amparado por la Constitución. También indicó que la normativa busca respaldar a los promotores de la independencia de Taiwán y obstruir las acciones legales de Beijing para salvaguardar la prosperidad y la estabilidad en Hong Kong y Xinjiang. 'Jamás tendrá éxito el intento del lado estadounidense de contener el desarrollo de China y sabotear su seguridad nacional y estabilidad social a través de estos asuntos, ratificó, al exigir a Washington abstenerse de implementar la ley. Aparte del Legislativo, el Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores también rechazó el texto firmado el lunes por el presidente Donald Trump para reforzar el apoyo financiero durante 2021 a las iniciativas vinculadas con las regiones en cuestión. Analistas consideran esas acciones parte de la ofensiva de Trump en el final de su mandato para aumentar la presión sobre Beijing e impedir que su sucesor, Joe Biden, depure los vínculos bilaterales de confrontación.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.prensa-latina.cu/index.php?o=rn&id=420697&SEO=parlamento-de-china-condena-ley-de-ee.uu.-con-clausulas-injerencistas" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">https://www.prensa-latina.cu/index.php?o=rn&id=420697&SEO=parlamento-de-china-condena-ley-de-ee.uu.-con-clausulas-injerencistas</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">30.12.20 Zhao Ying</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>The tough journey of releasing Przewalski's horses into the wild</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-size: small; text-align: center;"><a href="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-30/The-tough-journey-of-releasing-Przewalski-s-horses-into-the-wild-WDwKjEr0pG/video/e1c8a19d3a9f4e6cb78de62c067888db/e1c8a19d3a9f4e6cb78de62c067888db.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-30/The-tough-journey-of-releasing-Przewalski-s-horses-into-the-wild-WDwKjEr0pG/video/e1c8a19d3a9f4e6cb78de62c067888db/e1c8a19d3a9f4e6cb78de62c067888db.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">The winter of 2001 in northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region was unexpectedly frigid. The temperature was around minus 35 degrees Celsius in northern regions like Altay Prefecture and Tacheng City. The Kalamaili Nature Reserve, a heaven for ungulates, was completely blanketed in snow and ice. For the 27 Przewalski's horses that were released in Kalamaili in the summer of 2001, the bitterly cold winter and food shortage were challenging. The desert steppe didn't produce enough grasses for hearty eaters like Przewalski's horses, and they had to shovel snow with hoofs to find the pitiful food beneath. Besides, they were not the only residents on this vast land. On December 1, a drove of horses raised by herdsmen encountered the released group, and they were at peace initially. It was common that herdsmen took livestock to spend the winter in the nature reserve. However, that was not the way Przewalski's horses saw it.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-30/The-tough-journey-of-releasing-Przewalski-s-horses-into-the-wild-WDwKjEr0pG/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-30/The-tough-journey-of-releasing-Przewalski-s-horses-into-the-wild-WDwKjEr0pG/index.html</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">29.12.20 Yang Faming</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Muslims’ religious freedom fully respected, guaranteed in China</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-size: small; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2020/2020-12-29/a3f835cf-6e8a-4f88-b48a-3302108f3252.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="480" data-original-width="800" height="120" src="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2020/2020-12-29/a3f835cf-6e8a-4f88-b48a-3302108f3252.jpeg" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">After the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949, particularly since China's reform and opening-up, China has fully implemented policies assuring religious freedom. The Communist Party of China has safeguarded the legitimate rights and interests of the Chinese Islamic community. The religious activities of Muslims from different ethnic groups are protected by law and carried out in an orderly manner. At present, there are more than 20 million Muslims and 10 Islamic colleges and universities in China. The facilities of mosques and the academic training of Islamic clerical personnel have been continuously improved, meeting the normal religious needs and beliefs of the Muslim people. This is an undeniable fact. Northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region upholds the constitutional principle of guaranteeing citizens' religious freedoms. No one is allowed to create dispute between believers and non-believers. China always insists that all religions are equal. Legitimate rights and interests of religious circles are secured in accordance with the laws. </span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202012/1211344.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202012/1211344.shtml</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">29.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Relocated residents in Xinjiang thrive in new town</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-size: small; text-align: center;"><a href="https://vodpub2.v.news.cn/publish/20201229/XxjfyxE007064_20201229_CBVFN0A002.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://vodpub2.v.news.cn/publish/20201229/XxjfyxE007064_20201229_CBVFN0A002.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">Tongan Township of Zepu County, Kashgar, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, is a relocation site for residents from Xinjiang's Kunlun Mountains area, after people moved out from the harsh mountainous area two years ago. In Tongan Township, a number of public service facilities such as schools and health centers have been set up to cater for the new residents. Besides helping people move to the township and improve their living conditions, the local government has also taken measures to help relocated families lead stable lives and increase their incomes. Ranaguli Karman is from a relocated household, once living in poverty. Two years ago, her family, along with one thousand more poor families, moved to Tongan Township to new houses with complete facilities. Last year, Ranaguli Karman's family shook off poverty and now run a booming business.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-12/29/c_139627107.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-12/29/c_139627107.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">29.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>China culpa Estados Unidos pela 'mentira do século'</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-size: small; text-align: center;"><a href="https://cdnnbr1.img.sputniknews.com/img/07e4/0c/1d/16697483_0:218:2865:1829_600x0_80_0_0_29009491f12575957f9ed270e8dcaf94.jpg.webp" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="337" data-original-width="600" height="110" src="https://cdnnbr1.img.sputniknews.com/img/07e4/0c/1d/16697483_0:218:2865:1829_600x0_80_0_0_29009491f12575957f9ed270e8dcaf94.jpg.webp" width="196" /></a></div></div></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">Fake news sobre Xinjiang, fabricadas por alguns políticos contrários à China nos EUA, foram consideradas "a mentira do século". Zhao Lijian, porta-voz do Ministério das Relações Externas da China, afirmou na segunda-feira (28) que Pequim se opõe a tamanhas acusações. Tudo começou com postagens no Twitter compartilhadas pela Embaixada dos EUA na China da conta do Departamento de Estado dos EUA, na qual acusações eram feitas contra as políticas do Partido Comunista chinês em Xinjiang, dizendo que mais de um milhão de muçulmanos uigures teriam sido detidos e forçados a trabalhar em campos de algodão em Xinjiang, segundo o canal de notícias CCTV. Na mídia estadual chinesa, Zhao comentou que os políticos e funcionários dos EUA deveriam aprender sobre a verdade e os fatos sobre Xinjiang, em vez de divulgarem fake news e enganar a sociedade internacional usando relatórios de Xinjiang fabricados por algumas forças antichinesas. Na verdade, o porta-voz chinês chegou a declarar que com estabilidade social, desenvolvimento econômico, harmonia religiosa e melhores meios de subsistência na Região Autônoma de Xinjiang, as pessoas de todos os grupos étnicos, incluindo o povo uigur, levam uma vida próspera e feliz. "O governo dos EUA deveria refletir [e] parar de espalhar um vírus político utilizando as questões de Xinjiang para interferir nos assuntos internos da China, e [antes] se concentrar em resolver seus próprios problemas, tais como proteger vidas americanas e assegurar seus direitos humanos, incluindo suas minorias", concluiu Zhao.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://br.sputniknews.com/asia_oceania/2020122916697623-china-culpa-estados-unidos-pela-mentira-do-seculo/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">https://br.sputniknews.com/asia_oceania/2020122916697623-china-culpa-estados-unidos-pela-mentira-do-seculo/</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">29.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>How to increase quality of military exercises at a high-attitude, cold and anoxic environment?</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-size: small; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2020/2020-12-29/dbd855f1-b6ba-43ca-b924-32bae09dce0c.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="480" data-original-width="800" height="120" src="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2020/2020-12-29/dbd855f1-b6ba-43ca-b924-32bae09dce0c.jpeg" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">Border soldiers stationed at Bedel Pass in Northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region have daily exercise in an indoor gym. The border station near Bedel Pass is at an elevation of 3,160 meters with big winds blowing across the year and heavy snows in chilly winter. In order to conduct daily exercise, the border station built a 600-square-meter indoor fitness center with all machines needed and heating systems to keep the temperature at 20 C. Border soldiers now combine indoor and outdoor exercise to maintain physical fitness. </span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202012/1211352.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202012/1211352.shtml</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">29.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Nacionalna park šuma Manas u Xinjiang: rubni krajolik je slikovit</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://newses.cgtn.com/v/BfJAA-DAA-GcA/EdCFAIA/EdCFAIA.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://newses.cgtn.com/v/BfJAA-DAA-GcA/EdCFAIA/EdCFAIA.jpg" width="200" /></a></div>Nacionalna park šuma Manas u Xinjiangu je zasjala sjajem zimskog inja. Čitava park šuma je uvijena u srebro, a more oblaka nad njom izgleda poput vilinske zemlje. Crvena boja oblika reljefa Danxia je u oštrom kontrastu s bijelim planinama prekrivenima snijegom, što zapanjuje posjetitelje.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://croatian.cri.cn/vijesti/3742/20201229/598242.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://croatian.cri.cn/vijesti/3742/20201229/598242.html</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">28.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Pesca tradicional de invierno en Xinjiang</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-size: small; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/NMediaFile/2020/1228/FOREIGN202012281427000444499758791.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="550" data-original-width="800" height="200" src="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/NMediaFile/2020/1228/FOREIGN202012281427000444499758791.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">Cada año, los pescadores siguen el método tradicional de pesca de invierno colocando una red gigante bajo el hielo para pescar en en el Ulunggur, uno de los diez lagos de agua dulce más grandes de China. </span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2020/1228/c31614-9803636.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2020/1228/c31614-9803636.html</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">28.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Chinese diplomats ask US Embassy to do meaningful things rather than spread lies on Xinjiang</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-size: small; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2020/2020-07-09/98d2472e-7132-4bf3-b9e7-62d1bae7966f.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="480" data-original-width="800" height="120" src="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2020/2020-07-09/98d2472e-7132-4bf3-b9e7-62d1bae7966f.jpeg" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">The Chinese Foreign Ministry on Monday slammed the US' diplomatic organs which, led by a few anti-China politicians, created rumors out of nothing and kept spreading fake news regarding Xinjiang. The remarks made by ministry spokesperson Zhao Lijian were in response to a question about the US Embassy to China re-tweeting the US State Department's attacks on China's Xinjiang policy, with claims that 1 million Uygurs were detained in "re-education camps." Officials from Northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, religious groups, graduates from vocational education and training centers and Xinjiang residents who work outside the region attended a press conference last week, introducing the real situation of Xinjiang based on their own experiences. Zhao noted that US politicians should read the transcript of the press conference rather than citing lies fabricated by some anti-China forces to mislead the international community. Since December, the US Embassy in China has spread more than 60 lies to attack China, despite its responsibility being to promote friendship between the two peoples rather than attacking China, Zhao said. A senior Chinese diplomat urged US diplomatic organs, particularly its embassy in China, to undertake more meaningful activities. "Human rights," together with "democracy" and "freedom," are common excuses the US resorts to ferment color revolutions in other countries or blatantly invade and destroy a country, the diplomat said, citing Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya and Syria as examples where tens of millions of civilians died or became refugees. The first mission of US embassies and diplomats is to perform their duty and promote the relationship between the US and the country they are stationed in, resolving misunderstandings via communication. If they still have time and resources, they better care more for their domestic human rights problems, like huge income gaps and police violence against African Americans, rather than interfering in other countries' internal affairs, the diplomat continued. </span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1211255.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1211255.shtml</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">27.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Aldeanos acaban con pobreza cultivando azufaifa en desierto de Xinjiang en China</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-size: small; text-align: center;"><a href="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/1vPc1ZVuJ60/hqdefault.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="360" data-original-width="480" height="150" src="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/1vPc1ZVuJ60/hqdefault.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">Los aldeanos que viven cerca del desierto de Taklamakan, el más grande de China, se han librado de la pobreza gracias al cultivo de azufaifa en Xinjiang, China.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-12/27/c_139622387.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-12/27/c_139622387.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">27.12.20 Adiljan Haj Kerim </span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><b>Xinjiang exhibits new peace and prosperity despite Western smears</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-size: small; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2020/2020-12-27/50235d44-a768-4a4b-98d9-13f1b6f54e5c.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="480" data-original-width="800" height="120" src="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2020/2020-12-27/50235d44-a768-4a4b-98d9-13f1b6f54e5c.jpeg" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">With the support of the Communist Party of China (CPC) and the central Chinese government, Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region has made unprecedented achievements in economic and social developments to improve people's livelihood. However, anti-China forces in the West, out of their ideological bias, wantonly hype up lies over the so-called "forced labor" in the region. Their political lies are made up from the need to confront China. As such, they are bound to be firmly opposed by those who love peace and justice. Social stability and lasting peace in Xinjiang are in the fundamental interests of the more than 25 million people of all ethnic groups in the region. However, since the 1990s, the three evil forces of terrorism, separatism, and extremism at home and abroad have been coordinating with one another under the guise of religions, in an attempt to "attract" more people who have no idea about the truth and "encourage" them to carry out violent terrorist activities. Under the strong leadership of the CPC Central Committee, there has been no violent or terrorist incident in Xinjiang for nearly four years. Xinjiang is located in the northwest of China. For historical and a range of reasons, it had long lagged behind other parts of the country in terms of development, hence it had a large impoverished population. The four prefectures in southern Xinjiang, namely, Hotan, Kashi, Aksu and Kizilsu Kirgiz had large numbers of impoverished population. With the in-depth implementation of a series of employment-friendly policies, the total number of people employed in Xinjiang has increased 17.2 percent from 2014 to 2019. Also during the period, more than 471,200 urban jobs have been created annually, of which 148,000 were in southern Xinjiang. Through various forms of vocational training, people of all ethnicities in Xinjiang now have greater working skills. Some have become leading staff members of their companies after working for a few years. One such example is a woman called Ablet, who graduated from a university in Beijing and returned to her hometown and opened a clothes company with the assistance of the government. In 2019 alone, her company sold clothes worth 2 million yuan ($305,800) and helped the employment of more than 40 women. Such cases are countless. </span></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1211109.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1211109.shtml</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">27.12.20 Liu Xin, Fan Lingzhi and Yang Ruoyu</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><b>GT investigates BBC report contradicting facts on Xinjiang 'forced labor' topics</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-size: small; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2020/2020-12-27/3cd84b62-e92e-4ab9-b262-caaefaa70cb9.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="480" data-original-width="800" height="120" src="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2020/2020-12-27/3cd84b62-e92e-4ab9-b262-caaefaa70cb9.jpeg" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">For some anti-China forces, cotton has become the latest tool to hype "forced labor" topics in Northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. Citing a report of the infamous "scholar" Adrian Zenz, the BBC accused China of "forcing" Uygurs and people of other ethnic minority groups to pick cotton by hand. However, by visiting cotton farms and interviewing people working in cotton-related fields in southern Xinjiang, the Global Times found that machines have been widely applied in cotton planting and harvesting, with fewer workers needed, and there is no "forced labor" in related industries in Xinjiang. In a report released on December 15, the BBC claimed that "New evidence suggests that upwards of half a million minority workers a year are being marshalled into seasonal cotton picking under conditions that again appear to raise a high risk of coercion." The report cited the anti-China "scholar" Adrian Zenz's new "finding," which claimed that 70 percent of the cotton plantations in Xinjiang in 2019 were harvested by human labor, and Uygurs and people of ethnic minority groups were forced to pick cotton for factories including for the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps (XPCC). As Zenz has been exposed as a backbone for an anti-China institute manipulated by US intelligence agencies, his latest report on cotton picking as well as his previous reports on China's Xinjiang have been found to be full of loopholes and lies. For example, data released by the agriculture department of Xinjiang in 2020 showed that the total cotton plantation area in Xinjiang reached 24.19 million mu (1.6 million hectares) and around 16.90 million mu were harvested by machines, accounting for 70 percent of the plantation area. Also, 95 percent of the cotton in northern Xinjiang was harvested by machines and the mechanization rate in southern Xinjiang has increased steadily. Without even verifying Zenz's report or talking to people in cotton farming, the BBC cited Zenz's conclusion in its report and accused China of using forced labors in cotton picking, which contradicts the facts.</span></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1211142.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1211142.shtml</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"></span></span><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><span><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">26.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Wildlife caught on camera in Xinjiang's Altai Mountains</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-size: small; text-align: center;"><a href="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-26/Wildlife-caught-on-camera-in-Xinjiang-s-Altai-Mountains-Wx1TdAX3lm/video/4e871e0abf24436eb1b6741b5c197ab3/4e871e0abf24436eb1b6741b5c197ab3.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-26/Wildlife-caught-on-camera-in-Xinjiang-s-Altai-Mountains-Wx1TdAX3lm/video/4e871e0abf24436eb1b6741b5c197ab3/4e871e0abf24436eb1b6741b5c197ab3.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">Red deer, sables and wild rabbits were caught on special infrared cameras installed in Altai Mountains, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. The Chinese section of the mountain range, located in Fuyun County, treasures a prodigious wealth of biodiversity. These animals are under state-level protection. "In recent years, continuous efforts in environment protection have increased the number of protected wild animals in the Fuyun forest area, and the habitat area of wild animals also expanded a great deal," said Duan Xuejun, an engineer with the Forest Protection Department of the Altai Mountains State Forest Management Administration.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-26/Wildlife-caught-on-camera-in-Xinjiang-s-Altai-Mountains-Wx1TdAX3lm/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-26/Wildlife-caught-on-camera-in-Xinjiang-s-Altai-Mountains-Wx1TdAX3lm/index.html</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></span></div></div></span></div></span></div></span></span></div></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana, sans-serif;"><a href="http://prometheuschannel.blogspot.com/2020/03/de-la-verdad-narrada-caso-viii_15.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: medium;">VER +</span></a></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202103/1218895.shtml" rel="nofollow" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="800" data-original-width="566" height="687" src="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2021/2021-02-06/6ac68c95-a9a5-4183-a5b5-ae6d1c839f77.jpg" width="487" /></a></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div><br />Pablo Pallashttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02676986163926451532noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8368737022377042313.post-38163372521276233712020-03-15T20:15:00.276-03:002021-12-31T16:10:07.340-03:00De la verdad narrada: Caso VIII (continuación) <div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="color: #444444; text-align: justify;"><span face=""trebuchet ms" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-large;">Acerca del caso de antiterrorismo chino </span></span></div>
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<span style="text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><i><span style="color: #444444;"> </span><span style="color: blue;"> </span><span style="color: #3d85c6;">para la salvaguarda de las etnias y de las religiones de Xinjiang</span></i></span></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;"><b><a href="http://prometheuschannel.blogspot.com/2020/03/de-la-verdad-narrada-caso-viii.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Ir a noticias recientes (arco histórico 2019-2020)</a></b></span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;"><b><br /></b></span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1200188.shtml" rel="nofollow" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="800" data-original-width="171" height="2286" src="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2020/2020-09-07/e6dd7e2e-8fad-42d8-9945-12fea9550676.jpeg" width="489" /></a></div><br /></span><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span>25.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Transmisión de electricidad anual de Xinjiang supera 100 mil millones de kilovatios hora</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://image.cns.com.cn/ecns_editor/transform/20201225/ePsA-hafcvmr7165132.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="366" data-original-width="550" height="200" src="http://image.cns.com.cn/ecns_editor/transform/20201225/ePsA-hafcvmr7165132.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span>La región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, ha transmitido más de 100 mil millones de kilovatios hora de electricidad a otras partes del país desde el comienzo de este año, informaron las autoridades locales. El volumen de transmisión alcanzó los 100.010 millones de kilovatios hora a las 18:00 horas (hora de Beijing) del miércoles, superando por primera vez la marca de 100 mil millones de kilovatios hora durante un período de un año, de acuerdo con la Compañía de Energía Eléctrica de Xinjiang de la Red Estatal. Una importante línea de ultra-alta tensión entre Xinjiang y la provincia oriental china de Anhui fue actualizada en julio para aumentar la capacidad total de transmisión de Xinjiang a 16,4 millones de kilovatios, según la sucursal de Xinjiang de la Red Estatal. Haciendo frente al impacto de la epidemia COVID-19 a principios de este año, la sucursal de Xinjiang de la Red Estatal utilizó drones, robots y otras tecnologías para el mantenimiento de las estaciones de conversión y las líneas de transmisión a fin de garantizar el buen funcionamiento del proyecto de transmisión de energía.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.china.org.cn/economic/txt/2020-12/25/content_77051535.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span>http://spanish.china.org.cn/economic/txt/2020-12/25/content_77051535.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><br /></span></div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span>24.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Train express Chine-Europe: arrivée du premier train de fret Istanbul-Xi’an</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://images.china.cn/site1002/2020-12/24/9a1baba2-ee8d-490d-8db3-9cf8d42d24d1.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="525" data-original-width="700" height="200" src="http://images.china.cn/site1002/2020-12/24/9a1baba2-ee8d-490d-8db3-9cf8d42d24d1.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span>Avec 42 conteneurs de réfrigérateurs d’une valeur de plus de 10 millions de yuans (1,53 millions de dollars) à son bord, un train express de fret venant de Turquie est arrivé le 19 décembre à Xi’an, chef-lieu de la province chinoise du Shaanxi, à l’issue d’un voyage de 8693 km sur une ligne du réseau ferroviaire Chine-Europe. Parti le 4 décembre depuis Istanbul, le train a traversé l’Azerbaïdjan et le Kazakhstan avant d’entrer en Chine par le port de Khorgas (région autonome du Xinjiang). Il s’agit du premier train de fret en partance d’une ville turque à destination de la Chine après la mise en service en novembre 2019 de la ligne ferroviaire reliant la Chine, la Turquie et l’Europe. Selon une source proche du projet, il fallait par le passé une quarantaine de jours pour acheminer la grande partie des importations depuis la Turquie en Chine par voie maritime. La nouvelle voie ferroviaire permet à la fois de réduire énormément le coût du transport et de moins être à la merci des intempéries. L’ambassadeur de Turquie en Chine, Abdulkadir Emin Önen, s’est félicité du lancement des services de fret ferroviaire entre la Turquie et la Chine, considérant qu’ils étaient indispensables pour accélérer les échanges et renforcer les liens économiques entre les deux pays. Il a par ailleurs annoncé que le deuxième train de fret était parti quelques jours plus tôt et devrait arriver à Xi’an début janvier 2021.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://french.china.org.cn/business/txt/2020-12/24/content_77047614.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span>http://french.china.org.cn/business/txt/2020-12/24/content_77047614.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><br /></span></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span>23.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Ante los hechos, ¿quién todavía cree en la mentira del "trabajo forzoso"?</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-10/20/139454764_16032081308511n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="534" data-original-width="800" height="200" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-10/20/139454764_16032081308511n.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span>"¿Acaso salimos a trabajar, ganamos más dinero, aprendemos más habilidades y mejoramos nuestra vida con nuestras propias manos todavía necesitamos ser forzados por otros?" El 21, Xieri Maimaitimin de Hetian, Xinjiang, China, así respondió a la pregunta sobre el llamado "trabajo forzoso en Xinjiang" en la conferencia de prensa sobre el tema de Xinjiang. De hecho, la población local tiene más derecho a palabra en Xinjiang. En la conferencia de prensa, cuatro personas en Xinjiang, incluido Xiari, tuvieron intercambios cara a cara con reporteros chinos y extranjeros, utilizando su propia experiencia para descubrir la gran mentira inventada por algunos políticos de Estados Unidos y Occidente. Desde principios de este año, algunas fuerzas anti-China en Estados Unidos y Occidente han seguido promocionando el tema del "trabajo forzoso" en Xinjiang bajo la bandera de los derechos humanos, y aprovecharon la oportunidad para lanzar proyectos de ley relacionada para imponer sanciones a funcionarios, instituciones y empresas en Xinjiang. Además de los factores de los intereses económicos existentes, algunos políticos estadounidenses quieren utilizar deliberadamente esto para perturbar las relaciones nacionales de China, engañando así a la opinión pública internacional con su siniestro propósito de desacreditar y contener a China.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://espanol.cri.cn/news/report/1017/20201223/595591.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span>http://espanol.cri.cn/news/report/1017/20201223/595591.html</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span>22.12.20 Zhao Ying</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>From 24 to 634: The Przewalski's horse returns to the wild</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-22/From-24-to-634-The-Przewalski-s-horse-returns-to-the-wild-WqexuUXu1y/img/9ea899a5fa2848bba846971aa5d22325/9ea899a5fa2848bba846971aa5d22325.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="532" data-original-width="800" height="133" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-22/From-24-to-634-The-Przewalski-s-horse-returns-to-the-wild-WqexuUXu1y/img/9ea899a5fa2848bba846971aa5d22325/9ea899a5fa2848bba846971aa5d22325.jpeg" width="200" /></a></div><span>At the end of World War II, there were only 31 Przewalski's horses left in captivity, and nine of them that were able to reproduce became the ancestors of all the Przewalski's horses we see today. The inbreeding problem was always the "Sword of Damocles" hanging over the species. In the 1980s and 1990s, international conservation organizations began to re-introduce the Przewalski's horse into China and Mongolia where it once lived, in the hope of bringing the species to the wild steppes again and increasing genetic diversity. Considering that the Przewalski's horse used to roam in Junggar Basin in northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, 11 Przewalski's horses were first sent from Germany and Britain to the zoo in Urumqi, Xinjiang, for transition in 1985, and relocated to the Xinjiang Wild Horse Breeding and Research Center after 16 months. Another three batches of horses from the U.S. and Germany arrived at the center later, bringing the total number to 24. They became the forefathers of the Przewalski's horses living in Xinjiang today. In 1988, the first foal was born at the center after the horse returned to its homeland, and named "Junggar No.1." The young lady soon gave birth to the second generation in 1995, signaling that the species can successfully breed in China.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-22/From-24-to-634-The-Przewalski-s-horse-returns-to-the-wild-WqexuUXu1y/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span>https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-22/From-24-to-634-The-Przewalski-s-horse-returns-to-the-wild-WqexuUXu1y/index.html</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span>22.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>La Chine réfute les allégations de « travail forcé » au Xinjiang</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://french.peopledaily.com.cn/NMediaFile/2020/1222/FOREIGN202012221612000597482110569.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="359" data-original-width="540" height="200" src="http://french.peopledaily.com.cn/NMediaFile/2020/1222/FOREIGN202012221612000597482110569.jpeg" width="200" /></a></div><span>Les responsables de la région autonome ouïghoure du Xinjiang (nord-ouest de la Chine), ont réfuté les critiques sur les questions liées au Xinjiang dans des rapports occidentaux, affirmant que les allégations sur des questions telles que le « travail forcé » et les « camps de rééducation » sont de la pure calomnie. Xu Guixiang, chef adjoint du département de la communication du Comité du Parti communiste chinois de la région autonome ouïghoure du Xinjiang, a déclaré le 21 décembre lors d'un point de presse que cette histoire de « travail forcé » est ridicule et que les travailleurs de tous les groupes ethniques du Xinjiang choisissent leur travail de leur plein gré et signent des contrats de travail volontaires conformément à la loi. Selon M. Xu, les travailleurs qui recherchent un emploi en dehors de la région gagnent en moyenne 40 000 yuans (6 108 dollars) par an, tandis que ceux qui restent travailler au Xinjiang pourraient gagner environ 30 000 yuans par an, plus que le travail agricole sur place.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://french.peopledaily.com.cn/Chine/n3/2020/1222/c31354-9801798.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span>http://french.peopledaily.com.cn/Chine/n3/2020/1222/c31354-9801798.html</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span>22.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Collection of ancient manuscripts unearthed in Xinjiang published</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/culture/attachement/jpg/site1/20160727/b083fe96faac190269db09.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="529" data-original-width="800" height="132" src="http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/culture/attachement/jpg/site1/20160727/b083fe96faac190269db09.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span>A collection of more than 26,000 pieces of manuscripts written in Chinese characters, previously unearthed in the current-day Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, was recently published by the Zhonghua Book Company. The manuscripts were part of the relics looted to Western countries in the early 20th century. Their publication marks the first time the manuscripts were unveiled to the public. Currently part of the manuscript collection of Lushun Museum in the northeastern Chinese city of Dalian, they were considered the "last treasure" of ancient Dunhuang and Turpan manuscripts. The manuscripts include Buddhist, Confucian and Taoist classics, as well as official paperwork from various dynasties, said Rong Xinjiang, a professor with Peking University, at a seminar held Sunday. Rong also underlined the manuscripts' academic significance in the study of the ancient Silk Road, as well as the spread of Chinese culture in Xinjiang in ancient times. </span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://www.china.org.cn/arts/2020-12/22/content_77037842.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span>http://www.china.org.cn/arts/2020-12/22/content_77037842.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span>22.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Moving moments from 2020</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-22/Moving-moments-from-2020-WqLl30W2ru/img/d8d92bdef72f453f960198e3acb09ef9/d8d92bdef72f453f960198e3acb09ef9.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="538" data-original-width="800" height="135" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-22/Moving-moments-from-2020-WqLl30W2ru/img/d8d92bdef72f453f960198e3acb09ef9/d8d92bdef72f453f960198e3acb09ef9.jpeg" width="200" /></a></div><span>Lyu Jun, a medical staff member at Xinjiang Medical University says goodbye to his wife as he leaves for Wuhan to support frontline medics, Urumqi City, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, January 28, 2020. </span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-22/Moving-moments-from-2020-WqLl30W2ru/index.html"><span>https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-22/Moving-moments-from-2020-WqLl30W2ru/index.html</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span>22.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Comentário: Palavras do povo de Xinjiang revelam mentiras da mídia ocidental</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3251444e326b7a4d34676a4e32516a4e35677a4e31457a6333566d54/img/db3dddee84954be4bd467e571fda42cb/db3dddee84954be4bd467e571fda42cb.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="253" data-original-width="450" height="112" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3251444e326b7a4d34676a4e32516a4e35677a4e31457a6333566d54/img/db3dddee84954be4bd467e571fda42cb/db3dddee84954be4bd467e571fda42cb.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span>"Precisamos ser forçados por outros quando saímos para trabalhar, ganhar mais dinheiro, aprender mais habilidades e mudar nossas vidas?" perguntou um homem da região Hotan, em Xinjiang, na China na coletiva de imprensa realizada no dia 21. Quatro pessoas de Xinjiang participaram da coletiva de imprensa e eles revelaram a mentira do chamado “trabalho forçado em Xinjiang” com suas próprias experiências de vida. O “fenômeno de trabalho forçado em Xinjiang” é uma mentira criada por Adrian Zenz, um alemão anti-China e pelo Instituo de Pesquisa de Estratégias da Austrália (ASPI, na sigla em inglês). Em março deste ano, o site norte-americano “The Grayzone” já tinha relatado que esta mentira é uma intriga das forças anti-China nos Estados Unidos e na Austrália para tentar provocar uma nova Guerra Fria. O fato já demonstrou que o ASPI é uma organização patrocinada por departamentos de defesa e diplomacia e por traficantes de armas dos EUA. No entanto, alguns políticos norte-americanos não pararam de se aproveitar desta mentira para intrigar as relações étnicas da China e difamar a China na comunidade internacional.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://portuguese.cri.cn/news/china/407/20201222/595449.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span>http://portuguese.cri.cn/news/china/407/20201222/595449.html</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">20.12.20</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Los hechos y la verdad cortan la "cadena de mentiras" que desacredita a Xinjiang</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://newses.cgtn.com/n/BfJAA-DAA-FAA/BIABJcA.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="134" src="https://newses.cgtn.com/n/BfJAA-DAA-FAA/BIABJcA.jpg" width="238" /></a></div>Recientemente, bajo la instigación de algunas fuerzas occidentales anti-China, las mentiras sobre Xinjiang han sido promocionadas nuevamente. El Center for Global Policy, un grupo de expertos de EE. UU., emitió un informe el día 15, afirmando falsamente que más de 500.000 uigures en Xinjiang, China, se vieron obligados a dedicarse a la recolección de algodón. El Parlamento Europeo aprobó el día 17 una resolución que ataca el llamado "trabajo forzoso" de minorías étnicas como los uigures de Xinjiang. De hecho, el llamado "trabajo forzoso" es una versión totalmente falsa, una mentira fabricada de la nada por algunos elementos anti-China y los "comerciantes" detrás de ellos. Deliberadamente llaman los esfuerzos del gobierno chino para ayudar a las personas de todos los grupos étnicos en Xinjiang a lograr un empleo estable como el llamado "trabajo forzoso" para confundir al público y tratar de desacreditar la imagen de China, alienar las relaciones étnicas de China y contener el desarrollo de China. En los últimos meses, China ha publicado documentos como el libro blanco "Seguridad en el trabajo y el empleo en Xinjiang" y el "Informe de la encuesta sobre el trabajo y el empleo para las minorías étnicas en Xinjiang", utilizando datos detallados para presentar en detalle a las minorías étnicas de Xinjiang. Los hechos del "empleo voluntario" y el "trabajo decente" aclaran que la política de empleo de Xinjiang respeta plenamente la voluntad de los trabajadores al empleo, garantiza los derechos básicos de los trabajadores de conformidad con la ley y ayuda a la gente de Xinjiang a crear una vida mejor.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://espanol.cgtn.com/n/2020-12-20/EHBbcA/los-hechos-y-la-verdad-cortan-la-cadena-de-mentiras-que-desacredita-a-xinjiang/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://espanol.cgtn.com/n/2020-12-20/EHBbcA/los-hechos-y-la-verdad-cortan-la-cadena-de-mentiras-que-desacredita-a-xinjiang/index.html</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span>20.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Xinjiang Situation: 'Camera installed to monitor Muslims' is 'pure lie'</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://p1.img.cctvpic.com/photoworkspace/2020/12/21/2020122117030046019.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://p1.img.cctvpic.com/photoworkspace/2020/12/21/2020122117030046019.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span>Against the accusations made by certain Western media outlets, officials and religious people from northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region say rumors like "forced labor" in Xinjiang and local government installed cameras "to supervise religious people" are purely "slander". Elijan Anayit, spokesperson for the Information Office of the People's Government of Xinjiang, said at Monday's news briefing that the accusations of so-called "forced-labor" and "oppression" couldn't be further from the truth. "The so-claimed 'persecution' is nonsense. People in Xinjiang are just like everyone else in China's other regions, enjoying the same rights and protected by the law," he said, adding 70 percent of the region's public expenditure is spent on improving the livelihood of local people, from employment and education to medical care. He explained that by 2020, at least one person in every household in Xinjiang has a job. And for those who hunted for jobs outside of the region, they earned an average of 40,000 yuan annually by the latest count. "It can be said that we are now living the life that previously only existed in our dreams," he added.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://english.cctv.com/2020/12/21/ARTIlIedzV1bLOHv3UvTTq8H201221.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span>https://english.cctv.com/2020/12/21/ARTIlIedzV1bLOHv3UvTTq8H201221.shtml</span></a></div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span>20.12.20 Andrew Korybko</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Pompeo's Sinophobia a sign of his 2024 presidential ambitions</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-20/Pompeo-s-Sinophobia-a-sign-of-his-2024-presidential-ambitions-Wn1GreVUvC/img/d02585da0e13453e818be773bf4b23cf/d02585da0e13453e818be773bf4b23cf.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-20/Pompeo-s-Sinophobia-a-sign-of-his-2024-presidential-ambitions-Wn1GreVUvC/img/d02585da0e13453e818be773bf4b23cf/d02585da0e13453e818be773bf4b23cf.jpeg" width="200" /></a></div><span>Outgoing U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo went on yet another of his infamous Sinophobic rants on Friday while speaking to popular conservative talk show host Mark Levin. What was different about this one, however, is that it occurred almost a month before he's supposed to leave office. This makes it seem like he might have personal motives in presenting himself as the Trump administration's most radical anti-Chinese hawk during its final days. It could very well be the case that he hopes to cement his legacy on this issue for the purpose of advancing a possible 2024 presidential bid. Before discussing why the scenario is more than plausible, it's important to touch upon some of the things that he said during his interview. Levin is Pompeo's friend, and America's top diplomat even spoke highly about one of his host's books. Levin has interviewed Pompeo before. The talk show host is among incumbent U.S. President Trump's most vocal supporters, especially when it comes to criticizing the outcome of last month's election. This backdrop means that it is a "softball," precisely the sort of interview that conservatives always criticize liberals for engaging in. Pompeo wasn't asked any tough questions. On the contrary, it seems like they both prepared for the interview ahead of time since everything seemed perfectly scripted. Levin immediately allowed Pompeo to rail against China, after which his guest proceeded to make false claims about the country, such as accusing it of covering up the COVID-19 pandemic. However, the real cover-up was the Trump administration's deliberate downplaying of this disease and utter mismanagement of America's response to it. Nevertheless, Pompeo wants everyone to forget about that and only focus on information warfare narratives against China. It was also very racist of Pompeo to say that Americans "see these Chinese students that are acting in ways that are deeply inconsistent with just somebody who's coming to study," which implies that they're spies. Just because Chinese students take their studies much more seriously than many of their American peers and consequently excel in them doesn't mean that they're engaged in espionage. Pompeo is also flat-out wrong in claiming that American media is "beholden" to the Communist Party of China (CPC) since it routinely criticizes it and even spreads fake news. Perfect examples of this concern Hong Kong, Huawei and Xinjiang, among others.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-20/Pompeo-s-Sinophobia-a-sign-of-his-2024-presidential-ambitions-Wn1GreVUvC/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span>https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-20/Pompeo-s-Sinophobia-a-sign-of-his-2024-presidential-ambitions-Wn1GreVUvC/index.html</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span>19.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Hallan enorme reserva de gas en Xinjiang, noroeste de China</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-12/20/139603726_16083962586281n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="200" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-12/20/139603726_16083962586281n.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span>Un enorme depósito de gas con reservas previstas de más de 100 mil millones de metros cúbicos fue hallado en la región autónoma uygur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, de acuerdo con la oficina local de PetroChina. Una sonda preliminar indica que el depósito, que abarca un área de 156 millones de metros cuadrados bajo el centro del borde sur de la cuenca de Junggar, contiene 109 mil millones de metros cúbicos de gas, dijo el viernes Huo Jin, gerente general de la oficina de PetroChina en Xinjiang. Se espera que sea capaz de producir 610 mil metros cúbicos de gas natural y 106,3 metros cúbicos de petróleo crudo por día, señaló Huo. "El descubrimiento marca un gran avance en la exploración de gas en el borde sur de la cuenca de Junggar, que garantizará aún más el suministro de gas de nuestra empresa y contribuirá a la estabilidad y la prosperidad de la región", dijo.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-12/19/c_139603682.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span>http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-12/19/c_139603682.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span>19.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Winter view of Yarkant River in Xinjiang</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-12/19/139602935_16083644427261n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="600" data-original-width="800" height="200" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-12/19/139602935_16083644427261n.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span>Aerial photo taken on Dec. 18, 2020 shows the winter view of Yarkant River in Zepu County, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. </span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-12/19/c_139602935_2.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span>http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-12/19/c_139602935_2.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><br /></span></div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">18.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b><span style="font-size: x-small;">Natural gas exploration achieves giant leap in Xinjiang's Junggar Basin</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://image.cns.com.cn/ecns_editor/transform/20201218/JxKP-haexqwa4603157.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="379" data-original-width="550" height="200" src="http://image.cns.com.cn/ecns_editor/transform/20201218/JxKP-haexqwa4603157.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">Oil exploration achieved a breakthrough at a well in Hutubi County, Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, PetroChina's Xinjiang Oilfield Company announced Wednewsday. Located in the middle of southern margin of Junggar Basin, the well boasts a daily production capacity of 61,000 cubic meters of natural gas and 106.3 cubic meters of crude oil. The well is estimated to store a billion cubic meters of oil and gas.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://www.ecns.cn/cns-wire/2020-12-18/detail-ihaexsqc6149863.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://www.ecns.cn/cns-wire/2020-12-18/detail-ihaexsqc6149863.shtml</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">18.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b><span style="font-size: x-small;">Región china de Xinjiang no reporta nuevos casos de COVID-19</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-24/One-asymptomatic-COVID-19-case-reported-in-Xinjiang-s-Kashgar-UR8YG5RZja/img/7672ff4a71174ec0be1aea45421d0be5/7672ff4a71174ec0be1aea45421d0be5.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="449" data-original-width="800" height="112" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-24/One-asymptomatic-COVID-19-case-reported-in-Xinjiang-s-Kashgar-UR8YG5RZja/img/7672ff4a71174ec0be1aea45421d0be5/7672ff4a71174ec0be1aea45421d0be5.png" width="200" /></span></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">La región autónoma uygur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, no registró el jueves nuevos casos confirmados ni asintomáticos de COVID-19, informó hoy viernes la comisión regional de salud. Hasta el jueves Xinjiang no tenía casos confirmados existentes, en tanto que había cuatro casos asintomáticos de COVID-19, todos ubicados en el distrito de Gaochang de la ciudad de Turpan, de acuerdo con la comisión.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-12/18/c_139599991.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-12/18/c_139599991.htm</span></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></span><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"></span></span><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><span><span style="font-size: x-small;"></span></span></span><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><span><span><span style="font-size: x-small;"></span></span></span></span><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><span><span><span style="font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><span><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">18.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Liu Lipeng's 23 help Xinjiang overcome Sichuan in CBA</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://images.china.cn/images/122877.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="181" data-original-width="238" height="200" src="http://images.china.cn/images/122877.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">Liu Lipeng's career-high 23 points helped the Xinjiang Flying Tigers beat the Sichuan Blue Whales 107-92 in the 2020-21 Chinese Basketball Association (CBA) here on Friday night. In a lifeless first quarter, Xinjiang missed their first 8-of-9 shootings and fell behind Sichuan 23-22. Donatas Motiejunas continued his incredible performance this season that powered Xinjiang up after the slow start, making 23 points and nine rebounds in the first half. Sichuan played without key players Su Ruoyu and Yuan Tangwen, but their confidence never wavered. Marcus Hunt's 20 points in the second period helped them keep a one-point lead at the halftime break. Xinjiang couldn't get much going in the third and rookie Zhu Songwei's highlight performance gave Sichuan a 84-79 lead into the fourth period.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://www.china.org.cn/china/Off_the_Wire/2020-12/18/content_77028188.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://www.china.org.cn/china/Off_the_Wire/2020-12/18/content_77028188.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div></span></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">17.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><b><span style="font-family: verdana;">Injured bird rescued by police turns out to be rare falcon</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-17/Injured-bird-rescued-by-police-turns-out-to-be-rare-falcon-Wio1pTNbMI/img/7d8df95089d74994b448c7bfc02260e6/7d8df95089d74994b448c7bfc02260e6.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><img border="0" data-original-height="600" data-original-width="800" height="150" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-17/Injured-bird-rescued-by-police-turns-out-to-be-rare-falcon-Wio1pTNbMI/img/7d8df95089d74994b448c7bfc02260e6/7d8df95089d74994b448c7bfc02260e6.jpeg" width="200" /></span></a></div><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">Police rescued a large bird that turned out to be from a rare species while on patrol along the Changan Guole Border in Altay Prefecture, Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. The authorities took the injured animal lying on a snowfield back to the station for treatment. It was later identified as an Altai falcon (Falco cherrug altaicus), which is under second-class national protection in China. The Altai falcon is a medium-sized bird of prey with a light-brown striped upper body and dark lower body that can grow from 45 to 51 centimeters long. It resides in the mountains of Central Asia and lives in barren plateaus ranging from 1,475 to 2,750 meters above sea level. The police then transferred the bird to the Qinghe County Forestry police station for further treatment. It will be released back into nature once it has fully healed. </span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-17/Injured-bird-rescued-by-police-turns-out-to-be-rare-falcon-Wio1pTNbMI/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-17/Injured-bird-rescued-by-police-turns-out-to-be-rare-falcon-Wio1pTNbMI/index.html</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">17.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><b><span style="font-family: verdana;">(COVID-19) Chine : aucun nouveau cas au Xinjiang</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-27/Kashgar-Prefecture-completes-COVID-19-tests-for-all-residents-UVTnDGk1DG/img/f04a9d18d9534b079b9f70f33c056cac/f04a9d18d9534b079b9f70f33c056cac.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="112" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-27/Kashgar-Prefecture-completes-COVID-19-tests-for-all-residents-UVTnDGk1DG/img/f04a9d18d9534b079b9f70f33c056cac/f04a9d18d9534b079b9f70f33c056cac.jpeg" width="200" /></span></a></div><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">Aucun nouveau cas confirmé de COVID-19 ou de cas asymptomatique n'a été signalé mercredi dans la région autonome ouïgoure du Xinjiang, dans le nord-ouest de la Chine, a indiqué jeudi la commission régionale de la santé. Mercredi, le Xinjiang ne comptait aucun cas confirmé et quatre cas asymptomatiques, tous dans l'arrondissement de Gaochang de la ville de Turpan, selon la commission.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><a href="http://french.china.org.cn/china/txt/2020-12/17/content_77022369.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">http://french.china.org.cn/china/txt/2020-12/17/content_77022369.htm</span></a></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">17.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b><span style="font-family: verdana;">Han lifts Liaoning, Guangdong bags fifth straight win</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://images.china.cn/site1007/2020-12/17/83bfa2b3-6085-41cc-b1a0-ccedb143c580.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="200" src="http://images.china.cn/site1007/2020-12/17/83bfa2b3-6085-41cc-b1a0-ccedb143c580.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">Center Han Dejun grabbed a key offensive rebound and made a lay-up to help the Liaoning Flying Leopards edge the Guangzhou Loong Lions, led by Liaoning's former coach Guo Shiqiang, 95-93 in the 19th round of the Chinese Basketball Association (CBA) on Wednesday. Liaoning opened the game with a 10-0 run and extended the lead to 19 points for a while in the first quarter. Dallas Moore found his form and headed Guangzhou to cut the deficit to 10 points at the half-time break. The Loong Lions continued rallying back and narrowed the gap to only three points back from the locker room, forcing Liaoning to call a timeout. Coming from seven points down in the last quarter, Guangzhou tied the game 93-93 after Marreese Speights hit a three-pointer. Han's key offensive rebound and layup nailed the victory for Liaoning, as Speights missed a buzzer-beater. O.J. Mayo had a game-high 29 points for Liaoning, Han finished with 22 points and 12 rebounds, and Guo Ailun contributed 21 points. For Guangzhou, Speights got 21 points, Moore scored 20 points, and Guo Kai took 10 points along with 10 rebounds. The defending champion Guangdong Southern Tigers defeated the powehouse Xinjiang Flying Tigers 115-102, extending their winning streak to five games. Marshon Brooks and Sonny Weems each bagged 26 points for Guangdong, Du Runwang and Hu Mingxuan had 12 points respectively, and Zhao Rui added 11 points. Donatas Motiejunas scored a game-high 28 points and 13 rebounds for Xinjiang, Qi Lin took 17 points, and Tang Caiyu contributed 10 points.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://www.china.org.cn/sports/2020-12/17/content_77021004.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">http://www.china.org.cn/sports/2020-12/17/content_77021004.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">16.12.20 Hannan Hussain</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b><span style="font-family: verdana;">CGP report on Xinjiang labor is full of holes</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-16/CGP-report-on-Xinjiang-labor-is-full-of-holes-WgHHrIdSc8/img/fed7c81ae7c74c2499e9cc0483e2f246/fed7c81ae7c74c2499e9cc0483e2f246.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><img border="0" data-original-height="449" data-original-width="800" height="112" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-16/CGP-report-on-Xinjiang-labor-is-full-of-holes-WgHHrIdSc8/img/fed7c81ae7c74c2499e9cc0483e2f246/fed7c81ae7c74c2499e9cc0483e2f246.png" width="200" /></span></a></div><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">In a new report this week, U.S.-based Center for Global Policy (CGP) mounts malicious propaganda against labor engagement in China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, falsely asserting that ethnic minorities involved in cotton picking are subject to a "coercive state-mandated labor transfer and poverty alleviation scheme." Claiming to unearth "new evidence," the report simply repackages toxic anti-China narratives, including alleged "intrusive on-site surveillance" by government and law enforcement officials, the forced transfer of cotton-pickers into "tightly supervised groups," and some far-fetched fairy tales about elderly Uygur and children being made to follow two distinctly restrictive stands for cotton-picking. Taken together, such blatant distortion of facts only establishes the report's predetermined bias against the cotton-picking exercise in Xinjiang, the fair and equal treatment of minorities, and the role of a state they roundly trust. Beginning with China's labor-responsive policies in the country's largest cotton-growing area, it is an incontrovertible fact that scores of locals – as early as 2018 – were lifted from the shackles of poverty to embrace a new degree of economic mobility, contrary to CGP suggestions of coercion. Unlike the hollow conjecture cited in the report, there is no seamless "transition" between securitization and poverty alleviation in Xinjiang to harm labor rights in the region, let alone under the pretext of "extralegal internment." Touting such propaganda only reveals an astronomical gap in the report's embrace of "state-citizen rapport" in Xinjiang's cotton growing areas, backed by equal protection under the law, and an unparalleled regard for the rich ethnic variation that underpins labor engagement in Xinjiang. In a sign of thinly veiled fiction, Adrian Zenz – the lead author of the report – concludes that any legitimate interaction between state entities and select ethnic minorities in cotton fields must be seen as a "degree of consent in relation to this process [the process of allegedly high-risk labor transfer]" and that these minorities "may benefit financially." </span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-16/CGP-report-on-Xinjiang-labor-is-full-of-holes-WgHHrIdSc8/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-16/CGP-report-on-Xinjiang-labor-is-full-of-holes-WgHHrIdSc8/index.html</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">16.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Alivio de pobreza mediante atención médica da sus frutos en regiones chinas de Tíbet y Xinjiang</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/16/138477188_15712367188381n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="534" data-original-width="800" height="200" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/16/138477188_15712367188381n.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">La asistencia de profesionales de hospitales en toda China ha ayudado a las instituciones sanitarias en las remotas regiones chinas de Tíbet y Xinjiang a mejorar su capacidad de servicio y gestión, contribuyendo al alivio de la pobreza y a la mejora de la salud de la población local, destacó hoy martes un funcionario del gobierno. Durante cada uno de los últimos cinco años, alrededor de 900 expertos de hospitales del interior del país han participado en la campaña de apoyo a los hospitales de la región autónoma del Tíbet, la región autónoma uygur de Xinjiang y el Cuerpo de Producción y Construcción de Xinjiang, explicó Mi Feng, funcionario de la Comisión Nacional de Salud. En una conferencia de prensa sobre la asistencia del sector sanitario como parte de los esfuerzos para aliviar la pobreza durante el período del XIII Plan Quinquenal (2016-2020), Mi afirmó que las instituciones sanitarias que habían recibido apoyo incluían hospitales localizados en 106 distritos empobrecidos. Los expertos aportaron tecnologías médicas sofisticadas y experiencia en gestión a las instalaciones médicas de las dos regiones autónomas, dijo Mi.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2020/1216/c31617-9799779.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2020/1216/c31617-9799779.html</span></a></div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">16.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Arrestada ex vicepresidenta del Gobierno regional de Xinjiang por soborno</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-17/China-approves-national-Flag-Law-and-National-Emblem-Law-amendment-UF9dKzRi4U/img/e80de010665e41c9bd038e5fe62ff205/e80de010665e41c9bd038e5fe62ff205.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-17/China-approves-national-Flag-Law-and-National-Emblem-Law-amendment-UF9dKzRi4U/img/e80de010665e41c9bd038e5fe62ff205/e80de010665e41c9bd038e5fe62ff205.png" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">Ren Hua, ex vicepresidenta del Gobierno de la región autónoma uygur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, ha sido arrestada bajo acusación de aceptar sobornos, de acuerdo con una decisión adoptada por la Fiscalía Popular Suprema, según una declaración oficial emitida hoy miércoles. El caso de Ren, también exmiembro del grupo dirigente de miembros del Partido del Gobierno regional, fue transferida a las autoridades fiscales para su investigación y procesamiento, tras la conclusión de una investigación de la Comisión Nacional de Supervisión. El procesamiento del caso aún está en curso.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-12/16/c_139594057.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-12/16/c_139594057.htm</span></a></div></span></span></span></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">16.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b><span style="font-size: x-small;">Average life expectancy in Xinjiang reaches 74.4</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://image.cns.com.cn/ecns_editor/transform/20201216/Btdk-haetkhx5938463.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="366" data-original-width="550" height="200" src="http://image.cns.com.cn/ecns_editor/transform/20201216/Btdk-haetkhx5938463.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">The average life expectancy in northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region has reached 74.4 years, a senior Chinese health official said Tuesday. Medical services have been greatly improved in Xinjiang, Li Dachuan from the National Health Commission told a press conference, noting that 50 percent of county-level hospitals across the autonomous region are now capable of performing complicated surgeries like those for brain tumors and cervical spine diseases. In the years that immediately followed the region's peaceful liberation in 1949, the average life expectancy in Xinjiang was 30 years. The figure reached 72.35 years in 2018.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://www.ecns.cn/news/society/2020-12-16/detail-ihaetmvy3496581.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://www.ecns.cn/news/society/2020-12-16/detail-ihaetmvy3496581.shtml</span></a></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">16.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b><span style="font-size: x-small;">Guangdong overcome Xinjiang in CBA</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-12/16/139594952_16081604952461n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="200" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-12/16/139594952_16081604952461n.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">Sonny Weems and Marshon Brooks combined for 52 points as the Guangdong Southern Tigers beat Xinjiang Flying Tigers 115-102 in the Chinese Basketball Association (CBA) league here on Wednesday, extending its winning streak to five. Weems and Brooks scored 26 points apiece for Guangdong. Donatas Motiejunas scored a game-high 28 points. Weems and Brooks combined for 20 points to inspire Guangdong to a 39-32 lead after the first quarter. Guangdong continued its momentum and increased the advantage to 60-51 at halftime.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-12/16/c_139594952.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-12/16/c_139594952.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">15.12.20 Andrew Korybko</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b><span style="font-size: x-small;">China's dual circulation paradigm has nothing to do with 'decoupling'</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-15/China-s-dual-circulation-paradigm-has-nothing-to-do-with-decoupling--WfgqptJZao/img/fad105313f274f1b855471b4db5a2ab1/fad105313f274f1b855471b4db5a2ab1.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="388" data-original-width="691" height="112" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-15/China-s-dual-circulation-paradigm-has-nothing-to-do-with-decoupling--WfgqptJZao/img/fad105313f274f1b855471b4db5a2ab1/fad105313f274f1b855471b4db5a2ab1.png" width="200" /></span></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">The Washington Post published a provocative opinion piece on December 15 by columnist Ishaan Tharoor titled "Xi's China is preparing for a new world order". The author claims in the text that the "similarly adversarial worldview" of outgoing U.S. President Trump's envisioned "decoupling" of the American and Chinese economies "is crystallizing in China" through the latter's new development paradigm of dual circulation. He also quotes an expert who describes this model as "an economic strategy fit for a new Cold War." This is a grossly inaccurate way to interpret the role that China's dual circulation paradigm plays in its grand strategy. A possible explanation for Tharoor's mistaken views might be due to him being politically biased against China. Earlier in his article, he condemned China as a "regime" which he claims behaves "ruthlessly" in Hong Kong SAR, Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, and Taiwan, as well as against India. With such a mindset, it's not all that surprising that he'd wrongly regard China's dual circulation paradigm as having a hostile geopolitical angle. Even so, however, he earlier acknowledged that Chinese President Xi's recent speeches emphasizing the role of the domestic marketplace are "in keeping with how other more mature economic powers developed over time in the West." This schizophrenic assessment doesn't make sense and is inconsistent with the narrative that he's pushing throughout his piece, though he should nevertheless be applauded for telling the truth at least once. Dual circulation is a naturally occurring development in many advanced economies, but it shouldn't be associated with the superficially similar protectionist trends that sprouted up in the West over the past few years, especially after the global economic crisis brought about by COVID-19. Dual circulation and protectionism are actually two very different visions.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-15/China-s-dual-circulation-paradigm-has-nothing-to-do-with-decoupling--WfgqptJZao/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-15/China-s-dual-circulation-paradigm-has-nothing-to-do-with-decoupling--WfgqptJZao/index.html</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">14.12.20</span></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b><span style="font-size: x-small;">Children Play at Immersive-Digital Entertainment Experience Tunnel in Xinjiang</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-12/12/139584709_16077835317881n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="569" data-original-width="800" height="200" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-12/12/139584709_16077835317881n.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">Children play at an immersive-digital entertainment experience tunnel at a tourist resort in Nanshan scenic spot of Urumqi, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://www.womenofchina.cn/womenofchina/html1/news/Highlight/20121/3402-1.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://www.womenofchina.cn/womenofchina/html1/news/Highlight/20121/3402-1.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">14.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b><span style="font-size: x-small;">Región china de Xinjiang no reporta nuevos casos confirmados ni asintomáticos de COVID-19</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-07/21/139230208_15953760393301n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="200" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-07/21/139230208_15953760393301n.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">La región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, no reportó el domingo ningún nuevo caso confirmado ni asintomático de la neumonía COVID-19, informó hoy lunes la comisión regional de salud. Hasta el domingo, en Xinjiang no había casos confirmados de la afección, pero sí cuatro casos asintomáticos, todos en el distrito de Gaochang de la ciudad de Turpan, de acuerdo con la fuente.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-12/14/c_139588003.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-12/14/c_139588003.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">13.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b><span style="font-size: x-small;">Región china de Xinjiang reporta cuatro nuevos casos asintomáticos de COVID-19</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-10/27/139471184_16037988507821n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="528" data-original-width="800" height="200" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-10/27/139471184_16037988507821n.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">Cuatro nuevos casos asintomáticos de COVID-19 fueron reportados el sábado en la ciudad de Turpan, ubicada en la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, informó el domingo la comisión de salud local. Un hombre de 32 años, que trabaja para una empresa local de comercio, dio positivo el sábado durante una prueba de ácido nucleico de rutina. Su esposa, su madre y uno de sus colegas fueron confirmados como casos asintomáticos en exámenes realizados en toda la ciudad entre sus contactos cercanos. Los cuatro fueron enviados a un hospital designado para llevar a cabo su observación médica. Otros contactos cercanos de los pacientes están bajo observación aislada y sus resultados de prueba de ácido nucleico han resultado todos negativos. No se han reportado nuevos portadores o casos en otras partes de Xinjiang.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://espanol.cri.cn/news/china/1019/20201213/591117.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://espanol.cri.cn/news/china/1019/20201213/591117.html</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">12.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">Región china de Xinjiang reporta tres nuevos casos asintomáticos de COVID-19</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-04/Watch-From-Bosten-Lake-to-Turpan-CGTN-crew-on-the-road-in-Xinjiang-UjzKJLrOMw/img/0dd8cfcab9ea463088400394c7fecf23/0dd8cfcab9ea463088400394c7fecf23.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-04/Watch-From-Bosten-Lake-to-Turpan-CGTN-crew-on-the-road-in-Xinjiang-UjzKJLrOMw/img/0dd8cfcab9ea463088400394c7fecf23/0dd8cfcab9ea463088400394c7fecf23.jpeg" width="200" /></span></a></div><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">Tres nuevos casos asintomáticos de la COVID-19 fueron reportados el sábado en la ciudad de Turpan, ubicada en la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, según la comisión de salud local. Un hombre de 32 años, su esposa y su madre dieron positivo durante una prueba de ácido nucleico de rutina. Los tres fueron enviados a un hospital designado para llevar a cabo su observación médica. El primer caso asintomático reciente en Turpan fue un trabajador de una empresa de comercio y las pruebas en toda la ciudad han comenzado entre los contactos cercanos del paciente y sus allegados.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-12/12/c_139584190.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-12/12/c_139584190.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">11.12.20 </span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">Arqueólogos desentierran vajilla de bronce de cinco mil años de antigüedad en noroeste de China</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3349544f78677a6333566d54/img/99957630-e3ea-49c3-8544-d54d70bdd756.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="524" data-original-width="800" height="131" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3349544f78677a6333566d54/img/99957630-e3ea-49c3-8544-d54d70bdd756.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">Arqueólogos han descubierto restos de una vajilla de bronce que data de hace más de cinco mil años en un sitio en la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, informaron el jueves las autoridades locales. La vajilla de bronce, hallada en el sitio de Tongtiandong, es considerada como la más antigua de su tipo desenterrada en Xinjiang, señaló el jefe del equipo del proyecto de excavación, Yu Jianjun, del instituto regional de reliquias culturales y arqueología. Yu ha conjeturado que se trata de un objeto que tenía funciones decorativas. El hallazgo tiene gran importancia para el estudio de la metalurgia en los pastizales euroasiáticos. El sitio de Tongtiandong, descubierto en 2014, cuenta con tres cuevas principales y varias más pequeñas. Es la primera cueva paleolítica descubierta en Xinjiang. A partir de 2016, arqueólogos han desenterrado en el sitio cerca de 2.600 artefactos y restos de cultivos y plantas, así como unos 10 mil fósiles de animales.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-12/11/c_139582046.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-12/11/c_139582046.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"></span><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"></span></span><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><span><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">11.12.20 </span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>West’s misconception of China creates senseless attitudes: Global Times editorial</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2020/2020-12-09/27944805-ec62-463a-9df7-d0083f2b8eeb.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="480" data-original-width="800" height="120" src="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2020/2020-12-09/27944805-ec62-463a-9df7-d0083f2b8eeb.jpeg" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">French footballer Antoine Griezmann said on Thursday he was ending his sponsorship contract with Huawei over allegations that the Chinese telecoms giant was involved in the development of a facial recognition software that suppresses Uygurs in Xinjiang. Griezmann perhaps has never been to Xinjiang, but he resorted to such radical means to draw a line with Huawei. This shows how seriously France and the West have defamed Huawei. In the West, everything connected with Xinjiang would be suspected of assisting suppression of the Uygurs. Products from Xinjiang are said to be made with forced labor, and even opening a business is Xinjiang would be accused of supporting suppression. The Chinese people can clearly feel the hysteria and ludicrousness of such extremism. Griezmann's action makes him a fool. Xinjiang is by no means what the West describes. Violence and terrorism have been wiped out and its economy is recovering. The epidemic control situation is far better than that in France. Huawei is a great company. France has not even one high-tech company as Huawei. Double standards also play a role. According to strict Western moral standards, companies such as Intel and NVIDIA whose chips are installed in Xinjiang's facial recognition system should also be targeted. However, Western opinion seldom makes such harsh criticism, while Chinese companies like Huawei become the target of attack by Western opinion. The West-chanted morality only serves Western interests.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1209709.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1209709.shtml</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">11.12.20 YANG ZEKUN</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Uygurs not 'persecuted', Xinjiang spokesman says</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-08/Live-Enjoy-the-aerial-view-of-Urumqi-from-Hongshan-Mountain-UqqbORYAjC/img/209ba662d74d48daa3e606f4d4025344/209ba662d74d48daa3e606f4d4025344.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-08/Live-Enjoy-the-aerial-view-of-Urumqi-from-Hongshan-Mountain-UqqbORYAjC/img/209ba662d74d48daa3e606f4d4025344/209ba662d74d48daa3e606f4d4025344.jpeg" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">Uygurs enjoy the same legitimate rights as all other ethnic groups in China, and it is groundless to label them as "persecuted people", a spokesman from the Xinjiang Uygur autonomous region's government said on Wednesday. Ilijan Anayt said at a news conference held in the autonomous region that a claim in Pope Francis's new book calling Uygurs in China "persecuted people" was not supported by facts or evidence. Ilijan said that China protects the lawful rights and interests of all ethnic groups. He added that Uygurs enjoy the same legal status and rights as all other ethnic groups in China, including the right to vote and stand for elections, the right to participate in the administration of State affairs and freedom of religion. The Xinjiang government devotes 70 percent of its annual general public budget to improving people's livelihoods through a series of projects in employment, culture, education and medical care, ensuring that all ethnic groups in the region enjoy full rights to subsistence and development, Ilijan said. The government has formed a mechanism to guarantee that at least one person in every family gets employed, he said. It has also conducted the integrative development of rural-urban education, bringing the enrollment rate of children in compulsory education to 99.9 percent. In terms of healthcare, all residents in Xinjiang can access free physical examinations, and all impoverished people also have basic medical insurance, major illness insurance and an old-age pension.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://global.chinadaily.com.cn/a/202012/11/WS5fd2c475a31024ad0ba9b291.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://global.chinadaily.com.cn/a/202012/11/WS5fd2c475a31024ad0ba9b291.html</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">11.12.20 Fiona Sim</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>The National Endowment for Democracy is a threat to Uygurs' human rights</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-11/National-Endowment-for-Democracy-is-a-threat-to-Uygurs-human-rights-W8waOqNZ72/img/91a559552c0d4ab18a2ff9ac0dd647aa/91a559552c0d4ab18a2ff9ac0dd647aa.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-11/National-Endowment-for-Democracy-is-a-threat-to-Uygurs-human-rights-W8waOqNZ72/img/91a559552c0d4ab18a2ff9ac0dd647aa/91a559552c0d4ab18a2ff9ac0dd647aa.jpeg" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">On Human Rights Day, December 10th, a tweet by the official account for the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) has caused a stir on social media platform Twitter. The tweet stated: "To further #humanrights & human dignity for all people in China, the National Endowment for Democracy has funded Uygur groups since 2004." For critics of the human rights allegations made against China, this information comes as no surprise. The past few years have seen human rights activists leveling accusations of human rights violations at China concerning the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, which have ranged from repression of Islam in daily life to genocide of Uygur Muslims in concentration camps. Human rights groups such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, alongside the NED, have reported on these allegations based on a range of testimonies and information from anonymous sources, dissidents of the region, and Uygur separatist groups based in Xinjiang.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-11/National-Endowment-for-Democracy-is-a-threat-to-Uygurs-human-rights-W8waOqNZ72/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-11/National-Endowment-for-Democracy-is-a-threat-to-Uygurs-human-rights-W8waOqNZ72/index.html</span></a></div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">10.12.20 Feng Yilei</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Xinjiang Muslims: Worshipping goes on as usual despite twisted reports on China's de-radicalization</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-10/Xinjiang-Muslims-Worshipping-goes-on-as-usual--W6PL3rpsAg/video/980182eb0a1f4b4186c35e94d3670fcd/980182eb0a1f4b4186c35e94d3670fcd.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-10/Xinjiang-Muslims-Worshipping-goes-on-as-usual--W6PL3rpsAg/video/980182eb0a1f4b4186c35e94d3670fcd/980182eb0a1f4b4186c35e94d3670fcd.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">Muslims in northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region refuted claims by overseas media reports that China restricts their religious freedom. They clarified that China's ongoing counter-terrorism measures have never targeted regular religious activities. Instead, they are practicing their belief under better conditions. Iminjan Keram, imam at Tuanjie Mosque in Korla, said, by fighting against extremism in Xinjiang, the government is actually protecting regular religious activities.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-10/Xinjiang-Muslims-Worshipping-goes-on-as-usual--W6PL3rpsAg/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-10/Xinjiang-Muslims-Worshipping-goes-on-as-usual--W6PL3rpsAg/index.html</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">10.12.20 </span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>CCTVs in Xinjiang do not target any particular ethnic minority: Chinese FM</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0//attachment/2020/2020-11-22/735d8735-742e-4e9f-b8d7-4486c6f87786.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="480" data-original-width="800" height="120" src="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0//attachment/2020/2020-11-22/735d8735-742e-4e9f-b8d7-4486c6f87786.jpeg" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">Responding to an inquiry to Intel and NVIDIA CEOs by US Senator Marco Rubio on the sale of advanced computer chips that allegedly power a so-called supercomputer used in Northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Hua Chunying denounced such a claim, saying the US politician has no sincerity. "People all know Rubio's consistent anti-China mindset. He is keen on making up a variety of lies to smear China in order to seek personal gains from politics. He has no political sincerity at all," Hua told daily briefing on Thursday. Using modern technology and big data to improve social governance is an established practice in global society, Hua noted. "The legal installment of CCTV cameras in relevant public places in Xinjiang does not target any particular ethnic minority group. The aim is to improve social governance, prevent and fight crime effectively," the spokesperson said, adding that such measures in fact increased social stability and have won general support from local ethnic groups. Citing media reports and relevant statistics, Hua said the US' use of mass surveillance has been criticized by the world. According to US media, the US government in 2017 asked 20 US airports to scan all passengers using technology for facial recognition. The FBI's facial recognition office was able to search databases with more than 641 million photos, including 21 state databases, a report by the US Government Accountability Office showed on June 4, 2019. </span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1209652.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1209652.shtml</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">10.12.20 </span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Zhao Lijian denounces U.S.-fabricated video on Xinjiang issue</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-10/Zhao-Lijian-denounces-U-S-fabricated-video-on-Xinjiang-issue-W6Os77gVlS/video/b63970026c7b4abc9778b3a2a30b4250/b63970026c7b4abc9778b3a2a30b4250.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-10/Zhao-Lijian-denounces-U-S-fabricated-video-on-Xinjiang-issue-W6Os77gVlS/video/b63970026c7b4abc9778b3a2a30b4250/b63970026c7b4abc9778b3a2a30b4250.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">Chinese Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Zhao Lijian denounced a U.S.-fabricated video on Xinjiang Wednesday, saying that "There are Tibetan, Uygur, Mongolian and ethnic Zhuang languages printed beside Mandarin on China's RMB banknotes. By contrast, is there any language other than English on a U.S. dollar banknote?"</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-10/Zhao-Lijian-denounces-U-S-fabricated-video-on-Xinjiang-issue-W6Os77gVlS/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-10/Zhao-Lijian-denounces-U-S-fabricated-video-on-Xinjiang-issue-W6Os77gVlS/index.html</a></span></div><div><br /></div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">10.12.20 Robert Lawrence Kuhn</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Full Episode - This Land: story of border guard Mametnur Obulesen Ⅰ</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-10/-Full-Episode-This-Land-story-of-border-guard-Mametnur-Obulesen--W6MCuhG1fq/video/2fac937fddb34aaf829d358fbd6ac6dd/2fac937fddb34aaf829d358fbd6ac6dd.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-10/-Full-Episode-This-Land-story-of-border-guard-Mametnur-Obulesen--W6MCuhG1fq/video/2fac937fddb34aaf829d358fbd6ac6dd/2fac937fddb34aaf829d358fbd6ac6dd.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">Located in northwest China, Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region borders multiple countries, including Tajikistan, Afghanistan and Pakistan. With a long border of more than 5,600 kilometres, guarding it is a heavy task. In the past, the herdsmen here followed the seasons to graze and had no permanent homes. Nowadays, with the implementation of the policy to eradicate poverty in the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, they are offered new jobs as border guards. Together with the local border troops, they form a military-police-civilian joint defense system on the frontier. As border guards, they receive monthly subsidies and live in settlements built by the government, with access to water, electricity, roads and internet. Children are sent to schools at the foot of the mountain. Elders move into relocation sites in the county. For the young men, they stay on the high hill and remain at their posts as border guards. They protect the land that nurtures them, to ensure the stability of the country.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-10/-Full-Episode-This-Land-story-of-border-guard-Mametnur-Obulesen--W6MCuhG1fq/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-10/-Full-Episode-This-Land-story-of-border-guard-Mametnur-Obulesen--W6MCuhG1fq/index.html</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">09.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Importante ferrocarril entra en operación y forja nuevos enlaces en oeste de China</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-06/24/139163949_15929898365801n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="200" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-06/24/139163949_15929898365801n.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">Una importante línea ferroviaria que une la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang y la provincia de Qinghai, ambas en el noroeste de China, se puso en funcionamiento hoy miércoles, forjando el camino para el desarrollo acelerado de la región occidental del país. El ferrocarril Golmud-Korla de 1.206 kilómetros de largo, que une la ciudad de Golmud en Qinghai y la de Korla en Xinjiang, es el tercer ferrocarril que facilita los intercambios entre la región autónoma y otras regiones. La construcción se dividió en dos secciones. La sección de Xinjiang supera 734 kilómetros y la de Qinghai entró en operación en junio de este año. La línea reducirá el tiempo de viaje entre las dos ciudades de cerca de 26 a unas 12 horas. La nueva arteria ferroviaria también se conecta con el ferrocarril Qinghai-Tíbet, el sistema ferroviario más alto del mundo. La red conectará a Xinjiang, Qinghai y la región autónoma del Tíbet, facilitando los intercambios en el oeste del país.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-12/09/c_139575695.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-12/09/c_139575695.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">09.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Ouverture prochaine d'un nouvel aéroport au Xinjiang</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://video2.daguan.com/group1/M00/0D/C6/CgrZGV96dy-AE785AAG43tBgG8U462.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://video2.daguan.com/group1/M00/0D/C6/CgrZGV96dy-AE785AAG43tBgG8U462.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">Un nouvel aéroport ouvrira ses portes le 26 décembre à Yutian, un district éloigné de la région autonome ouïgoure du Xinjiang (nord-ouest), a-t-on appris des autorités locales. Selon Li Yigang, chef du projet de construction de l'aéroport, le vol d'essai réussi effectué lundi à l'aéroport a testé la capacité de l'aéroport à exploiter des avions de passagers. En tant qu'arrêt majeur sur l'ancienne Route de la Soie, le district de Yutian, situé dans la préfecture de Hotan du sud du Xinjiang, se trouve à plus de 180 kilomètres de l'aéroport le plus proche de la ville de Hotan. L'aéroport de Yutian permettra d'améliorer les conditions de transport du district et des régions environnantes dans le sud du Xinjiang, offrant aux résidents locaux des déplacements plus rapides.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://french.peopledaily.com.cn/Economie/n3/2020/1209/c31355-9797158.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://french.peopledaily.com.cn/Economie/n3/2020/1209/c31355-9797158.html</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">08.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Región china de Xinjiang tendrá un nuevo aeropuerto</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/NMediaFile/2018/0330/FOREIGN201803300918000007646861700.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="499" data-original-width="800" height="200" src="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/NMediaFile/2018/0330/FOREIGN201803300918000007646861700.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">Un aeropuerto en Yutian, un distrito remoto en la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, está programado para ser inaugurado el 26 de diciembre, según informaron las autoridades locales. El exitoso vuelo de prueba completado el lunes demuestra la capacidad del aeropuerto para operar aviones de pasajeros, de acuerdo con Li Yigang, a cargo del proyecto de construcción del aeropuerto. El distrito de Yutian es un importante punto de conexión en la antigua Ruta de la Seda. Situado en la prefectura de Hotan, en el sur de Xinjiang, el distrito está a más de 180 kilómetros del aeropuerto más cercano en la ciudad de Hotan. El aeropuerto de Yutian mejorará la situación del transporte del distrito y sus alrededores en el sur de Xinjiang, proporcionando una opción de transporte más rápida para los residentes locales. La construcción del aeropuerto comenzó en octubre de 2019. Tiene una pista de 3.200 metros, un edificio terminal de 3.010 metros cuadrados, instalaciones para el control del tráfico aéreo, y suministros de energía y combustible.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-12/08/c_139573127.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-12/08/c_139573127.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">08.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Four Great Wall sites in Xinjiang listed as national-level relics</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.ecns.cn/hd/2018/05/30/b8ca366ffa26457783c515a7fc09a162.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="463" data-original-width="800" height="116" src="https://www.ecns.cn/hd/2018/05/30/b8ca366ffa26457783c515a7fc09a162.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">The National Cultural Heritage Administration of China released its first list of major national-level Great Wall sections recently. Four relic sites from Tang Dynasty (618-907) in Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region were included into the list. They are Tuoxike beacon tower, Kiyakkuduk beacon tower, Kizil Gaha beacon tower and Mazartag fortress.All the towers were integrated military facilities used to transmit war signals in ancient China. There are now 212 sections of the Great Wall in Xinjiang on the list.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://www.china.org.cn/travel/2020-12/08/content_76990876.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://www.china.org.cn/travel/2020-12/08/content_76990876.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div></span></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">07.12.20</span></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Proyecto de expansión del Aeropuerto de Urumqi en Xinjiang</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-12/07/139565111_16071380700311n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="522" data-original-width="800" height="200" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-12/07/139565111_16071380700311n.jpg" width="200" /></a></div>La principal estructura de la Sección I del pasillo de espera sur del proyecto de expansión del Aeropuerto de Urumqi cerró el viernes en medio del clima frío. La expansión del aeropuerto, el cual es también el mayor proyecto de construcción de una edificación individual hasta ahora en Xinjiang, se espera que sea completada y puesta en operación en 2023.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-12/07/c_139565111.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-12/07/c_139565111.htm</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">06.12.20</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Nuevo ferrocarril en Xinjiang deja pasajes para migración de vida silvestre</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-12/06/139568007_16072584444221n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="200" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-12/06/139568007_16072584444221n.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">Una nueva línea ferroviaria que conecta la región autónoma uygur de Xinjiang y la provincia noroccidental china de Qinghai ha dejado 140 pasadizos para la migración de vida silvestre, informaron los diseñadores del ferrocarril. Los pasajes están reservados en la sección Xinjiang del ferrocarril Golmud-Korla ya que atraviesa Lop Nur, una reserva natural nacional para camellos salvajes. Se han construido un total de 13 túneles y 127 puentes para la migración de animales grandes, medianos y pequeños en la reserva, hogar de más de 500 camellos salvajes, precisó Wang Xinshuan, gerente de proyecto de un instituto de diseño ferroviario local afiliado a China Railway First Survey and Design Institute Group Co., responsable de la sección de Xinjiang. La línea también ha evitado pasar por una importante fuente de agua para la vida silvestre a costa de una inversión adicional para garantizar que la construcción y operación del ferrocarril no afecten la fuente de agua potable de los animales salvajes.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-12/06/c_139568058.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-12/06/c_139568058.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">06.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Nueva línea de ferrocarril entra en operación en región china de Xinjiang</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-06/24/139163949_15929898365801n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="200" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-06/24/139163949_15929898365801n.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">La sección Altay-Fuyun de la línea ferroviaria Afuzhun (Altay-Fuyun-Zhundong) en la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, entró en operación hoy domingo. Tanto trenes de pasajeros como de carga circularán en este ferrocarril recién inaugurado, de 148 kilómetros de largo, según informó China Railway Urumqi Group Co., Ltd. La sección Fuyun-Zhundong fue puesta en funcionamiento a finales de 2019. Con una extensión de 419 kilómetros, el ferrocarril Afuzhun está conectado con otra vía férrea, y juntos forman parte de una red ferroviaria circular en la parte norte de Xinjiang.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-12/06/c_139567418.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-12/06/c_139567418.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">03.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>China critica a EEUU por bloquear importaciones de algodón de Xinjiang</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-10/31/138517088_15724902739201n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="491" data-original-width="800" height="200" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-10/31/138517088_15724902739201n.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">Algunos políticos estadounidenses inventaron la llamada cuestión "trabajo forzoso" con el propósito de restringir y reprimir a las empresas chinas y contener el desarrollo de China, dijo hoy jueves una portavoz del Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores. La portavoz Hua Chunying hizo las declaraciones en una rueda de prensa diaria cuando se le pidió que comentara sobre la decisión de Estados Unidos de bloquear las importaciones de algodón de Xinjiang con el pretexto del "trabajo forzoso". Las acciones de Estados Unidos violan las reglas del comercio internacional y los principios de la economía de mercado, dañan las cadenas industrial y de suministro globales y perjudican los intereses de las empresas y los consumidores de todos los países, incluido Estados Unidos, dijo Hua. "Cabe señalar que ayudar a personas de todos los grupos étnicos a encontrar un empleo estable y 'trabajo forzoso' son conceptos completamente diferentes", señaló Hua, quien agregó que los trabajadores de todos los grupos étnicos en Xinjiang eligen el trabajo por su propia voluntad. Ellos firman voluntariamente contratos con empresas conforme al principio de igualdad y "no serán discriminados debido a diferencias de etnia, género y creencias religiosas", dijo.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-12/03/c_139561587.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-12/03/c_139561587.htm</span></a></div></span></div></span></span></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">03.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b><span style="font-size: x-small;">Completan reparación de asentamiento de dos mil años de antigüedad en noroeste de China</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://images8.m.china.com.cn/mchina/img50/2020_12_04/10/5a5c2171df364edd1eaa9c133303a2b1a8ba5460d0cbd179_600_9999.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="600" height="150" src="http://images8.m.china.com.cn/mchina/img50/2020_12_04/10/5a5c2171df364edd1eaa9c133303a2b1a8ba5460d0cbd179_600_9999.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">Restauradores culturales de China han completado las obras de reparación de emergencia en los vestigios de lo que se cree son ruinas del antiguo reino de Loulan, en la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China. Loulan fue un próspero asentamiento construido hace unos 2.000 años para servir a los comerciantes que transitaban por la antigua Ruta de la Seda. Sin embargo, con el tiempo, las referencias a Loulan desaparecieron misteriosamente. El sitio se localiza en la actualidad en zonas silvestres del distrito de Ruoqiang en el sur de Xinjiang. En 2019, los investigadores descubrieron que los cimientos de una pagoda y tres casas desenterradas en las ruinas se habían derrumbado en varios grados. Las estructuras estaban estropeadas por grietas, agujeros y erosión. Los trabajos de reparación que comenzaron en junio de este año reforzaron las estructuras de tierra de las tres casas y las ruinas de la pagoda.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-12/03/c_139561638.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-12/03/c_139561638.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">02.12.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b><span style="font-size: x-small;">Centro chino de cría ayuda caballos en peligro de extinción a pasar invierno</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-11-18/Xinjiang-conducts-health-checks-on-endangered-Przewalski-s-horses-VvRIpvCY92/img/9a1f72d991724040a60c8be75409c21f/9a1f72d991724040a60c8be75409c21f.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="532" data-original-width="800" height="133" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-11-18/Xinjiang-conducts-health-checks-on-endangered-Przewalski-s-horses-VvRIpvCY92/img/9a1f72d991724040a60c8be75409c21f/9a1f72d991724040a60c8be75409c21f.jpeg" width="200" /></span></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">Numerosos caballos Przewalski están disfrutando de auténticos manjares de invierno gracias a un nutritivo bufé preparado por criadores chinos. "Almacenamos más de 400 toneladas de forraje, incluidos tréboles, maíz y zanahorias, para los Przewalski en cautiverio", dijo Yang Jianming, director del Centro de Investigación y Cría de Caballos Salvajes de Xinjiang, en la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China. En todo el mundo hay alrededor de dos mil caballos Przewalski. El centro es la base de cría de caballos salvajes más grande del mundo, con un total de 481 ejemplares, a saber, 97 en cautiverio, 267 en estado salvaje y 117 en semi-cautiverio. Hace apenas unos días, una tormenta de nieve azotó la cuenca de Junggar, donde se encuentra el centro, por lo que las temperaturas llegaron a 12 grados centígrados bajo cero. "La comida, especialmente las zanahorias y el maíz, puede satisfacer las necesidades nutricionales de los caballos salvajes en invierno y prepararlos para la temporada de reproducción en primavera", sostuvo Yang.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-12/02/c_139558551.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-12/02/c_139558551.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">01.12.20</span></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><b>Pakistan says to support China on South China Sea, Taiwan, Xinjiang and Tibet</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-01/Pakistan-to-support-China-on-South-China-Sea-Taiwan-Xinjiang-Tibet-VS4tonaaTC/img/fa9b1db35111432ea956f7e4645e6eed/fa9b1db35111432ea956f7e4645e6eed.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="427" data-original-width="760" height="112" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-01/Pakistan-to-support-China-on-South-China-Sea-Taiwan-Xinjiang-Tibet-VS4tonaaTC/img/fa9b1db35111432ea956f7e4645e6eed/fa9b1db35111432ea956f7e4645e6eed.png" width="200" /></a></div>Pakistani President Arif Alvi and Prime Minister Imran Khan met with visiting Chinese State Councilor and Defense Minister Wei Fenghe in Islamabad on Tuesday. Noting that Pakistan and China are dear brothers and partners with a long friendship, Alvi said Pakistan will continue to support China on issues related to the South China Sea, Taiwan, Xinjiang, and Tibet, and his country hopes to work with China to strengthen bilateral cooperation in the construction of Pakistan-China Economic Corridor, and sectors including defense and security. China's success in fighting against the pandemic is unparalleled and its efforts in poverty alleviation are unprecedented in human history, said the prime minister. He said the two countries should carry out more comprehensive and closer strategic cooperation so as to lift the "Iron Brothers" ties to a new height. </span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-01/Pakistan-to-support-China-on-South-China-Sea-Taiwan-Xinjiang-Tibet-VS4tonaaTC/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-12-01/Pakistan-to-support-China-on-South-China-Sea-Taiwan-Xinjiang-Tibet-VS4tonaaTC/index.html</a></span></div><div><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: right;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="378" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/zr-g5foAmhc" width="455" youtube-src-id="zr-g5foAmhc"></iframe></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: right;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="380" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/Xw9063DT73w" width="454" youtube-src-id="Xw9063DT73w"></iframe></div></div><div><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">30.11.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><b>Former vice chairperson of Xinjiang regional gov't expelled from CPC, public office</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://newses.cgtn.com/n/BfJAA-BcA-EEA/BGdCIIA.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://newses.cgtn.com/n/BfJAA-BcA-EEA/BGdCIIA.jpg" width="200" /></a></div>Ren Hua, a former vice chairperson of the government of Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region in northwest China, has been expelled from the Communist Party of China (CPC) and dismissed from public office over serious violations of Party discipline and laws, the country's top anti-graft body announced Monday. The announcement by the CPC Central Commission for Discipline Inspection and the National Supervisory Commission came on the heels of an investigation carried out by the authority into the case of Ren, also a former member of the leading Party members group of the regional government. Ren was found to have flouted the original aspiration and founding mission of the CPC and was disloyal to the Party, the anti-graft body said. Failing to abide by the central Party leadership's eight-point decision on improving conduct at work, she attended banquets and accepted other extravagant consumption arrangements that could affect the fair execution of her official duties, as well as gifts and money, according to the investigation findings.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-11/30/c_139553461.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-11/30/c_139553461.htm</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">30.11.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><b>Expulsada de PCCh y cargo público ex vicepresidenta del gobierno regional de Xinjiang</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://newses.cgtn.com/n/BfJAA-CIA-HEA/BHaAJIA.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://newses.cgtn.com/n/BfJAA-CIA-HEA/BHaAJIA.jpg" width="200" /></a></div>Ren Hua, ex vicepresidenta del gobierno de la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, fue expulsada del Partido Comunista de China (PCCh) y destituida de su cargo público acusada de graves violaciones a la disciplina y las leyes del Partido, anunció hoy lunes el máximo cuerpo anticorrupción del país. El anuncio por parte de la Comisión Central de Control Disciplinario del PCCh y la Comisión Nacional de Supervisión se produjo inmediatamente después de una investigación llevada a cabo por las autoridades sobre el caso de Ren, también ex miembro del grupo dirigente de miembros del Partido del gobierno regional. Se constató que Ren había burlado la aspiración original y la misión fundadora del PCCh y era desleal al Partido, afirmó el organismo anticorrupción. Al no cumplir con la decisión de ocho puntos del liderazgo central del Partido sobre la mejora de la conducta en el trabajo, asistió a banquetes y aceptó otros acuerdos que incluyeron consumos extravagantes que podrían haber afectado la justa ejecución de sus atribuciones oficiales. Además, aceptó regalos y dinero, según los resultados de la investigación.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-11/30/c_139553526.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-11/30/c_139553526.htm</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span>30.11.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Chutes de neige et vague de froid dans le Xinjiang</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://images.china.cn/site1002/2020-11/30/a2ecffb2-b50c-433e-b9c8-db06516b3c32.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="200" src="http://images.china.cn/site1002/2020-11/30/a2ecffb2-b50c-433e-b9c8-db06516b3c32.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span>Des chutes de neige ont balayé dimanche 29 novembre le nord-ouest de la Chine, entraînant la baisse des températures de 5℃, ont annoncéles autorités météorologiques de Chine. La région autonome ouïgoure du Xinjiang a été touchée. Le bureau météorologique d’Urumqi, le chef-lieu, demande aux habitants des zones touchées de prendre leurs précautions concernant la circulation, les transports et l’approvisionnement en énergie.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://french.china.org.cn/china/txt/2020-11/30/content_76963469.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span>http://french.china.org.cn/china/txt/2020-11/30/content_76963469.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span>29.11.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Xinjiang tourism industry gears up for travel boom</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-11-29/Xinjiang-tourism-industry-gears-up-for-travel-boom-VOwNl9tfeo/video/e9dd68cc80a24431b67c4aa727e8adde/e9dd68cc80a24431b67c4aa727e8adde.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-11-29/Xinjiang-tourism-industry-gears-up-for-travel-boom-VOwNl9tfeo/video/e9dd68cc80a24431b67c4aa727e8adde/e9dd68cc80a24431b67c4aa727e8adde.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span>As winter sets in, snow-sport fans across China are flocking to the snow-clad mountains in northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, where the local tourism industry has geared up for the travel boom. In the capital Urumqi, ski resorts across the city have upgraded recreational facilities, skiing trails, and food courts. Meanwhile, to the north of Urumqi, the Altay Prefecture has launched a series of sports events and products featuring local culture and handcraft.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-11-29/Xinjiang-tourism-industry-gears-up-for-travel-boom-VOwNl9tfeo/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span>https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-11-29/Xinjiang-tourism-industry-gears-up-for-travel-boom-VOwNl9tfeo/index.html</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span>28.11.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Nevadas azotarán noroeste de China</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://images.china.cn/site1002/2020-11/30/09ef79c8-7ba8-4263-b2e7-ac1e902604ff.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="495" data-original-width="800" height="200" src="http://images.china.cn/site1002/2020-11/30/09ef79c8-7ba8-4263-b2e7-ac1e902604ff.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span>Las nevadas azotarán el noroeste de China en los próximos días, trayendo bajas temperaturas, informó hoy sábado el Centro Meteorológico Nacional. Desde el sábado hasta el martes, nevadas ligeras y moderadas o aguanieves afectarán la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, la región autónoma de Mongolia Interior, y las provincias de Gansu y Qinghai, según la misma fuente. Algunas áreas cerca de las Montañas Tianshan en Xinjiang recibirán fuertes nevadas. El centro también pronosticó lluvias ligeras en algunas regiones del suroeste de China.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-11/28/c_139549439.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span>http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-11/28/c_139549439.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><br /></span></div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span>26.11.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Xinjiang : un coursier à cheval dans la neige</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://en.people.cn/mediafile/201403/05/F201403051425162140732090.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="515" data-original-width="800" height="200" src="http://en.people.cn/mediafile/201403/05/F201403051425162140732090.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span>Le comté de Habahe, situé dans la région de l'Altaï de la région autonome ouïghoure du Xinjiang (nord-ouest de la Chine) a été touché par les chutes de neige pendant plusieurs jours, confrontant les livraisons de colis à un grand défi. Afin de garantir que les résidents locaux puissent recevoir leurs colis express à temps, ce coursier a fait ses livraisons à cheval dans la neige.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://french.peopledaily.com.cn/VieSociale/n3/2020/1126/c31360-9792062.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span>http://french.peopledaily.com.cn/VieSociale/n3/2020/1126/c31360-9792062.html</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span>25.11.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Embajada China en Uruguay indignada con actividad de su colega de Estados Unidos</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.carasycaretas.com.uy/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/china-barrios-777x437.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="437" data-original-width="777" height="112" src="https://www.carasycaretas.com.uy/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/china-barrios-777x437.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span>La Embajada de China en Uruguay emitió un comunicado donde hace saber su indignación y rechazo por una actividad realizada el 23 de noviembre de 2020: «La Embajada de los Estados Unidos en Uruguay organizó con desembozo una mesa redonda virtual sobre las llamadas “violaciones a los derechos humanos de la comunidad uigur”, en la cual se dio rienda suelta a comentarios irresponsables trastrocando lo verdadero por lo falso, en una burda intromisión en los asuntos internos de China». El comunicado que se puede leer en el sitio http://uy.china-embassy.org/esp/ de la Embajada de la República Popular China en Uruguay, además de dejar públicamente planteado su rechazo y malestar, da su versión de los hechos que cuestionaron los diplomáticos norteamericanos. «Entre 1990 y fines de 2016, las fuerzas nacionalistas de secesión, extremistas religiosos y terroristas violentos fraguaron y perpetraron miles de atentados terroristas violentos en Xinjiang, ocasionando la pérdida de un gran número de vidas humanas inocentes y centenares de policías caídos en cumplimiento de su deber, así como incalculables daños materiales, con el pueblo de las diversas etnias de la región sumido en una terrible tragedia. Con el objeto de eliminar desde sus raíces el terrorismo y el extremismo religioso, se establecieron en Xinjiang centros de capacitación para ayudar a los jóvenes a aprender la lengua común, las leyes y los oficios, de modo que al graduarse, puedan autosustentarse y encaminarse hacia el enriquecimiento mediante su laboriosidad, siempre en el marco del estado de derecho. ¿Alguien había conocido en la historia universal este tipo de “campos de concentración”? Los uigures son uno de los 56 grupos étnicos de la gran familia de la nación china. El gobierno chino siempre ha protegido los derechos e intereses legítimos de las minorías étnicas y su política poblacional ha otorgado un trato preferencial a ellas, incluidos los uigures. La población uigur en Xinjiang no ha dejado de crecer, en 1978, eran 5,55 millones, en 2018, llegaron a 12,71 millones, más del doble que hace 40 años. Entre 2010 y 2018, la población uigur en Xinjiang aumentó en 2,54 millones, un 25% de crecimiento, más alto que el aumento de toda la población de la región y 10 veces mayor que el crecimiento en el mismo período de la etnia han, la mayor del país. ¿Acaso llaman a esto “genocidio”? ¿Qué dirían entonces del exterminio de los indios americanos que vivían en territorio estadounidense antes de la llegada de Cristóbal Colón a América, cuya población no llegaba a las 250 mil personas para el siglo XIX? China siempre ha sido abierta y transparente en este tema. Desde fines de 2018, más de mil funcionarios de la ONU y el cuerpo diplomático acreditado en China, pasando por representantes ante Ginebra, amigos de los medios de información y líderes religiosos provenientes de más de 90 naciones visitaron la región, y se prevé una próxima visita de Michelle Bachelet, Alta Comisionada de la ONU para los Derechos Humanos. Los de Xinjiang son meramente asuntos internos de China, que no tienen nada que ver con los derechos humanos, la etnia o la religión, sino con la lucha contra el terrorismo violento y la secesión. En el reciente debate general de la Tercera Comisión de la Asamblea General de la ONU, 48 países firmaron una declaración conjunta para apoyar firmemente las medidas antiterroristas y de desradicalización de China en Xinjiang, oponiéndose firmemente a la politización de los derechos humanos y la práctica del doble rasero».</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.carasycaretas.com.uy/embajada-china-en-uruguay-indignada/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span>https://www.carasycaretas.com.uy/embajada-china-en-uruguay-indignada/</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span>24.11.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Puerto fronterizo de Xinjiang despacha cifra récord de trenes de carga China-Europa</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/9Z-PCAtcnUw/hqdefault.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="360" data-original-width="480" height="150" src="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/9Z-PCAtcnUw/hqdefault.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span>El puerto de Horgos, en la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, ha procesado en lo que va de año 4.000 trenes de carga China-Europa, una cifra récord a pesar del impacto de la epidemia de COVID-19, anunciaron hoy martes las autoridades aduaneras. La cifra ya supera el total del año pasado, según la aduana de Horgos, ubicado en el noroeste de China y fronterizo con Kazajistán. Durante la pandemia, un creciente número de empresa ha recurrido a los servicios de trenes de carga China-Europa por sus bajos precios, gran capacidad de transporte y gran estabilidad y conectividad, indicó Long Teng, funcionario de la aduana de Horgos. Liu Kai, gerente de una compañía de carga con sede en Horgos, indicó que su empresa ha recibido más pedidos diarios este año por parte de clientes de dentro y fuera del país. Entre enero y octubre, la compañía ayudó a transportar cerca de 650 mil toneladas de mercancías en más de 600 viajes de trenes de carga China-Europa, detalló Liu.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-11/24/c_139540154.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span>http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-11/24/c_139540154.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span>24.11.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Maze-like red canyon draws adventure seekers in NW China's Xinjiang</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-11-24/Maze-like-red-canyon-draws-adventure-seekers-in-NW-China-s-Xinjiang-VG0hfjZ55e/video/b9981b3ee7f54e45b1a0b645bc8db2e9/b9981b3ee7f54e45b1a0b645bc8db2e9.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-11-24/Maze-like-red-canyon-draws-adventure-seekers-in-NW-China-s-Xinjiang-VG0hfjZ55e/video/b9981b3ee7f54e45b1a0b645bc8db2e9/b9981b3ee7f54e45b1a0b645bc8db2e9.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span>A red-hued canyon in northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region is gaining popularity among outdoor enthusiasts. Located in Baicheng County, Aksu Prefecture, the canyon features steep rock formations in brick-red and maroon colors that create maze-like paths stretching to the mysterious ends. The peaks and ridges are carved into various peculiar shapes as a result of wind and water erosion. After a thrill-filled, energy-consuming hike, a group of trekkers managed to get on top of the mountain by using their hands and feet to climb up the steep slopes. "It's beautiful here. Though the journey is not easy, it gives me a sense of achievement getting up here," said Wang Shanshan from the trekking group.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-11-24/Maze-like-red-canyon-draws-adventure-seekers-in-NW-China-s-Xinjiang-VG0hfjZ55e/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span>https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-11-24/Maze-like-red-canyon-draws-adventure-seekers-in-NW-China-s-Xinjiang-VG0hfjZ55e/index.html</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></span></div></span></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: verdana;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">23.11.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: verdana;"><b><span style="font-size: x-small;">Declaración de la Embajada de China en Uruguay</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: verdana;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://uy.china-embassy.org/esp/xwdts/W020201124759345468278.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="800" data-original-width="506" height="200" src="http://uy.china-embassy.org/esp/xwdts/W020201124759345468278.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">El 23 de noviembre de 2020, la Embajada de los Estados Unidos en Uruguay organizó con desembozo una mesa redonda virtual sobre las llamadas “violaciones a los derechos humanos de la comunidad uigur”, en la cual se dio rienda suelta a comentarios irresponsables, trastrocando lo verdadero por lo falso, en una burda intromisión en los asuntos internos de China. Al respecto, la Embajada de China en Uruguay manifiesta su gran indignación y categórico rechazo. Entre 1990 y fines de 2016, las fuerzas nacionalistas de secesión, extremistas religiosos y terroristas violentos fraguaron y perpetraron miles de atentados terroristas violentos en Xinjiang, ocasionando la pérdida de un gran número de vidas humanas inocentes y centenares de policías caídos en cumplimiento de su deber, así como incalculables daños materiales, con el pueblo de las diversas etnias de la región sumido en una terrible tragedia. Con el objeto de eliminar desde sus raíces el terrorismo y el extremismo religioso, se establecieron en Xinjiang centros de capacitación para ayudar a los jóvenes a aprender la lengua común, las leyes y los oficios, de modo que al graduarse, puedan autosustentarse y encaminarse hacia el enriquecimiento mediante su laboriosidad, siempre en el marco del estado de derecho. ¿Alguien había conocido en la historia universal este tipo de “campos de concentración”? Los uigures son uno de los 56 grupos étnicos de la gran familia de la nación china. El gobierno chino siempre ha protegido los derechos e intereses legítimos de las minorías étnicas y su política poblacional ha otorgado un trato preferencial a ellas, incluidos los uigures. La población uigur en Xinjiang no ha dejado de crecer, en 1978, eran 5,55 millones, en 2018, llegaron a 12,71 millones, más del doble que hace 40 años. Entre 2010 y 2018, la población uigur en Xinjiang aumentó en 2,54 millones, un 25% de crecimiento, más alto que el aumento de toda la población de la región y 10 veces mayor que el crecimiento en el mismo período de la etnia han, la mayor del país.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: verdana;"><a href="http://uy.china-embassy.org/esp/xwdts/t1835061.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://uy.china-embassy.org/esp/xwdts/t1835061.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: verdana;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: verdana;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">23.11.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: verdana;"><b><span style="font-size: x-small;">Ski resort in NW China's Xinjiang launches winter tourism season</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: verdana;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-11-23/Ski-resort-in-NW-China-s-Xinjiang-launches-winter-tourism-season-VEvmiKqRaM/video/80c855d119f347c0bfc7997652f4daf7/80c855d119f347c0bfc7997652f4daf7.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-11-23/Ski-resort-in-NW-China-s-Xinjiang-launches-winter-tourism-season-VEvmiKqRaM/video/80c855d119f347c0bfc7997652f4daf7/80c855d119f347c0bfc7997652f4daf7.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">This year's winter tourism season has started at Jiangjun Mountain Ski Resort in Altay, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, drawing flocks of visitors from across the country. The recent snowfall in northern China has also stirred up enthusiasm among skiers. "We were waiting for the ski resort to open before it snowed," Wang Qin, a citizen from the region's capital Urumqi, said. A series of entertainment projects, dining services and guest houses were upgraded before the opening of the season to provide skiing enthusiasts with a better tourism experience. So far, a total of 41 ski trails have been built at the site. </span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: verdana;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-11-23/Ski-resort-in-NW-China-s-Xinjiang-launches-winter-tourism-season-VEvmiKqRaM/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-11-23/Ski-resort-in-NW-China-s-Xinjiang-launches-winter-tourism-season-VEvmiKqRaM/index.html</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: verdana;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: verdana;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">22.11.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: verdana;"><b><span style="font-size: x-small;">Xinjiang de China despliega robot para inspeccionar red eléctrica subterránea</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: verdana;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://vodpub2.v.news.cn/publish/20201122/XxjfyxE007022_20201122_CBVFN0A002.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://vodpub2.v.news.cn/publish/20201122/XxjfyxE007022_20201122_CBVFN0A002.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">La región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, ha desplegado un robot de inspección en una subestación local para monitorear y examinar su red eléctrica subterránea. El robot fue desplegado el viernes en una subestación en Urumqi, la capital regional. Moviéndose a lo largo de una pista y equipado con una cámara de alta definición y una cámara infrarroja, el robot puede enviar imágenes en tiempo real de la red eléctrica al personal de inspección, dijo Zhou Shuqiang, de la compañía de suministro de electricidad de Urumqi de la red estatal de electricidad. El robot también puede identificar riesgos de seguridad con sensores que detectan la temperatura, la humedad y la concentración de gases tóxicos y combustibles. Zhou dijo que previamente enviaban a dos o tres empleados cada 15 días para inspeccionar la red eléctrica, lo que consumía mucho tiempo y era laborioso y exponía a los inspectores a riesgos como incendios y envenenamiento por gas.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: verdana;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-11/22/c_139535607.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-11/22/c_139535607.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: verdana;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: verdana;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">20.11.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: verdana;"><b><span style="font-size: x-small;">China declara a Xinjiang libre de casos confirmados de COVID-19</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: verdana;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/324d444e326b6a4d3363544f794d6a4e3445444f31457a6333566d54/img/9f120be9e266409b9579d641c2063507/9f120be9e266409b9579d641c2063507.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/324d444e326b6a4d3363544f794d6a4e3445444f31457a6333566d54/img/9f120be9e266409b9579d641c2063507/9f120be9e266409b9579d641c2063507.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">La región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, quedó libre de casos confirmados de COVID-19, aseguró hoy viernes la comisión regional de salud. El jueves cayó a cero el número de casos confirmados de la enfermedad existentes después de que cuatro pacientes de la prefectura de Kashgar fueran dados de alta del hospital, según la comisión. Al mismo tiempo, 34 portadores asintomáticos concluyeron su período de observación médica. El mismo día no se informó de nuevos casos confirmados ni asintomáticos en toda la región, aunque hasta la medianoche todavía tenía dos casos asintomáticos confirmados previamente, señaló el organismo.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: verdana;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-11/20/c_139529650.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-11/20/c_139529650.htm</span></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span>20.11.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>China hits back at allegations in international media about Xinjiang</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-11-20/China-hits-back-at-allegations-in-international-media-about-Xinjiang-VzBWmIBeNi/video/2cd16ae93a8d4201adf70772c34b178b/2cd16ae93a8d4201adf70772c34b178b.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-11-20/China-hits-back-at-allegations-in-international-media-about-Xinjiang-VzBWmIBeNi/video/2cd16ae93a8d4201adf70772c34b178b/2cd16ae93a8d4201adf70772c34b178b.jpeg" width="200" /></a></div><span>"We're against anyone who looks at Xinjiang through colored lenses," said Elijan Anayit, Spokesperson of Information Office in Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region at a press conference. Officials in Urumqi, capital of Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, have rejected a range of allegations made about what's happening there, including religion ban, reports of forced labor and suppression of the population in the region. Western reports have long spoken about forced birth control taking place in Xinjiang. But officials say the numbers tell a different story. Data from 2010 to 2018 show that the total population of ethic minorities, Uygurs and Han combined is increasing steadily, with a 22 percent increase for ethnic minorities, 25 percent increase for Uygurs, and 2 percent for Han. Xinjiang officials also hit back at allegations made by foreign media outlets about the destruction of mosques. They stressed that the places of worship are not being permanently closed, but are under reconstruction and being protected.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-11-20/China-hits-back-at-allegations-in-international-media-about-Xinjiang-VzBWmIBeNi/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span>https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-11-20/China-hits-back-at-allegations-in-international-media-about-Xinjiang-VzBWmIBeNi/index.html</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span>17.11.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Población uigur en Xinjiang aumenta 25 por ciento en 8 años: Portavoz de cancillería</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/201907/01/5d19447da3103dbf57a6de12.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="508" data-original-width="800" height="127" src="https://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/201907/01/5d19447da3103dbf57a6de12.jpeg" width="200" /></a></div><span>La población de la etnia uigur en la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang de China aumentó 25 por ciento, de 10,17 millones de habitantes que tenía en 2010 a 12,72 millones en 2018, lo que significa un incremento de 2,55 millones de personas en ocho años, señaló hoy un portavoz del Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores de China. La tasa de crecimiento demográfico es casi el doble de toda la población de Xinjiang, que aumentó 14 por ciento, y es significativamente superior a la tasa de crecimiento de 2 por ciento de la población de la etnia han, dijo el portavoz Zhao Lijian en una conferencia de prensa cuando se le preguntó sobre los comentarios hechos por el embajador de Canadá ante las Naciones Unidas, Bob Rae, sobre cuestiones de Xinjiang. Al parecer, Rae dijo que lo que China está haciendo en Xinjiang corresponde a la definición de genocidio. Zhao indicó que la tasa de crecimiento en Xinjiang es casi 18 veces la de la población canadiense. Zhao mencionó que la población de Canadá se incrementó 1,42 por ciento en 2019, en su mayoría atribuido a la inmigración. "Si su lógica es razonable para encontrar quién corresponde mejor a la clasificación de genocidio, parece que no son los uigures quienes son perseguidos, sino más bien el pueblo de Canadá", dijo Zhao, quien añadió que el comentario del embajador es "ridículo".</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-11/17/c_139520451.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span>http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-11/17/c_139520451.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><br /></span></div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span>15.11.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Zhejiang smashes Fujian, Xinjiang beats Nanjing</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/7741544e7a41544f7a497a4e3267544e33556a4e31457a6333566d54/img/ddb17c15abce4461b94d316aedcb04ce/ddb17c15abce4461b94d316aedcb04ce.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/7741544e7a41544f7a497a4e3267544e33556a4e31457a6333566d54/img/ddb17c15abce4461b94d316aedcb04ce/ddb17c15abce4461b94d316aedcb04ce.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span>The Zhejiang Golden Bulls saw off the Fujian Sturgeons 143-90, delivering the latter its 11th consecutive loss while title favorites the Xinjiang Flying Tigers won over the Nanjing Monkey Kings 112-108 at the Chinese Basketball Association (CBA) 2020-21 season in Zhuji, China, on Saturday. From a two-point advantage in the first quarter, Zhejiang had an 8-0 point dash to start the second period, dominated the court from the midway of the quarter leading 67-44 at the half break. In the midway of the third period, Zhejiang added a 10-2 dash and put the game beyond Fujian's reach, making Fujian finish the season's first phase with a 1-11 record in 12 matches. Seven players of Zhejiang pocketed double-digit points, with Liu Zeyi scoring a game-high 25 points, plus 11 rebounds and four assists. Wu Qian made four points but grabbed 10 rebounds.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://www.china.org.cn/sports/2020-11/15/content_76911901.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span>http://www.china.org.cn/sports/2020-11/15/content_76911901.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span>15.11.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>(COVID-19) Aucun nouveau cas confirmé de COVID-19 au Xinjiang</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-07/17/139220158_15949744612671n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="498" data-original-width="800" height="200" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-07/17/139220158_15949744612671n.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span>La région autonome ouïgoure du Xinjiang, dans le nord-ouest de la Chine, n'a signalé samedi aucun nouveau cas confirmé ou asymptomatique de COVID-19, a déclaré dimanche la commission régionale de la santé. Un total de quatre patients ont quitté l'hôpital après leur rétablissement samedi, et 24 cas asymptomatiques sont sortis d'observation médicale, selon la commission. D'après le bilan établi samedi, le Xinjiang compte un total de 25 cas confirmés et de 187 cas asymptomatiques. Du 24 octobre à samedi, 53 patients sont sortis guéris de l'hôpital, et 165 cas asymptomatiques ont quitté l'observation médicale au Xinjiang.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://french.china.org.cn/china/txt/2020-11/15/content_76912377.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span>http://french.china.org.cn/china/txt/2020-11/15/content_76912377.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><br /></span></div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">14.11.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><b>Alle Kreise in Xinjiang von Armut befreit</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://img1.zhytuku.meldingcloud.com/images/zhycms_germany/20201114/1ff730e1-48c3-4829-8b14-7a20b1b32092.jpg?x-oss-process=image/resize,w_650" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="447" data-original-width="650" height="200" src="http://img1.zhytuku.meldingcloud.com/images/zhycms_germany/20201114/1ff730e1-48c3-4829-8b14-7a20b1b32092.jpg?x-oss-process=image/resize,w_650" width="200" /></a></div><span><div style="text-align: justify;">Auch die letzten zehn bisher als arm eingestuften Kreise in Xinjiang sind laut der entsprechenden Bewertungsmaßstäbe von Armut befreit worden. Dies gab die Regierung der Uigurischen Autonomen Region Xinjiang am Samstag bekannt. Das Gebiet Xinjiang wird vom chinesischen Staat als besonders arm eingestuft, in den Regionen Kashgar und Hotan lebten die meisten armen Menschen. Aufgrund widriger Umweltbedingungen und einer schwachen Infrastruktur stellten die beiden Ortschaften in der Armutsbekämpfung Chinas die größte Herausforderung dar.</div></span></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://german.cri.cn/aktuell/alle/3250/20201114/577913.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://german.cri.cn/aktuell/alle/3250/20201114/577913.html</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">14.11.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><b>Xinjiang: des travailleurs réfutent les mensonges de l'étranger sur le "travail forcé"</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-11/08/139500260_16048176573651n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="548" data-original-width="800" height="200" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-11/08/139500260_16048176573651n.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Plusieurs travailleurs migrants dans la région autonome ouïgoure du Xinjiang (nord-ouest de la Chine) ont réfuté les mensonges de l'étranger sur le "travail forcé" dans la région. Au début de cette année, Abudou Wa'ersi Maitusong, originaire de la préfecture de Hotan, a vu les informations de recrutement d'une entreprise de construction basée à Urumqi. Il a postulé et a signé un contrat de travail avec l'entreprise. ''Ici, j'ai fait la connaissance de nombreux amis qui sont venus dans l'entreprise via le recrutement, comme moi. Je n'ai jamais entendu dire que quelqu'un était venu par la force'', a-t-il déclaré lors d'une conférence de presse vendredi. ''Je suis très enthousiaste à l'idée de mon travail dans cette entreprise. L'environnement et les conditions de travail sont favorables'', a déclaré Abudou Wa'ersi Maitusong. Halidan Abudilimu, venue d'un village de Tourfan, travaille dans un hôtel de la ville. ''Fin 2016, mon mari et moi-même avons postulé pour travailler à l'hôtel par le biais d'un salon de l'emploi. Quarante-quatre villageois sont également partis travailler en ville, comme nous. Nous voulons tous gagner plus d'argent pour créer une vie meilleure'', a-t-elle déclaré lors de la conférence de presse.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://french.china.org.cn/china/txt/2020-11/14/content_76910946.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://french.china.org.cn/china/txt/2020-11/14/content_76910946.htm</a></span></div><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"></span><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"></span></span><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman"; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"></span><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"></span></span><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><span></span></span></span><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><span></span></span></span><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman"; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">14.11.20 </span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><b>China's Yunnan, Xinjiang cast off absolute poverty</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-11-14/Why-do-we-keep-reading-false-reports-about-Xinjiang--Vp7N4oBzgY/img/fa78684e8ca2461b84ae4e687460c080/fa78684e8ca2461b84ae4e687460c080.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="334" data-original-width="594" height="112" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-11-14/Why-do-we-keep-reading-false-reports-about-Xinjiang--Vp7N4oBzgY/img/fa78684e8ca2461b84ae4e687460c080/fa78684e8ca2461b84ae4e687460c080.png" width="200" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Southwest China's Yunnan Province and northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region have bidden farewell to absolute poverty as the country has vowed to eradicate absolute poverty by 2020. </div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-11-14/China-s-Yunnan-Xinjiang-cast-off-absolute-poverty--VpYmOiZfCo/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-11-14/China-s-Yunnan-Xinjiang-cast-off-absolute-poverty--VpYmOiZfCo/index.html</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">14.11.20 Jerry Grey</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><b>Why do we keep reading false reports about Xinjiang?</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-11-14/Why-do-we-keep-reading-false-reports-about-Xinjiang--Vp7N4oBzgY/img/a17850c4a7f142139986239fe1967fcb/a17850c4a7f142139986239fe1967fcb.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="532" data-original-width="800" height="133" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-11-14/Why-do-we-keep-reading-false-reports-about-Xinjiang--Vp7N4oBzgY/img/a17850c4a7f142139986239fe1967fcb/a17850c4a7f142139986239fe1967fcb.jpeg" width="200" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Sometimes we get daily reports about "atrocities" in the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. Phrases like "concentration camps," "forced labor," "genocide" or "language destruction" are part of the vocabulary in these stories. But time and time again, the reality is different. "Concentration camps" turned out to be schools or shopping centers. "Forced labor" were actually job opportunities for rural people. Stories about "genocide," including forced abortions and sterilizations, when examined fell apart. "Language destruction" is nothing more than enforcement of a nationwide regulation that requires students to study Mandarin in school so that more job and social opportunities are available later. There have been terrorist incidents in Xinjiang. These are an undeniable matter of record. China's approach, exactly as the rest of the world does now, is to arrest and punish terrorists. But it's much more complicated than this. The perfect breeding grounds for extremism are poverty and under-education. Many people don't commit crimes but, because of poverty and lack of educational opportunities, they may have ideas that lead to the extremes. China is not anti-Islam or anti-Uygur. Like other countries, China is anti-extremism and anti-terrorism. It's these issues China is combating through education for children, re-training for adults and poverty alleviation for all. </div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-11-14/Why-do-we-keep-reading-false-reports-about-Xinjiang--Vp7N4oBzgY/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-11-14/Why-do-we-keep-reading-false-reports-about-Xinjiang--Vp7N4oBzgY/index.html</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">14.11.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><b>Región china de Xinjiang se deshace de pobreza absoluta</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-11/08/139500260_16048176575031n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="200" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-11/08/139500260_16048176575031n.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">En una hazaña histórica, la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, se ha deshecho de la pobreza absoluta. Los últimos diez distritos empobrecidos de Xinjiang han logrado acabar con la pobreza absoluta, anunció hoy sábado el gobierno regional. Los diez distritos, incluidos Shache, Moyu y Akto, ya no son distritos pobres según los estándares oficiales, informó el Gobierno local en un comunicado publicado en línea. La totalidad de los diez distritos se ubica en el sur de Xinjiang, donde se encuentra el desierto más grande del país. La población local solía tener un acceso limitado a ingresos estables y servicios públicos debido al duro entorno natural y la mala infraestructura.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-11/14/c_139516269.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-11/14/c_139516269.htm</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">11.11.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><b>Xinjiang utiliza trenes de alta velocidad para entregar paquetes comprados en festival de "Día del Soltero"</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://newses.cgtn.com/editor/2018-11-23/3d45544d7939476470525752/img/24bd4c38961e4f998900d37297ba0c7c/24bd4c38961e4f998900d37297ba0c7c.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://newses.cgtn.com/editor/2018-11-23/3d45544d7939476470525752/img/24bd4c38961e4f998900d37297ba0c7c/24bd4c38961e4f998900d37297ba0c7c.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;">La región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, está utilizando trenes de alta velocidad para entregar los pedidos realizados en línea durante el festival de compras del "Día del Soltero". El evento, que se celebra hoy miércoles, es similar al conocido "Black Friday" (Viernes Negro) en los países occidentales. El primer tren bala cargado con frutas y nueces locales, así como con materiales de control epidémico salió de la capital regional, Urumqi, el martes rumbo a las ciudades de Lanzhou y Xi'an usando la línea férrea de alta velocidad entre Lanzhou y Urumqi, informó Tong Hui, gerente de marketing de la sucursal de Urumqi de China Railway Express. Al llegar a Xi'an, los paquetes serán distribuidos a diferentes partes del país usando otras líneas ferroviarias de alta velocidad, lo que ha reducido en gran medida el tiempo de tránsito, enfatizó Li Shouguo, subgerente general de la sucursal de Xinjiang de SF Express. Los trenes bala también han sido utilizados para la entrega de parcelas dentro de Xinjiang, dijo Tong.</div></span></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-11/11/c_139508988.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-11/11/c_139508988.htm</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman"; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">09.11.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Jujube trees cultivation increases local villagers' income in Xinjiang</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.people.com.cn/mediafile/pic/BIG/20201109/33/1011408220818464125.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="532" data-original-width="800" height="200" src="http://www.people.com.cn/mediafile/pic/BIG/20201109/33/1011408220818464125.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">A total of 890,000 mu (about 59,333 hectares) of red jujubes have entered harvest season in the prefecture. The jujube trees cultivation here has increased local villagers' income in recent years.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://en.people.cn/n3/2020/1109/c90000-9777898.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://en.people.cn/n3/2020/1109/c90000-9777898.html</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">09.11.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Shanghai realiza exposición de arte sobre Ruta de la Seda</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/202011/05/5fa3742ba31024adbd9e59f4.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="800" data-original-width="624" height="200" src="http://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/202011/05/5fa3742ba31024adbd9e59f4.jpeg" width="156" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">Una exposición de arte con obras de 222 artistas de 70 países de la Franja y la Ruta fue inaugurada en Shanghai. Copatrocinada por la Asociación de Artistas Chinos y el Museo de Arte de Shanghai, la exposición denominada "Nuestro hogar: Exposición de Arte de las Naciones de la Franja y la Ruta", estará abierta hasta el 31 de marzo de 2021. La creación del renombrado escultor chino Wu Weishan es una de las principales atracciones del evento. Las estatuas de bronce de Leonardo Da Vinci y del pintor chino Qi Baishi parados uno al lado del otro han detenido el tiempo, dijo Wu. La pintura al óleo Turpan, que fue creada con arena de la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang de China, muestra un cielo dorado, montañas, valles y ríos, dijo Alberto Manai, director del Instituto Italiano de Cultura de Shanghai. La pintura está llena de emociones fuertes y cálidas, lo que permite a personas de diferentes culturas y regiones sentir el gran encanto profundo de la Ruta de la Seda, dijo Manai. "En un momento en que las actividades artísticas presenciales se están cancelando en todo el mundo, Shanghai está organizando una exhibición de este tipo, que transmite un mensaje cálido e importante de que los seres humanos todavía somos interdependientes, compartiendo una familia y la belleza juntos", dijo Manai.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-11/09/c_139501332.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-11/09/c_139501332.htm</span></a></div></span></div></span></div></span></div></div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">09.11.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Región china de Xinjiang no reporta nuevos casos de COVID-19</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-07-30/Live-Latest-measures-to-contain-Xinjiang-s-COVID-19-outbreak-SygFJZBuTK/img/cf6121acb23542bb8d969f52f9af7ce8/cf6121acb23542bb8d969f52f9af7ce8.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="449" data-original-width="800" height="112" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-07-30/Live-Latest-measures-to-contain-Xinjiang-s-COVID-19-outbreak-SygFJZBuTK/img/cf6121acb23542bb8d969f52f9af7ce8/cf6121acb23542bb8d969f52f9af7ce8.png" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">La región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, no registró el domingo ningún nuevo caso confirmado o asintomático de la neumonía COVID-19, comunicó hoy lunes la comisión regional de salud en su informe diario. Un total de tres pacientes de la neumonía COVID-19 fueron dados de alta de los hospitales el domingo después de la recuperación en la prefectura de Kashgar, y nueve casos asintomáticos concluyeron su observación médica, según la comisión. Hasta ese mismo día, en Xinjiang había 59 casos confirmados del nuevo coronavirus, todos en Kashgar, y 306 asintomáticos en Kashgar y la prefectura autónoma kirguís de Kizilsu.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-11/09/c_139502203.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-11/09/c_139502203.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">08.11.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Equipment manufacturing upgraded in Xinjiang</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-11/08/139500260_16048176573291n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="536" data-original-width="800" height="200" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-11/08/139500260_16048176573291n.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">Urumqi has made efforts to propel the transformation and upgrading of its equipment manufacturing sector. A modern industrial system with a focus on intelligent, green and customized manufacturing is gradually taking shape in the city. At present, Xinjiang is home to more than 40 enterprises of scale in developing intelligent manufacturing. </span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-11/08/c_139500260.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-11/08/c_139500260.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">08.11.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Qingdao upsets Xinjiang in CBA (updated)</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-11/08/139500397_16048224216231n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="800" data-original-width="758" height="200" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-11/08/139500397_16048224216231n.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">The Qingdao Eagles defeated former Chinese Basketball Association (CBA) champions the Xinjiang Flying Tigers 112-89 in the 10th round of the 2020-21 CBA season here on Sunday. With center Zhou Qi injured, Xinjiang fell behind 26-17 in the first quarter. Led by Darius Adams, the Eagles launched a 10-3 run and extended their lead to 26 points in the second quarter. Rookie Wang Ruize scored 11 points for Qingdao in the quarter.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-11/08/c_139500568.htm#:~:text=ZHUJI%2C%20China%2C%20Nov.%208,CBA%20season%20here%20on%20Sunday." rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-11/08/c_139500568.htm#:~:text=ZHUJI%2C%20China%2C%20Nov.%208,CBA%20season%20here%20on%20Sunday.</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">07.11.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Xinjiang reporta dos casos asintomáticos de COVID-19</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d51544e3441544f7945444d79596a4e3563444f31457a6333566d54/img/7cc8d1efe9ad4e9592a52a9c5f08c79e/7cc8d1efe9ad4e9592a52a9c5f08c79e.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="800" data-original-width="751" height="200" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d51544e3441544f7945444d79596a4e3563444f31457a6333566d54/img/7cc8d1efe9ad4e9592a52a9c5f08c79e/7cc8d1efe9ad4e9592a52a9c5f08c79e.jpg" width="188" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">La región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, reportó el viernes dos nuevos casos asintomáticos de COVID-19, informó hoy sábado la comisión regional de salud. Ambos contagios fueron de personas que están bajo observación médica aislada. Un total de cuatro pacientes con COVID-19 fueron dados de alta del hospital el viernes después de la recuperación en la prefectura de Kashgar, y 14 casos asintomáticos fueron dados de alta de observación médica, según la comisión. Hasta ese mismo día, Xinjiang ha tenido un total de 74 casos confirmados, todos en Kashgar, y 327 casos asintomáticos en Kashgar y la prefectura autónoma kirguís de Kizilsu.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-11/07/c_139498173.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-11/07/c_139498173.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">06.11.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Pompeo's green light for Xinjiang terrorism is callous opportunism</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-11-06/Pompeo-s-green-light-for-Xinjiang-terrorism-is-callous-opportunism-VbXiYiedHO/img/2cf14f39c79c4391963fb3a60ad647e9/2cf14f39c79c4391963fb3a60ad647e9.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-11-06/Pompeo-s-green-light-for-Xinjiang-terrorism-is-callous-opportunism-VbXiYiedHO/img/2cf14f39c79c4391963fb3a60ad647e9/2cf14f39c79c4391963fb3a60ad647e9.jpeg" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">Whilst the world is distracted by the ongoing drama and controversy of the U.S. presidential election, the U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo made a very quiet but sinister move. In a published memo, the State Department delisted the "Eastern Turkistan Islamic Movement" (ETIM), a jihadist organization emerging in China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region that has posed threats to China, as a terrorist group. Despite the group being designated as such around the world, being active alongside Jihadist groups in the Syrian civil war and having over 200 acts of documented terrorist acts, apparently the label is no longer worthy to be applied by Washington, marking a clear attempt to encourage and promote unrest and separatism in Xinjiang.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-11-06/Pompeo-s-green-light-for-Xinjiang-terrorism-is-callous-opportunism-VbXiYiedHO/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-11-06/Pompeo-s-green-light-for-Xinjiang-terrorism-is-callous-opportunism-VbXiYiedHO/index.html</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">06.11.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Beijing overwhelms Xinjiang 109-78</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-11/06/139497071_16047047673181n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="800" data-original-width="661" height="200" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-11/06/139497071_16047047673181n.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">The Beijing Royal Fighters smashed the Xinjiang Flying Tigers 109-78 in the Chinese Basketball Association (CBA) league here on Friday. "They made the adjustments during the game. They played together, they played hard, and they played smart," Beijing head coach Stephon Marbury talked about his guys after the game. Zhang Fan led Beijing with 29 points, followed by Yu Changdong's big double-double of 24 points and 19 rebounds. Li Gen added 19 points.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-11/06/c_139497071.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-11/06/c_139497071.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">05.11.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Chinese vice premier demands efforts to curb epidemic spread in Xinjiang</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-07-25/Sun-Chunlan-urges-equal-treatment-for-all-ethnic-groups-in-Xinjiang-SpXVwVrn8Y/img/bf86786a0d904b789097ac696baa0bb7/bf86786a0d904b789097ac696baa0bb7.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="449" data-original-width="800" height="112" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-07-25/Sun-Chunlan-urges-equal-treatment-for-all-ethnic-groups-in-Xinjiang-SpXVwVrn8Y/img/bf86786a0d904b789097ac696baa0bb7/bf86786a0d904b789097ac696baa0bb7.png" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">Chinese Vice Premier Sun Chunlan has stressed a science-based and targeted approach, as well as resolute measures to curb the spread of the COVID-19 epidemic in northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region to safeguard the lives and health of people of all ethnic groups. Sun made the remarks during her visit to Kashgar and Kirgiz Autonomous Prefecture of Kizilsu in southern Xinjiang on Wednesday and Thursday. The cluster COVID-19 cases in Kashgar were discovered at an early stage, Sun said, adding that with a timely emergency response mechanism and decisive measures, major progress was achieved in containing the outbreak, and the epidemic situation is on the whole manageable.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-11-05/Sun-Chunlan-inspects-Xinjiang-for-COVID-19-prevention-and-control-Vb9w7PDNHW/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-11-05/Sun-Chunlan-inspects-Xinjiang-for-COVID-19-prevention-and-control-Vb9w7PDNHW/index.html</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">04.11.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Se completará construcción de puente ferroviario en desierto más grande de China este mes</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/7yhp__CcIBU/maxresdefault.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/7yhp__CcIBU/maxresdefault.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">La construcción de un puente ferroviario de 8,6 kilómetros en el desierto de Taklimakan, el más grande de China, será completada a finales de este mes, según informaron sus constructores. El puente Yimlakut es el más largo de los cinco construidos sobre arena del ferrocarril Hotan-Ruoqiang. En total, los puentes representan 53,7 kilómetros del ferrocarril de 825 kilómetros que atraviesa el sur de la región autónoma uygur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China. El puente cubre una sección del desierto de Taklimakan donde las dunas de arena se mueven un promedio de 20 metros cada año, explicó Zhang Gang, gerente de proyecto de China Railway 14th Bureau Group Co., Ltd., que supervisa la construcción del ferrocarril. El puente permite que la arena se deslice debajo de él para que los trenes y las vías se vean menos afectados por las tormentas de arena, señaló Zhang.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-11/04/c_139490807.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-11/04/c_139490807.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">04.11.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Zhou Qi injured, Liaoning rally past Xinjiang to extend perfect record in CBA (updated)</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-11-03/CBA-Xinjiang-beat-Tianjin-Jilin-s-six-game-winning-streak-ends-V6N5jP1ty8/img/f3dfb89739ac4a5f8605c15acd69da3b/f3dfb89739ac4a5f8605c15acd69da3b.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-11-03/CBA-Xinjiang-beat-Tianjin-Jilin-s-six-game-winning-streak-ends-V6N5jP1ty8/img/f3dfb89739ac4a5f8605c15acd69da3b/f3dfb89739ac4a5f8605c15acd69da3b.png" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">Guo Ailun scored 35 points as Liaoning Flying Leopards beat Xinjiang Flying Tigers 121-108 to win all eight games in the 2020-21 Chinese Basketball Association (CBA) here on Wednesday night. Xinjiang held their own rhythm in the game's opening minutes. After Qi Lin hit consecutive 3-pointers they had got a 36-19 lead. With O. J. Mayo coming off the bench, Liaoning dominated the second quarter, using a 17-0 run to cut down the deficit to three. Star center Zhou Qi got injured midway through the quarter which gave Xinjiang a dilemma. Guo Ailun scored 11 points, most from driving layups to help Liaoning outscore 90-84 going to the final period.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://www.china.org.cn/china/Off_the_Wire/2020-11/04/content_76877205.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://www.china.org.cn/china/Off_the_Wire/2020-11/04/content_76877205.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">04.11.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Trenes de carga China-Europa facilitan entrega de paquetes para festival de compras</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://img2.zhytuku.meldingcloud.com/images/zhycms_espanol/20201104/ed68d21a-8988-4f31-9d2e-ff8e87103c5a.png?x-oss-process=image/resize,w_605" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="417" data-original-width="605" height="200" src="http://img2.zhytuku.meldingcloud.com/images/zhycms_espanol/20201104/ed68d21a-8988-4f31-9d2e-ff8e87103c5a.png?x-oss-process=image/resize,w_605" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">Los trenes de carga China-Europa han empezado a transportar este año algunas mercancías de Tmall, la plataforma del mercado en línea de Alibaba, como parte de la logística para el "Día de los Solteros", un festival de compras similar al viernes negro en occidente. Xie Zhiyu, gerente de Cainiao Network, la sucursal logística de Alibaba, informó que el servicio quedó inaugurado el martes con la partida de un tren con 200 mil paquetes desde la zona franca del Paso Alataw, ubicada en la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China. Los paquetes, que incluyen equipos digitales y deportivos y suministros diarios, llegarán en 10 días a Europa y se distribuirán a más de 20 países en camiones, detalló Xie. Se espera que cuatro millones de paquetes sean transportados a Europa en trenes desde el Paso Alataw y las ciudades de Zhengzhou (centro) y Yiwu (este). El Paso Alataw, que alberga el mayor número de líneas de carga China-Europa en el país asiático, se ha vuelto popular entre las empresas de comercio electrónico transfronterizo que exportan a occidente.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-11/04/c_139490835.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-11/04/c_139490835.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></span></div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">04.11.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Publican informe sobre la libertad de creencias religiosas en Xinjiang</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://img3.zhytuku.meldingcloud.com/images/zhycms_espanol/20201104/4db18db9-f076-4af1-935b-cac36fb03b49.jpg?x-oss-process=image/resize,w_650" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="342" data-original-width="650" height="200" src="http://img3.zhytuku.meldingcloud.com/images/zhycms_espanol/20201104/4db18db9-f076-4af1-935b-cac36fb03b49.jpg?x-oss-process=image/resize,w_650" width="200" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">Recientemente, algunas fuerzas anti-China de países occidentales como Estados Unidos han estado difundiendo falacias sobre Xinjiang, señalan que se "restringe la libertad de creencias religiosas", "deniegan el derecho de las creencias religiosas a las etnias con minorías ", "derriban mezquitas por la fuerza" y "maltratan personajes religiosos", entre otras mentiras. La Asociación Islámica de la Región Autónoma Uigur de Xinjiang destacó que sus acusaciones falsean la verdad, dañan gravemente los sentimientos de los sacerdotes islámicos y los musulmanes en dicha región y despiertan fuerte indignación y oposición de ellos. Basados en sus propias experiencias, publicaron este informe para mostrar la situación real de la libertad de creencia religiosa en Xinjiang, con el objetivo de aclarar la situación. Dicho informe se divide en cuatro partes: El derecho a la libertad de creencias religiosas está plenamente garantizada; Las actividades religiosas normales se llevan a cabo de forma ordenada; El extremismo religioso se ha frenado; Los intercambios internacionales se llevan a cabo en profundidad.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://espanol.cri.cn/news/china/1019/20201104/571892.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://espanol.cri.cn/news/china/1019/20201104/571892.html</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">03.11.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Horses run through rimed wetlands in Xinjiang</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-11-03/Horses-run-through-rimed-wetlands-in-Xinjiang--V7KuU4IGxW/video/15fb30a51ec54fa7b77471a9b63a6c34/15fb30a51ec54fa7b77471a9b63a6c34.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="800" data-original-width="450" height="200" src="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-11-03/Horses-run-through-rimed-wetlands-in-Xinjiang--V7KuU4IGxW/video/15fb30a51ec54fa7b77471a9b63a6c34/15fb30a51ec54fa7b77471a9b63a6c34.jpg" width="112" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">The air temperature dropped to -7 degrees Celsius in Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, and rime formed in more than 171,000 acres of wetland. Horses ran across the wetlands, creating an impressive scene.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-11-03/Horses-run-through-rimed-wetlands-in-Xinjiang--V7KuU4IGxW/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-11-03/Horses-run-through-rimed-wetlands-in-Xinjiang--V7KuU4IGxW/index.html</span></a></div></span></span></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">03.11.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b><span style="font-size: x-small;">CBA: Xinjiang beat Tianjin, Jilin's six-game winning streak ends</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-11-03/CBA-Xinjiang-beat-Tianjin-Jilin-s-six-game-winning-streak-ends-V6N5jP1ty8/img/f3dfb89739ac4a5f8605c15acd69da3b/f3dfb89739ac4a5f8605c15acd69da3b.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-11-03/CBA-Xinjiang-beat-Tianjin-Jilin-s-six-game-winning-streak-ends-V6N5jP1ty8/img/f3dfb89739ac4a5f8605c15acd69da3b/f3dfb89739ac4a5f8605c15acd69da3b.png" width="200" /></span></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">The Xinjiang Flying Tigers had a 117-106 victory over the Tianjin Pioneers, while the Jilin Northeast Tigers' six-game winning streak was ended by Shandong Heroes in the Chinese Basketball Association (CBA) league on Monday. Tang Caiyu contributed 32 points, four rebounds and two assists for Xinjiang, while Zhou Qi finished with 28 points and 13 rebounds to help Xinjiang extend their winning streak to four. Xinjiang established a 36-25 lead in the first quarter and extended it to 13 points. Tianjin tried to overturn the game before the second half and narrowed the gap to three points with Lin Tingjian's continuous scoring momentum.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-11-03/CBA-Xinjiang-beat-Tianjin-Jilin-s-six-game-winning-streak-ends-V6N5jP1ty8/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-11-03/CBA-Xinjiang-beat-Tianjin-Jilin-s-six-game-winning-streak-ends-V6N5jP1ty8/index.html</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">02.11.20 Tom McGregor</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b><span style="font-size: x-small;">China's Xinjiang region sees rapid development potential</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://p5.img.cctvpic.com/photoworkspace/2020/11/02/2020110210003648163.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="300" data-original-width="500" height="120" src="https://p5.img.cctvpic.com/photoworkspace/2020/11/02/2020110210003648163.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">Actions speak louder than words and results matter more than empty promises. The Western media and a number of Western government officials have been very vocal and highly critical of the Chinese government's policies in northwestern China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. The critics claim Beijing has engaged in human rights abuses against Uygur communities. There's very little real hard evidence proving the allegations are true, but what can be known with facts and figures is that Xinjiang has witnessed rapid development and soaring economic growth patterns in recent years.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://english.cctv.com/2020/11/02/ARTItSJbwGIaloCFW6ImRjD1201102.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">https://english.cctv.com/2020/11/02/ARTItSJbwGIaloCFW6ImRjD1201102.shtml</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">01.11.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b><span style="font-size: x-small;">Xinjiang: aviazione civile, ferrovie, autostrade e altri mezzi di trasporto da e per Kashgar funzionano normalmente</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-09/23/139391461_16008710135351n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="548" data-original-width="800" height="200" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-09/23/139391461_16008710135351n.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">Alle 20:00 del 31 ottobre, l’ufficio di stampa del governo popolare della regione autonoma del Xinjiang Uygur ha tenuto una confernza stampa sull’epidemia a Kashgar, illustrando che da quanto si è verificata l’epidemia nella contea di Shufu, Kashgar si è prodigato per fare un buon lavoro nella prevenzione e nel controllo dell’ epidemia, e nella garanzia dei trasporti. Attualmente, l'aviazione civile, la ferrovia, l'autostrada e altri mezzi di trasporto in entrata e uscita da Kashgar funzionano normalmente. Dal 24 al 30 ottobre, il numero dei passeggeri entrati e usciti dall'aeroporto internazionale di Kashgar e l'aeroporto di Shache Yarkand, ha toccato 27.700 e il numero dei voli ha raggiunto 328; alla stazione ferroviaria di Kashgar sono arrivati 76 treni e da li sono partiti 74 treni con un volume di trasporto passeggeri di 45.500, mentre 49.600 persone sono entrate in o uscite da Kashgar con le auto.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://italian.cri.cn/notizie/cina/3204/20201101/570366.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://italian.cri.cn/notizie/cina/3204/20201101/570366.html</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">31.10.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b><span style="font-size: x-small;">Región autónoma de Xinjiang reporta 6 nuevos casos de COVID-19</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-07/21/139230208_15953760393301n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="200" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-07/21/139230208_15953760393301n.jpg" width="200" /></a></div>La región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, reportó el viernes seis nuevos casos confirmados de COVID-19 y 15 nuevos casos asintomáticos, informó hoy sábado la comisión regional de salud. Los casos confirmados, todos en el distrito de Shufu de la prefectura de Kashgar, en el sur de la región, fueron recategorizados de casos asintomáticos reportados anteriormente. Los nuevos casos asintomáticos, que habían estado bajo observación médica, se detectaron en la segunda ronda de detección gratuita de COVID-19 en todo el distrito. Hasta el viernes, Xinjiang había reportado un total de 51 casos confirmados de la enfermedad, incluidos seis en estado crítico, y 161 asintomáticos, todos en el distrito de Shufu.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-10/31/c_139480804.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-10/31/c_139480804.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">29.10.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b><span style="font-size: x-small;">Puerto de Karasu en Xinjiang, China</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-10/29/139455581_16032474053231n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="200" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-10/29/139455581_16032474053231n.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">El puerto de Karasu, situado a más de cuatro mil metros sobre el nivel del mar, es testigo de grandes cantidades de mercancías despachadas por la aduana cada año.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-10/29/c_139455581.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-10/29/c_139455581.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">28.10.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b><span style="font-size: x-small;">Xinjiang realiza el test de COVID-19 a 4,75 millones de personas en la región de Kashgar</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-27/Kashgar-Prefecture-completes-COVID-19-tests-for-all-residents-UVTnDGk1DG/img/f04a9d18d9534b079b9f70f33c056cac/f04a9d18d9534b079b9f70f33c056cac.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="112" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-27/Kashgar-Prefecture-completes-COVID-19-tests-for-all-residents-UVTnDGk1DG/img/f04a9d18d9534b079b9f70f33c056cac/f04a9d18d9534b079b9f70f33c056cac.jpeg" width="200" /></span></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">En la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, se han completado recientemente los tests de coronavirus a un total de 4,75 millones de personas para evitar la propagación del virus en la región. En concreto, las pruebas se han realizado en la prefectura sureña de Kashgar, tras el aumento reciente de nuevos casos de contagios locales, según han señalado funcionarios locales. Y es que hasta las cinco de la tarde del 27 de octubre, la región de Kashgar registraba cinco casos confirmados de COVID-19 además de 178 casos asintomáticos, todos localizados en el distrito de Shufu. Aparte de estos 183 casos, el resto de la población local resultó negativo en las pruebas realizadas, según anunció en una conferencia de prensa Li Linyu, jefa del Partido en la Comisión de Salud de la prefectura de Kashgar. Li dijo además que las investigaciones han demostrado que los nuevos casos no tienen relación con el contagio grupal registrado en Urumqi en julio y que el rastreo de la fuente de nuevos casos en Shufu está ya en marcha.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://espanol.cgtn.com/n/2020-10-28/EDaaIA/xinjiang-realiza-el-test-de-covid-19-a-475-millones-de-personas-en-la-region-de-kashgar/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">https://espanol.cgtn.com/n/2020-10-28/EDaaIA/xinjiang-realiza-el-test-de-covid-19-a-475-millones-de-personas-en-la-region-de-kashgar/index.html</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">26.10.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b><span style="font-size: x-small;">Xinjiang de China reporta 137 casos asintomáticos de COVID-19</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://newses.cgtn.com/n/BfJAA-CIA-HAA/BHJdAAA.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="133" src="https://newses.cgtn.com/n/BfJAA-CIA-HAA/BHJdAAA.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">La región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, había identificado 137 nuevos casos asintomáticos de la COVID-19 hasta las 14:00 horas de hoy domingo, dijeron las autoridades sanitarias locales en rueda de prensa. Todos los casos nuevos fueron reportados en la prefectura de Kashgar, en el sur de Xinjiang, después de que una aldeana de 17 años de edad de la localidad de Shufu de la prefectura fuera confirmada como portadora asintomática del virus el sábado durante pruebas de rutina de ácido nucleico. Todos los casos están relacionados con una fábrica en Shufu donde trabajan los padres de la aldeana, dijo Gu Yingsu, subdirector de la comisión regional de salud, en la conferencia de prensa. La joven ha sido puesta en cuarentena bajo observación médica en un hospital designado en Kashgar y aún ha desarrollado síntomas como fiebre o tos, dijo la comisión de salud. Una investigación epidemiológica que comenzó el sábado ha examinado todos los contactos cercanos de los nuevos casos y aquellos en riesgo, y se han implementado medidas de cuarentena sanitaria entre ellos, agregó Gu. Kashgar ha tomado muestras de más de 2,83 millones de residentes desde el sábado, y se han obtenido resultados de las pruebas de 334.800 personas. La prefectura se comprometió a realizar pruebas a aproximadamente 4,75 millones de personas en total, incluidas 245.000 en Shufu.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-10/26/c_139466589.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-10/26/c_139466589.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">25.10.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><b>Live: The mysterious Tianshan Grand Canyon in Xinjiang – Ep. 7</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-25/Live-The-mysterious-Tianshan-Grand-Canyon-in-Xinjiang-Ep-7-USx8EVDJLi/img/78af31a1538f4417b1842143d7ee9692/78af31a1538f4417b1842143d7ee9692.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-25/Live-The-mysterious-Tianshan-Grand-Canyon-in-Xinjiang-Ep-7-USx8EVDJLi/img/78af31a1538f4417b1842143d7ee9692/78af31a1538f4417b1842143d7ee9692.jpeg" width="200" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Tianshan Grand Canyon, also known as Keziliya Grand Canyon, is located 48 kilometers away from Urumqi city center in northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. Stretching over 5.5 kilometers, the canyon stands 1,600 meters above sea level, with an average altitude of 2,000 meters. After hundreds of years of wind and rain erosion, the colored rocks make the canyon a masterpiece of nature. With mysterious mist, sounds, lights and shadows frequently seen in the canyon, tourists enjoy themselves during the adventure.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-25/Live-The-mysterious-Tianshan-Grand-Canyon-in-Xinjiang-Ep-7-USx8EVDJLi/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-25/Live-The-mysterious-Tianshan-Grand-Canyon-in-Xinjiang-Ep-7-USx8EVDJLi/index.html</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">25.10.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><b>Chinese health authority sends working group to Xinjiang</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-10/25/139466294_16036271059671n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="200" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-10/25/139466294_16036271059671n.jpg" width="200" /></a></div>China's National Health Commission on Sunday sent a working group to northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region to oversee COVID-19 epidemic-control work. Xinjiang reported one asymptomatic COVID-19 case on Saturday, according to local health authorities. The patient, a 17-year-old female villager from Kashgar Prefecture, has been placed under quarantine for medical observation at a designated hospital in Kashgar. All the patient's close contacts have been quarantined for medical observation and nucleic acid testing. The local epidemic prevention and control headquarters has started an epidemiological investigation into the case.</span></div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-10/25/c_139466294.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-10/25/c_139466294.htm</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman"; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">24.10.20</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Does China care about human rights? By Robert Lawrence Kuhn</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-24/Does-China-care-about-human-rights--UQbBQselBC/video/5cc137897a954c2a865ebef4c4b71da6/5cc137897a954c2a865ebef4c4b71da6.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="162" src="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-24/Does-China-care-about-human-rights--UQbBQselBC/video/5cc137897a954c2a865ebef4c4b71da6/5cc137897a954c2a865ebef4c4b71da6.jpeg" width="287" /></a></div>I'm Robert Lawrence Kuhn and here's what I'm watching: Human Rights in China, a sensitive topic. In October, at the United Nations, Germany led various countries, including the US, UK, Japan, in making accusations against China on issues related to Xinjiang and Hong Kong. A larger number of countries, mainly African, Asian and Arab, showed support for China's efforts to safeguard national sovereignty, security and unity. Why the sharp division over human rights? For the West to understand China, we must understand what China means when it heralds the country's great achievements in human rights. Look no further than the 2019 government white paper titled "Seeking Happiness for People: 70 Years of Progress on Human Rights in China."</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-24/Does-China-care-about-human-rights--UQbBQselBC/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-24/Does-China-care-about-human-rights--UQbBQselBC/index.html</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span>24.10.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><b>WCBA roundup: Xinjiang smashes Shaanxi, Dongguan defeats Tianjin</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/202002/05/5e3a6459a3101282064fac77.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="554" data-original-width="800" height="139" src="https://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/202002/05/5e3a6459a3101282064fac77.jpeg" width="200" /></a></div><span><div style="text-align: justify;">China's national team center Han Xu pocketed 18 points to help Xinjiang climb to second in the table after smashing Shaanxi 112-85 in the Women's Chinese Basketball Association (WCBA) here on Saturday. Xinjiang established a 31-23 lead after the first quarter, before extending its advantage to 28 points by half-time. Shaanxi stopped Xinjiang's strong attack in the second half, but was unable to change the result. Wang Siyu got 16 points for Xinjiang and Wang Lili added 15 points. Yu Jiarui scored a team-high 17 points for Shaanxi and Chen Yanyu added 16 points.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-10/24/c_139464878.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span>http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-10/24/c_139464878.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span>22.10.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><b>Aumenta transmisión de electricidad en Xinjiang, China, en tercer trimestre</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://newses.cgtn.com/n/BfJAA-cA-GEA/BFaeeAA.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://newses.cgtn.com/n/BfJAA-cA-GEA/BFaeeAA.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span><div style="text-align: justify;">La región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, transmitió 32.300 millones de kilovatios/hora (kWh) de electricidad a otras partes el país en el tercer trimestre de este año, lo que significa un aumento de 77,7 por ciento interanual, dijeron las autoridades locales. El volumen de transmisión mensual de la región superó los 10.000 millones de kWh por tres meses consecutivos de julio a septiembre, y su volumen trimestral alcanzó una altura récord. Un importante enlace de voltaje ultra alto entre Xinjiang y la provincia oriental china de Anhui se actualizó en julio para incrementar la capacidad total de transmisión de Xinjiang a 16,4 millones de kilovatios. Xinjiang, que cuenta con abundantes recursos de carbón y energía eólica, actualmente transmite electricidad a 19 regiones provinciales chinas.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-10/22/c_139457279.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span>http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-10/22/c_139457279.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><br /></div></span></div></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman"; text-align: left;"></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">22.10.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-size: x-small;">Proyecto de vivienda para beneficiar a pastores locales en Xinjiang</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-10/22/139448300_16029815883731n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="200" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-10/22/139448300_16029815883731n.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;">Gracias a un proyecto de vivienda para beneficiar a cientos de hogares de pastores locales, se ha completado recientemente la construcción de 20 edificios residenciales en Axili. Hasta ahora, más de 30 familias se han mudado a sus nuevos hogares. </div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-10/22/c_139448300.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-10/22/c_139448300.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">21.10.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-size: x-small;">Xinjiang de China publica informe sobre empleo de grupos étnicos</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://newses.cgtn.com/n/BfJEA-BAA-HIA/BJACaIA.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="130" src="https://newses.cgtn.com/n/BfJEA-BAA-HIA/BJACaIA.jpg" width="196" /></a></div>La región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, publicó este martes un informe sobre el empleo entre los grupos étnicos en la región. El informe, publicado por el Centro de Investigación del Desarrollo de Xinjiang, concluye que los gobiernos de todos los niveles, así como las empresas en Xinjiang y otras provincias y ciudades han ayudado activamente a las personas de distintos grupos de minorías étnicas a hallar empleo y han salvaguardado plenamente sus derechos básicos, como el derecho al trabajo y el derecho al desarrollo. En los años recientes, los gobiernos locales en Xinjiang han otorgado gran importancia a la promoción de oportunidades de empleo para los trabajadores de los grupos étnicos tanto dentro como fuera de la región. La región autónoma ha construido un sistema y mecanismo de empleo completo, científico y eficiente para que los trabajadores encuentren empleo y garantiza su seguridad laboral al mismo tiempo que respeta plenamente los deseos personales. Xinjiang ha invertido fuertemente en capacitación vocacional a lo largo de los años. Las estadísticas indican que la región organizó varias capacitaciones de habilidades para alrededor de 6,96 millones de personas de 2014 a 2019. Por otro lado, una serie de políticas y regulaciones favorables relacionadas con el empleo han sido formuladas para aclarar los derechos legales de los trabajadores en Xinjiang y proteger su libertad religiosa.</span></span></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-10/21/c_139454849.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-10/21/c_139454849.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">21.10.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-size: x-small;">¿Pueden los políticos occidentales inventar las desvergonzadas mentiras que difaman a Xinjiang?</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/32497a4e7959444d3563444f7741544d3241444f31457a6333566d54/img/b0989bb7311c4586be1fe7830731019f/b0989bb7311c4586be1fe7830731019f.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/32497a4e7959444d3563444f7741544d3241444f31457a6333566d54/img/b0989bb7311c4586be1fe7830731019f/b0989bb7311c4586be1fe7830731019f.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;">Durante algún tiempo, organizaciones como el Instituto Australiano de Política Estratégica, financiado por fuerzas anti-China, han publicado los llamados informes relacionados con la Región Autónoma Uigur de Xinjiang, afirmando falsamente la existencia del llamado "fenómeno del trabajo forzoso a gran escala" en Xinjiang. Algunos políticos occidentales han utilizado esto para desacreditar la situación de los derechos humanos en Xinjiang y difamar al gobierno chino llevando a cabo ataques sin sentido. Pero ¿cuáles son los hechos? En la noche del 19, el Centro de Investigación para el Desarrollo de Xinjiang publicó el "Informe de investigación sobre el empleo de las minorías étnicas en Xinjiang", que combina visitas de campo y los resultados de los trabajos de investigación, que demostraron firmemente que la política de empleo de Xinjiang respeta plenamente la voluntad de los trabajadores de las minorías étnicas de trabajar de forma independiente y garantiza sus derechos laborales, de desarrollo y otros de derechos humanos. Frente a una gran cantidad de pruebas contundentes, ¿pueden algunos think tanks y políticos occidentales inventar más mentiras relacionadas con Xinjiang?</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><a href="http://espanol.cri.cn/news/report/1017/20201021/564071.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">http://espanol.cri.cn/news/report/1017/20201021/564071.html</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">19.10.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><b>Proyecto ecológico se pondrá en servicio para mejorar el medio ambiente en Changji, Xinjiang</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-10/19/139451329_16030882638621n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="449" data-original-width="800" height="200" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-10/19/139451329_16030882638621n.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Se espera que un proyecto ecológico destinado a construir cinco parques temáticos alrededor del Gran Teatro de Xinjiang sea puesto en servicio a fines de este año, como una forma de mejorar el medio ambiente a lo largo del río Toutun.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-10/19/c_139451329.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-10/19/c_139451329.htm</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">18.10.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">Art show integrated with ethnic features attracts tourists to Xinjiang</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-10/18/139449576_16030285620871n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="518" data-original-width="800" height="200" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-10/18/139449576_16030285620871n.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Dancers perform on stage at the culture and art center in Aksu Prefecture, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, Oct. 17, 2020. Integrated with ethnic features, the art show, which has been performed for over 30 times since May 2019, is now one of the major attractions for tourists.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-10/18/c_139449576_8.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-10/18/c_139449576_8.htm</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span>17.10.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Xinjiang: Mantenimiento de estación transformadora en Changji</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-10/17/139436189_16025560331611n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="532" data-original-width="800" height="133" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-10/17/139436189_16025560331611n.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span>Una estación transformadora en una línea de transmisión de corriente continua de voltaje ultra alto que transmite electricidad desde Xinjiang a Anhui, en el este de China, comenzó el lunes su mantenimiento. Durante el mantenimiento de 13 días, se emplearán tecnologías 5G para garantizar el flujo de trabajo fluido del proyecto de transmisión de electricidad. </span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-10/17/c_139436189.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span>http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-10/17/c_139436189.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span>16.10.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Media: Hainan's Boao airport to resume flights to Xinjiang</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d497a4e79637a4d/img/9acd91fd-60b1-4b6c-9cb6-6cadd704bb4b.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="532" data-original-width="800" height="133" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d497a4e79637a4d/img/9acd91fd-60b1-4b6c-9cb6-6cadd704bb4b.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span>Hainan's Boao Airport will resume regular flights to Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region from October 25. The flights were suspended several months ago amid the coronavirus epidemic, reported the Hainan Daily newspaper. According to the newspaper, at about the same time, Boao will launch two more flights - to Shenzhen (southern Guangdong province) and Chengdu (southwestern Sichuan). The flights will be conducted by Hainan Airlines. As for Xinjiang, it is planned to carry out transportation there jointly with Urumqi Air.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://tass.com/economy/1213085" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span>https://tass.com/economy/1213085</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span>14.10.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Xinjiang: Pastizal de montaña en distrito de Yecheng</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-10/14/139427398_16022056231861n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="133" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-10/14/139427398_16022056231861n.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><span>El pastizal de montaña, se halla en el distrito de Yecheng, en la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-10/14/c_139427398.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span>http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-10/14/c_139427398.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span>13.10.20 Gu Cheng</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Comentario: La "diplomacia de la mentira" desacreditada</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://video.cgtn.com/news/7951544e32597a4e3459544f7a59544d78677a4e31457a6333566d54/video/039c3db3c6be452cbe0d1d6fbf3eee3a/039c3db3c6be452cbe0d1d6fbf3eee3a.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="451" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://video.cgtn.com/news/7951544e32597a4e3459544f7a59544d78677a4e31457a6333566d54/video/039c3db3c6be452cbe0d1d6fbf3eee3a/039c3db3c6be452cbe0d1d6fbf3eee3a.png" width="200" /></a></div>"Mentimos, engañamos y robamos". Desde que Pompeo, que comenzó como director de la CIA hasta convertirse en secretario de Estado de Estados Unidos, la diplomacia estadounidense se ha convertido en una "diplomacia de la mentira". En la 75.ª Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas, EE.UU. llevó descaradamente la "diplomacia de la mentira" a la reunión solemne de la Asamblea General de la ONU. El presidente, el Secretario de Estado y el representante permanente ante la ONU de EE.UU. desacreditaron a China por turnos en diversas ocasiones sobre el tema de Covid-19 y los derechos humanos. Sin embargo, ninguno de esos ataques tenían sentido, y por el contrario, desacreditaban una vez más la diplomacia estadounidense. La imagen de la Casa Blanca con una ¨nube tóxica" en la portada de la revista Time es inquietante. La muerte de 210 mil personas por el nuevo coronavirus está removiendo la conciencia de los políticos. Estados Unidos se ha convertido en el peor país del mundo en la lucha contra la epidemia, no porque "China haya ocultado supuestamente la epidemia", sino porque EE.UU. ignoró la información ofrecida por China y engañó a su pueblo. De hecho, desde el 3 de enero, China ha notificado a Estados Unidos información sobre la epidemia y sobre las medidas de prevención y control. El diario Washington Post señaló el 4 de abril que la Casa Blanca conocía desde hacía mucho tiempo la gravedad de la epidemia, pero la minimizó. En ese momento, habían desperdiciado 70 días. Desde el estallido de la epidemia en EE.UU., los políticos estadounidenses continúan creando y actualizando rumores. Su intento de echar la culpa es conocido por todos. Hasta ahora, el número de muertes por COVID-19 en Estados Unidos ha superado las 200 mil. Las autoridades estadounidenses intentaron utilizar mentiras para desviar la atención de su gente y encubrir su propia incapacidad para combatir la epidemia, lo que ha sido durante mucho tiempo el consenso de los analistas de todo el mundo. En un momento en que el mundo necesita con urgencia unidad y cooperación, el actual gobierno de Estados Unidos recurre con frecuencia a la "mentira", la "coerción" y las "sanciones" por "medios diplomáticos". No solo no asume la responsabilidad de una gran potencia, sino que también difama y chantajea a las organizaciones internacionales. En un momento crítico de la lucha global contra la epidemia, Estados Unidos se retiró de la Organización Mundial de la Salud y actualmente tiene más de 3 mil millones de dólares de cuotas sin pagar. La revista The Lancet comentó el 9 de julio que la salida de Estados Unidos de la OMS es ilegal y amenazará la salud y seguridad del mundo y del pueblo estadounidense. Hagas lo que hagas, todo está mal. Lo primero es difundir rumores. Pompeo y sus allegados están dispuestos a ser "fábricas de rumores". La "seguridad nacional" y los "derechos humanos" a menudo se convierten entonces en un simple disfraz. La mentira de que "supone un problema para la seguridad nacional" ha provocado que TikTok, que estaba creciendo notablemente, ha hecho que la red social sufra un acoso humillante en el mercado estadounidense. La misma mentira ha sido utilizada por Estados Unidos varias veces como arma para reprimir a empresas y aplicaciones chinas como Huawei, ZTE y WeChat. Pero, de hecho, Estados Unidos está detrás de la vigilancia, el robo y los ataques cibernéticos del mundo, como se pudo saber con el incidente "Prism Gate", bien conocido en todo el mundo. La propia seguridad nacional de Estados Unidos es "tan importante" que tienen que acosar a una compañía de videos cortos. Sin embargo, la Ley de Seguridad Nacional contra Divisionismo de China fue desacreditada por el Secretario de Estado de EE.UU. por "socavar los derechos humanos y las libertades fundamentales del pueblo de Hong Kong". Estados Unidos también ha fabricado mentiras sobre la cuestión de los derechos humanos en Xinjiang muchas veces y ha aprobado la llamada Declaración de Derechos del Pueblo Uigur. El hecho es que no ha habido casos de violencia y terrorismo en Xinjiang en 40 meses. De 2010 a 2018, la población uigur en Xinjiang aumentó de 10,17 millones a 12,71 millones, un crecimiento del 25,04%, en comparación con el aumento de la población de etnia Han. Durante el festival del Día Nacional de China, Xinjiang recibió más de 15,35 millones de turistas del resto del país, un aumento interanual de más del 10%. Las medidas de China en Xinjiang han protegido eficazmente los derechos de supervivencia y desarrollo de las personas de todos los grupos étnicos.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2020/1013/c31621-9768541.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2020/1013/c31621-9768541.html</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">13.10.20</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Paquetes salientes a través de puerto de Xinjiang superan los 30 millones</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://video.cgtn.com/news/3d3d674d3351444d34457a6333566d54/video/8c7c22749caf4467b422b2f6bf37e554/8c7c22749caf4467b422b2f6bf37e554.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://video.cgtn.com/news/3d3d674d3351444d34457a6333566d54/video/8c7c22749caf4467b422b2f6bf37e554/8c7c22749caf4467b422b2f6bf37e554.jpg" width="200" /></a></div>El Paso de Alataw, un importante puerto terrestre en la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, ha sido testigo de un auge en el comercio electrónico transfronterizo, al haber gestionado más de 30 millones de paquetes salientes en este año. Los paquetes, principalmente juguetes, muebles, vestuario y artículos de uso diario, alcanzan un valor de casi 100 millones de dólares, según la aduana del puerto. Entre los principales destinos se cuentan Bélgica y Alemania, desde donde los pedidos se entregan a través de oficinas de correos locales o servicios expresos como DHL y UPS. Con las ventajas que ofrece su ubicación geográfica y el tránsito continuo de los trenes de carga China-Europa, el Paso de Alataw ha experimentado un aumento constante en el comercio electrónico transfronterizo desde el inicio de sus operaciones, en enero. Paquetes enviados por las principales plataformas de compras en línea, incluidas Alibaba y Amazon, han pasado por el puerto, con la participación de 506.000 empresas dedicadas al comercio electrónico transfronterizo en China, según la misma fuente.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-10/13/c_139437399.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-10/13/c_139437399.htm</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">12.10.20</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Aumenta comercio en zonas francas integrales de región china de Xinjiang</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/35457a4e3067544f3559444d7a51544d32676a4e31457a6333566d54/img/83bb0caa02b14900bda73f5aa4c4049b/83bb0caa02b14900bda73f5aa4c4049b.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/35457a4e3067544f3559444d7a51544d32676a4e31457a6333566d54/img/83bb0caa02b14900bda73f5aa4c4049b/83bb0caa02b14900bda73f5aa4c4049b.png" width="200" /></a></div>Las zonas francas integrales de la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, registraron un sólido crecimiento comercial en los primeros ocho meses de este año, según datos de las autoridades aduaneras. El volumen comercial de las zonas aumentó un 79 por ciento interanual hasta los 9.420 millones de yuanes (alrededor de 1.400 millones de dólares) en el período enero-agosto, informó la Aduana de Urumqi, la capital regional. Las importaciones registraron un crecimiento de 65 por ciento hasta 5.800 millones de yuanes, mientras que las exportaciones subieron más del 106 por ciento y se ubicaron en 3.600 millones de yuanes, de acuerdo con la misma fuente. Xinjiang también ha experimentado un rápido crecimiento de las importaciones transfronterizas de comercio electrónico en formato de zona franca. Wu Wei, subdirector de la Aduana de Urumqi, informó que mediante esta vía ingresaron a las zonas en los últimos tres meses, hasta el cierre de agosto, un total de 19.000 bienes por valor de 1,27 millones de yuanes.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-10/12/c_139434225.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-10/12/c_139434225.htm</a></div></span></div></div><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">12.10.20</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Región china de Xinjiang abre antiguas grutas budistas de forma gratuita</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://newses.cgtn.com/v/BfJAA-CIA-IA/EcaGcEA/EcaGcEA.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://newses.cgtn.com/v/BfJAA-CIA-IA/EcaGcEA/EcaGcEA.jpg" width="200" /></a></div>Las Grutas de Kizil, un lugar de Patrimonio Mundial de la UNESCO en la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, empezó a ofrecer entrada gratuita al público desde hoy lunes. El popular destino turístico, ubicado en el distrito de Baicheng de la prefectura de Aksu, estará abierto a los visitantes sin costo alguno hasta el 30 de abril de 2021, según el instituto de investigación del sitio. Las reservas en línea comenzaron en abril pasado, permitiendo a los turistas reservar un viaje con una semana de anticipación. Construidas en el siglo III, las Grutas de Kizil hacen parte de las primeras estructuras budistas de este tipo de gran escala en el país. Con 10.000 metros cuadrados de frescos y coloridas esculturas, revelan la historia de la difusión del budismo hacia el este a través de la región occidental.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-10/12/c_139434915.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-10/12/c_139434915.htm</a></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">12.10.20</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Maintenance staff work at converter station in Xinjiang</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-10/12/139435092_16025112993571n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="133" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-10/12/139435092_16025112993571n.jpg" width="200" /></a></div>Maintenance staff work at a converter station in Hui Autonomous Prefecture of Changji, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, Oct. 12, 2020. A converter station on an ultra-high-voltage direct current transmission line transmitting electricity from Xinjiang to Anhui in east China started maintenance on Monday. During the 13-day maintenance, 5G technologies will be employed to ensure the smooth workflow of the electricity transmission project.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-10/12/c_139435092_2.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-10/12/c_139435092_2.htm</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">10.10.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><b>Jiangsu rolls past Xinjiang to keep perfect record in WCBA</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman"; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-04/Chinese-top-tier-women-s-basketball-league-returns-after-pandemic-halt-UjjBWhYUzS/img/3992f61af1334a08857161f961281d20/3992f61af1334a08857161f961281d20.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-04/Chinese-top-tier-women-s-basketball-league-returns-after-pandemic-halt-UjjBWhYUzS/img/3992f61af1334a08857161f961281d20/3992f61af1334a08857161f961281d20.png" width="200" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Jiangsu recorded its fourth win in as many games, overcoming Xinjiang 90-78 in the Women's Chinese Basketball Association (WCBA) here on Saturday. Five Jiangsu players scored in double figures, led by center Xu Chenyan's 21 points. Chen Xiaojia and Liang Jiamei bagged 16 and 15 respectively. "We came into this match with the mentality of challenging Xinjiang. I hoped that our players could show our style in such an intense game," said Jiangsu coach Ding Tie.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-10/10/c_139430984.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-10/10/c_139430984.htm</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">10.10.20 Su Yuting</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><b>Walnut industry in Xinjiang helping many poor families</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman"; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-10/Walnut-industry-in-Xinjiang-helping-many-poor-families-UttHBPWy76/img/209c53e5545c45319ba9d33641caa536/209c53e5545c45319ba9d33641caa536.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="112" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-10/Walnut-industry-in-Xinjiang-helping-many-poor-families-UttHBPWy76/img/209c53e5545c45319ba9d33641caa536/209c53e5545c45319ba9d33641caa536.jpeg" width="200" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">A key poverty-stricken county in Xinjiang has succeeded in helping many poor families shake off poverty through the vigorous development of its walnut industries. It's harvest season, so workers are busy sorting peeled walnuts into grades. The price of each grade is different, and they must make sure each one turns a profit. The lucrative business of walnut processing has provided jobs for local people.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-10/Walnut-industry-in-Xinjiang-helping-many-poor-families-UttHBPWy76/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-10/Walnut-industry-in-Xinjiang-helping-many-poor-families-UttHBPWy76/index.html</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">09.10.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><b>Xinjiang recibe más de 15 millones de visitantes durante feriado del Día Nacional</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman"; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/346b544e3567544e33517a4e31597a4e776b7a4e31457a6333566d54/img/861d38351d0b499aa766ade59aa399bd/861d38351d0b499aa766ade59aa399bd.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/346b544e3567544e33517a4e31597a4e776b7a4e31457a6333566d54/img/861d38351d0b499aa766ade59aa399bd/861d38351d0b499aa766ade59aa399bd.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">La región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, recibió más de 15,35 millones de visitantes durante el feriado del Día Nacional, que en esta ocasión duró ocho días, con un 10,78 por ciento más que en el mismo período del año pasado, sobre una base comparable, según las autoridades locales. Los ingresos por concepto de turismo durante las vacaciones, que se extendieron del 1 al 8 de octubre, alcanzaron los 8.410 millones de yuanes (1.240 millones de dólares), dijeron fuentes del departamento regional de cultura y turismo. Los 440 lugares escénicos más populares de Xinjiang abrieron de manera gratuita durante la temporada vacacional, y la región ofreció una serie de pintorescas rutas para recorridos conducidos por los propios visitantes, con el objetivo de reavivar el sector, uno de los más afectados por la epidemia de COVID-19.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-10/09/c_139428324.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-10/09/c_139428324.htm</a></span></div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">09.10.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><b>Xinjiang: a multi-ethnic region</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman"; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-10/09/139426925_16021997647131n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="559" data-original-width="800" height="140" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-10/09/139426925_16021997647131n.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">A girl is seen behind a painted door in Shubaigou Village of Piqan Township in Shanshan County, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, Jan. 11, 2020. Xinjiang is a multi-ethnic region. </div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-10/09/c_139426925_2.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-10/09/c_139426925_2.htm</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">09.10.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><b>El embajador Dai Bing refuta en Naciones Unidas las infundadas acusaciones de Estados Unidos contra China</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman"; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-10/09/139426925_16021997647941n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="532" data-original-width="800" height="133" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-10/09/139426925_16021997647941n.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">El 7 de octubre, el embajador Dai Bing, representante permanente adjunto de China ante las Naciones Unidas, habló durante la Tercera Comisión de la Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas. En dicha ocasión, el alto diplomático refutó las infundadas acusaciones contra China expresadas por el representante permanente de Estados Unidos ante Naciones Unidas sobre temas vinculados al COVID-19 y los derechos humanos.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2020/1009/c31621-9767417.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2020/1009/c31621-9767417.html</a></span></div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">09.10.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><b>Live: Feast your eyes on golden poplar leaves in NW China's Xinjiang</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-07/Live-Feast-your-eyes-on-golden-poplar-leaves-in-NW-China-s-Xinjiang-UoDpa4KQEM/img/3ece09340a43490895943c92e1dbc6e7/3ece09340a43490895943c92e1dbc6e7.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-07/Live-Feast-your-eyes-on-golden-poplar-leaves-in-NW-China-s-Xinjiang-UoDpa4KQEM/img/3ece09340a43490895943c92e1dbc6e7/3ece09340a43490895943c92e1dbc6e7.jpeg" width="200" /></a></div><div>Bachu Red Sea tourism area is a national 4A-level scenic spot that integrates desert, poplar forest, wetlands and other natural landscapes as well as folk customs. In recent years, it has become popular among tourists and photographers from both inside and outside the area. As poplar leaves turn golden, people from all over the country thronged this area during the National Day holiday.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-07/Live-Feast-your-eyes-on-golden-poplar-leaves-in-NW-China-s-Xinjiang-UoDpa4KQEM/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-07/Live-Feast-your-eyes-on-golden-poplar-leaves-in-NW-China-s-Xinjiang-UoDpa4KQEM/index.html</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">09.10.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><b>Le Xinjiang a investi 393,7 milliards de yuans dans la construction de routes entre 2014 et 2019</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://french.peopledaily.com.cn/NMediaFile/2020/1009/FOREIGN202010091511000529363806512.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="367" data-original-width="550" height="133" src="http://french.peopledaily.com.cn/NMediaFile/2020/1009/FOREIGN202010091511000529363806512.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><div>Selon les autorités locales, le Xinjiang a investi 397,3 milliards de yuans (environ 58,3 milliards de dollars) dans la construction de routes entre 2014 et 2019. C'est 1,53 fois les investissements totaux faits entre 1949 et 2013 dans la construction de routes au Xinjiang, a indiqué le département régional des transports.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://french.peopledaily.com.cn/Economie/n3/2020/1009/c31355-9767435.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://french.peopledaily.com.cn/Economie/n3/2020/1009/c31355-9767435.html</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">08.10.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><b>Live: It's cotton harvest season in Xinjiang's Marabishi County</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-06/Live-It-s-cotton-harvest-season-in-Xinjiang-s-Marabishi-County-Un58jXbXYk/img/a9231686d02c4613b16be1b0f2aeaf35/a9231686d02c4613b16be1b0f2aeaf35.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-06/Live-It-s-cotton-harvest-season-in-Xinjiang-s-Marabishi-County-Un58jXbXYk/img/a9231686d02c4613b16be1b0f2aeaf35/a9231686d02c4613b16be1b0f2aeaf35.jpeg" width="200" /></a></div><div>Over 6.6 hectares of cotton in Marabishi County in Xinjiang's Kashgar is now ready to be harvested. Take a look at this busy scene. Farmlands in Marabishi County are now centralized, mechanized, and intensively managed, making agriculture a key industry able to bring a stable revenue for local farmers.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-06/Live-It-s-cotton-harvest-season-in-Xinjiang-s-Marabishi-County-Un58jXbXYk/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-06/Live-It-s-cotton-harvest-season-in-Xinjiang-s-Marabishi-County-Un58jXbXYk/index.html</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">08.10.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><b>Live: The most fascinating sceneries in Xinjiang</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-09/Live-The-most-fascinating-sceneries-in-Xinjiang-UrjJlyHXH2/img/51d2831b5976400a8b94fc7fd81e1345/51d2831b5976400a8b94fc7fd81e1345.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-09/Live-The-most-fascinating-sceneries-in-Xinjiang-UrjJlyHXH2/img/51d2831b5976400a8b94fc7fd81e1345/51d2831b5976400a8b94fc7fd81e1345.jpeg" width="200" /></a></div><div>CGTN has set up cameras at Sayram Lake, Kumtag Desert, Grape Valley, Flaming Mountains and desert poplars in Hotan across China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, to capture these amazing sceneries in real time. Join us to view amazing Xinjiang.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-09/Live-The-most-fascinating-sceneries-in-Xinjiang-UrjJlyHXH2/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-09/Live-The-most-fascinating-sceneries-in-Xinjiang-UrjJlyHXH2/index.html</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">08.10.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><b>Live: China's largest Akhal-Teke horse base in Xinjiang's Urumqi</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-07/Live-China-s-largest-Akhal-Teke-horse-base-in-Xinjiang-s-Urumqi-UoAdy0Ylr2/img/c95c2889d6734750b68f43110876f542/c95c2889d6734750b68f43110876f542.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-07/Live-China-s-largest-Akhal-Teke-horse-base-in-Xinjiang-s-Urumqi-UoAdy0Ylr2/img/c95c2889d6734750b68f43110876f542/c95c2889d6734750b68f43110876f542.jpeg" width="200" /></a></div><div>Urumqi, the capital of northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, is home to the country's largest base for Akhal-Teke horses, which are renowned for their beauty, speed and endurance. Follow CGTN to find out more about Akhal-Teke and other horse breeds.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-07/Live-China-s-largest-Akhal-Teke-horse-base-in-Xinjiang-s-Urumqi-UoAdy0Ylr2/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-07/Live-China-s-largest-Akhal-Teke-horse-base-in-Xinjiang-s-Urumqi-UoAdy0Ylr2/index.html</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">08.10.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><b>Xinjiang hand drum: Traditional instrument takes new form</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-08/Xinjiang-hand-drum-Traditional-instrument-takes-new-form-UqlIi6bSh2/video/bd31dd1a5cd84bc2b172bbeacd0abcb1/bd31dd1a5cd84bc2b172bbeacd0abcb1.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="112" src="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-08/Xinjiang-hand-drum-Traditional-instrument-takes-new-form-UqlIi6bSh2/video/bd31dd1a5cd84bc2b172bbeacd0abcb1/bd31dd1a5cd84bc2b172bbeacd0abcb1.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region is known for its beautiful music made by instruments unique to the diverse ethnic groups living in the region. Many of these, including hand drums, still play a leading role in local performances. And as CGTN's Feng Yilei discovers, they are being innovated and improved.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-08/Xinjiang-hand-drum-Traditional-instrument-takes-new-form-UqlIi6bSh2/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-08/Xinjiang-hand-drum-Traditional-instrument-takes-new-form-UqlIi6bSh2/index.html</a></span></div><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">08.10.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><b>Watch: What is Xinjiang's Economic Zone like?</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman"; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-07/Watch-What-is-Xinjiang-s-Economic-Zone-like--UoLHWwd1Ti/img/29c3764e4ae146f785b69ad49d17b362/29c3764e4ae146f785b69ad49d17b362.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-07/Watch-What-is-Xinjiang-s-Economic-Zone-like--UoLHWwd1Ti/img/29c3764e4ae146f785b69ad49d17b362/29c3764e4ae146f785b69ad49d17b362.jpeg" width="200" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">CGTN crew have arrived in Urumqi, Xinjiang's capital. Like any other Chinese city, Urumqi has witnessed tremendous growth over the past years, with the city filled with skyscrapers and shopping centers. What makes the city stand out is its unique landscape and street sight. As autumn rolls around, myriad colors turn the city into a park, and Mount Bogda, a snow-capped mountain peak all year round, is within sight. Join CGTN reporters Li Jianhua and Zhu Danni to zip through the streets of Urumqi.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-07/Watch-What-is-Xinjiang-s-Economic-Zone-like--UoLHWwd1Ti/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-07/Watch-What-is-Xinjiang-s-Economic-Zone-like--UoLHWwd1Ti/index.html</a></span></div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">07.10.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><b>La Portavoz del Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores, Hua Chunying, Responde a la Prensa sobre la Declaración Conjunta de Países Amigos en la Tercera Comisión de la Asamblea General de la ONU en Apoyo a China</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/esp/images/top_esp.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="94" data-original-width="770" height="38" src="https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/esp/images/top_esp.jpg" width="320" /></a></div><div>PREGUNTA: Hace unos días, en respuesta a que algunos países occidentales discutieran arbitrariamente cuestiones relacionadas con Hong Kong y Xinjiang en la Tercera Comisión de la Asamblea General de la ONU, casi 70 países expresaron su apoyo y se hicieron eco de la posición de China y se opusieron a la interferencia de los países occidentales en los asuntos internos de China. ¿Cómo comenta China sobre esto? RESPUESTA: Hace unos días, casi 70 países hablaron en la Tercera Comisión de la 75ª Asamblea General de la ONU, apoyando y haciéndose eco de la posición de China. Entre ellos, Pakistán hizo una declaración conjunta sobre cuestiones relacionadas con Hong Kong en nombre de 55 países, y Cuba hizo una declaración conjunta sobre cuestiones relacionadas con Xinjiang en nombre de 45 países, apoyando la posición y las medidas de China sobre cuestiones relacionadas con Hong Kong y Xinjiang. Estos países creen que la promulgación y aplicación por China de la Ley de Seguridad Nacional en la Región Administrativa Especial de Hong Kong favorece la estabilidad y el desarrollo a largo plazo de "Un país, dos sistemas" y favorece el mantenimiento de la prosperidad y estabilidad de Hong Kong. Los derechos y libertades legales de los residentes de Hong Kong también pueden protegerse mejor en un entorno seguro. Estos países aprecian que Xinjiang de China haya adoptado una serie de medidas de conformidad con la ley para hacer frente a las amenazas del terrorismo y el extremismo, y proteger los derechos humanos de las personas de todos los grupos étnicos en Xinjiang. Estos países enfatizan que la no injerencia en los asuntos internos de los estados soberanos es un principio importante de la Carta de la ONU, y se oponen firmemente a la politización de las cuestiones de derechos humanos y a la práctica del doble rasero, y se oponen a las acusaciones injustificadas y a la interferencia irrazonable en China.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/esp/xwfw/fyrth/t1822995.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/esp/xwfw/fyrth/t1822995.shtml</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">06.10.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><b>China rejects EU groundless accusations over Xinjiang, Tibet, HKSAR</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-10/09/139426925_16021997648461n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="562" data-original-width="800" height="140" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-10/09/139426925_16021997648461n.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><div>China firmly rejects and opposes the groundless accusations made by representatives from the EU, the Czech Republic and Canada over issues related to Xinjiang, Tibet and Hong Kong and urges them to stop interfering in China's internal affairs, said a Chinese official on Monday. Dai Bing, China's deputy permanent representative and ambassador to the United Nations, made the remarks on Monday at a meeting of the United Nations (UN) General Assembly, after these representatives accused China of its handling on affairs related to Xinjiang, Tibet and Hong Kong. These accusation are "complete disinformation" which totally inconsistent with the facts, Dai pointed out. Issues related to Xinjiang, Tibet, and Hong Kong are not human rights issues in any definition, said Dai, stressing that they are China's internal affairs.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-06/China-rejects-EU-groundless-accusations-over-Xinjiang-Tibet-HKSAR-UmFPFMVPBC/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-06/China-rejects-EU-groundless-accusations-over-Xinjiang-Tibet-HKSAR-UmFPFMVPBC/index.html</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">06.10.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><b>My vlog: A day with an archaeologist exploring the oldest site in Xinjiang</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-06/A-day-with-an-archaeologist-exploring-the-oldest-site-in-Xinjiang-Un7QxJ3ofC/video/f8c24fa2b0d8400d8181200f954c3bcf/f8c24fa2b0d8400d8181200f954c3bcf.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-06/A-day-with-an-archaeologist-exploring-the-oldest-site-in-Xinjiang-Un7QxJ3ofC/video/f8c24fa2b0d8400d8181200f954c3bcf/f8c24fa2b0d8400d8181200f954c3bcf.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><div>On day 25 of our Amazing Xinjiang trip, we arrived in Luntai County in Bayingolin Mongol Autonomous Prefecture in the middle of Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. It's 200 kilometers from the Taklamakan Desert. Today, we meet the archaeological team of the site, the oldest ever excavated in Xinjiang.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-06/A-day-with-an-archaeologist-exploring-the-oldest-site-in-Xinjiang-Un7QxJ3ofC/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-06/A-day-with-an-archaeologist-exploring-the-oldest-site-in-Xinjiang-Un7QxJ3ofC/index.html</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman"; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">06.10.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><b>Lluvias continúan afectando oeste de China</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/NMediaFile/2016/1111/FOREIGN201611111515000548708493979.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="133" src="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/NMediaFile/2016/1111/FOREIGN201611111515000548708493979.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">China experimentará lluvias y humedad en las regiones occidentales, mientras que corrientes de frío afectarán el norte de la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste del país, informó hoy martes el observatorio nacional. En los próximos tres días, lluvias moderadas azotarán parte del noroeste de China y la mayoría del suroeste del país, mientras que algunas zonas del Tíbet, Yunnan y las regiones costeras meridionales experimentarán aguaceros, de acuerdo con el Centro Meteorológico Nacional. Otra ola de aire frío castigará el norte de Xinjiang entre el martes y el miércoles. Algunas regiones experimentarán caídas de temperaturas de más de 10 grados centígrados, según la fuente. El observatorio alertó que algunas partes de Xinjiang recibirán lluvias y nevadas, y añadió que ciertas regiones montañosas experimentarán tormentas de nieve.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-10/06/c_139421887.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-10/06/c_139421887.htm</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">06.10.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><b>Live: Jiaohe, an ancient city spanning over 2,000 years in Xinjiang</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-05/Live-Jiaohe-an-ancient-city-spanning-over-2-000-years-in-Xinjiang-UlgezxcS1q/img/ef4747f9c1174aa09c9ad8f8f9d94b90/ef4747f9c1174aa09c9ad8f8f9d94b90.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-05/Live-Jiaohe-an-ancient-city-spanning-over-2-000-years-in-Xinjiang-UlgezxcS1q/img/ef4747f9c1174aa09c9ad8f8f9d94b90/ef4747f9c1174aa09c9ad8f8f9d94b90.jpeg" width="200" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Jiaohe ancient city on the western outskirts of Turpan is the largest, oldest and best-preserved city of native architecture in the world. It is a witness of Xinjiang's uniqueness and a testament to the integration of cultures and peoples. Follow CGTN and the deputy director of the Turpan Museum as they walk through the mysteries of the former city of Jiaohe.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-05/Live-Jiaohe-an-ancient-city-spanning-over-2-000-years-in-Xinjiang-UlgezxcS1q/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-10-05/Live-Jiaohe-an-ancient-city-spanning-over-2-000-years-in-Xinjiang-UlgezxcS1q/index.html</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: "Times New Roman"; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">04.10.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-family: verdana;">Xinjiang atrae más inversión</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-09/26/139393099_16009168444181n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="616" data-original-width="800" height="176" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-09/26/139393099_16009168444181n.jpg" width="229" /></a></div>La región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, noroeste de China, atrajo 237.200 millones de yuanes (35.350 millones de dólares) de inversión mediante las plataformas en línea durante los primeros ocho meses del año, un aumento interanual de 14,77 por ciento, según informó el departamento de comercio regional. Un total de 3.482 proyectos de inversión fueron firmados durante el lapso, 306 más que el mismo periodo del año pasado, según la misma fuente. Xinjiang ha estado haciendo esfuerzos este año para atraer inversión presentando sus importantes proyectos y políticas favorables en las plataformas en línea, como la popular aplicación china de vídeos cortos Douyin.</span></div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-10/04/c_139417138.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-10/04/c_139417138.htm</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">04.10.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-family: verdana;">Xinjiang: Vistas nocturnas en Urumqi</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-10/04/139416989_16017321479341n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="133" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-10/04/139416989_16017321479341n.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Se publican fotografías de Urumqi, en la región autónoma de la etnia uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-10/04/c_139416989.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-10/04/c_139416989.htm</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">03.10.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-family: verdana;">Cosechan caléndula en Yutian, Xinjiang</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-10/03/139386731_16007361816741n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="133" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-10/03/139386731_16007361816741n.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Como uno de los cinco distritos de la prefectura de Hotan que no ha salido de la pobreza, el distrito de Yutian está acelerando sus pasos para deshacerse de la pobreza plantando caléndula.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-10/03/c_139386731.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-10/03/c_139386731.htm</a></span></div></div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">03.10.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">Construcción de subestación transformadora de 220 KV en Xinjiang</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-10/03/139408485_16014447566021n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="133" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-10/03/139408485_16014447566021n.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Como resultado del desarrollo industrial y la optimización de la estructura energética del carbón a la electricidad en los últimos años, la demanda de energía en la prefectura de Hotan ha aumentado. En consecuencia, State Grid Xinjiang Electric Power Co., Ltd. ha impulsado los proyectos de subestaciones transformadoras de 220 KV en la ciudad de Hotan y el distrito de Qira, las cuales se espera que se pongan en funcionamiento a fines de este año, como una forma de optimizar la red de energía eléctrica y mejorar la capacidad de suministro.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-10/03/c_139408485.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-10/03/c_139408485.htm</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">30.09.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">RESUMEN: Expertos elogian esfuerzos del gobierno chino para promover desarrollo socioeconómico de Xinjiang</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-10/04/139416989_16017321479051n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="133" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-10/04/139416989_16017321479051n.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Como resultado de los enormes esfuerzos realizados por el gobierno chino durante las últimas décadas, se han obtenido enormes logros en el desarrollo socioeconómico de la Región Autónoma Uigur de Xinjiang representados en la mejora constante de las condiciones de vida de la población local, resaltaron los expertos. El presidente chino, Xi Jinping, pidió en el tercer simposio central sobre el trabajo relacionado con Xinjiang, que se celebró el viernes y el sábado, esfuerzos para construir Xinjiang bajo el concepto de socialismo con características chinas de la nueva era y exigió una gobernanza basada en la ley y esfuerzos a largo plazo para convertir a Xinjiang en una región unida, armoniosa, próspera y culturalmente avanzada, con ecosistemas saludables y gente satisfecha. Naeem Bukhari, director ejecutivo del Instituto de Gestión del Capital Humano de Pakistán, dijo que la política de China sobre Xinjiang es muy positiva, viable y productiva, lo que primero ha establecido la paz en la región y también ha cambiado su panorama con una serie de proyectos de desarrollo de infraestructura, empleo, educación y entrenamiento.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-09/30/c_139409216.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-09/30/c_139409216.htm</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">30.09.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">Comercio exterior de región china de Xinjiang aumenta 1,1% entre enero y agosto</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-10/04/139416989_16017321478671n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="133" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-10/04/139416989_16017321478671n.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">La región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, ubicada en el noroeste de China, registró más de 89.000 millones de yuanes (13.000 millones de dólares) en comercio exterior durante los primeros ocho meses de este año, para un crecimiento interanual del 1,1 por ciento, informaron las autoridades locales. El departamento regional de comercio indicó que el volumen de exportación de Xinjiang entre enero y agosto llegó a 60.450 millones de yuanes, mientras que las importaciones se ubicaron en 28.640 millones de yuanes. El comercio general ocupó 42.410 millones de yuanes del volumen total, para un 34,4 por ciento de crecimiento entre año y año. Las empresas privadas continuaron desempeñando un papel de liderazgo en el comercio exterior de la región. El departamento precisó que las exportaciones de bienes mecánicos y eléctricos, prendas de vestir y productos agrícolas mantuvieron su crecimiento durante el período. </div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-09/30/c_139409909.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-09/30/c_139409909.htm</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">29.09.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">Xinjiang: Vista aérea de lago Ulunggur</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-09/29/139400001_16011665310161n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="504" data-original-width="800" height="134" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-09/29/139400001_16011665310161n.jpg" width="213" /></a></div>Se presentan fotografías tomadas en el distrito de Fuhai de Altay, en la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China. </span></div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-09/29/c_139400001.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-09/29/c_139400001.htm</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">29.09.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">Xinjiang de China ofrece subsidios en electrodomésticos para impulsar consumo</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://images.china.cn/site1007/2018-11/27/5a3b0785-5ec7-4f38-8cb3-d4f4df408a46.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="414" data-original-width="590" height="140" src="http://images.china.cn/site1007/2018-11/27/5a3b0785-5ec7-4f38-8cb3-d4f4df408a46.png" width="200" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">La región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, ha ofrecido a los residentes subsidios al consumo por un valor de más de 60 millones de yuanes (alrededor de 8,46 millones de dólares) para estimular las ventas de electrodomésticos, informaron las autoridades locales. Además de los subsidios al consumo, subsidios al comercio de electrodomésticos por 30 millones de yuanes y subsidios para electrodomésticos por 20 millones de yuanes vendidos en áreas rurales fueron asignados para este mes, de acuerdo con el departamento regional de comercio. La ayuda financiera patrocinada por el gobierno regional es financiada también por la sucursal de Xinjiang del gigante de ventas minoristas chino Suning Holdings Group. "Nos enfocaremos en subsidiar las ventas de electrodomésticos en las áreas rurales del sur de Xinjiang", dijo Han Lei, gerente general de la filial de Xinjiang de Suning, quien añadió que la compañía ofrecerá subsidios para acondicionadores de aire, televisiones, utensilios de cocina, electrodomésticos pequeños, teléfonos móviles y otros productos. El subsidio promedio de cada artículo es de entre 8 y 10 por ciento del precio original.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-09/29/c_139404715.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-09/29/c_139404715.htm</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">29.09.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">Región china de Xinjiang logra éxito en negocio de flor marigold</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-10/03/139386731_16007361820901n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="133" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-10/03/139386731_16007361820901n.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">El negocio de las flores marigold ha ayudado a mejorar la vida en Shache, el distrito más poblado de la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China. La superficie de plantación de marigold en Shache, uno de los diez distritos de Xinjiang que aún tienen pendiente la eliminación de la pobreza, ha alcanzado alrededor de 8 667 hectáreas desde 2011, cuando se introdujo esta flor para ajustar la estructura de las industrias agrícolas locales. Shache ha establecido 70 cooperativas para el cultivo de plántulas y la compra de materiales, proporcionando puestos de empleo permanentes a más de tres mil personas. Más de 70 mil residentes locales se dedican a industrias relacionadas con las marigold, casi la mitad de ellos provenientes de hogares pobres. Para apoyar a los productores pobres, el gobierno del distrito les ofreció plántulas y fertilizantes gratuitos. "Mis marigold están creciendo bien este año. La temporada de cosecha puede durar desde junio hasta finales de octubre. Mi pueblo empleó personas desocupadas para ayudar a cosechar las flores", relató Abduheli Ablikim, un habitante de Shache.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-09/29/c_139407183.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-09/29/c_139407183.htm</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">27.09.20</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>China's Xinjiang sees unprecedented development of its society with people better off</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-09-26/Xi-Jinping-addresses-third-Xinjiang-work-symposium-in-Beijing--U6qCj51Kpi/img/b6d19e45773640dd8db0b5f984bb838f/b6d19e45773640dd8db0b5f984bb838f.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="300" data-original-width="500" height="154" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-09-26/Xi-Jinping-addresses-third-Xinjiang-work-symposium-in-Beijing--U6qCj51Kpi/img/b6d19e45773640dd8db0b5f984bb838f/b6d19e45773640dd8db0b5f984bb838f.jpeg" width="256" /></a></div>From 2014 to 2019, overall statistics show that China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region has seen a positive trend in economic development and people's livelihoods have significantly improved. Development is the crucial foundation for the region's long-term stability, said Chinese President Xi Jinping who called for efforts to build a socialist Xinjiang with Chinese characteristics in a new era. Xi demanded law-based governance and long-term efforts to develop Xinjiang into a region that is united, harmonious, prosperous, and culturally advanced, with healthy ecosystems and people living and working in contentment.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-09-26/Xi-Jinping-addresses-third-Xinjiang-work-symposium-in-Beijing--U6qCj51Kpi/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-09-26/Xi-Jinping-addresses-third-Xinjiang-work-symposium-in-Beijing--U6qCj51Kpi/index.html</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">27.09.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">Región china de Xinjiang crea 2 millones de puestos de trabajo en 6 años</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-09/26/139393099_16009168443361n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="133" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-09/26/139393099_16009168443361n.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">La región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang de China creó unos 2 millones de nuevos puestos de trabajo para sus residentes entre 2014 y 2019. Xinjiang se encuentra en el noroeste del país. Por razones históricas y ambientales, se ha quedado atrás durante mucho tiempo en comparación con otras partes del país en términos de desarrollo, por lo que tiene una significativa cantidad de población empobrecida. Desde el XVIII Congreso Nacional del Partido Comunista de China (PCCh) celebrado en 2012, Xinjiang ha estado implementando vigorosamente proyectos de empleo y reforzando la formación profesional, y ha estado ampliando los canales y la capacidad de empleo. Entre 2014 y 2019, el número total de personas empleadas en Xinjiang aumentó de 11,35 millones a 13,3 millones, según un libro blanco sobre el empleo y los derechos laborales en Xinjiang publicado por la Oficina de Información del Consejo de Estado el 17 de septiembre. Cada vez son más los trabajadores rurales que son empleados en las ciudades después de la capacitación en diferentes habilidades. El aumento anual del empleo urbano abarca a más de 471.200 personas, incluidas 148.000 en el sur de Xinjiang, lo que representa un 31,4 por ciento.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-09/27/c_139401376.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-09/27/c_139401376.htm</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">26.09.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">Ciudad antigua de Kashgar, Xinjiang</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-09/26/139393099_16009168444181n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="616" data-original-width="800" height="154" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-09/26/139393099_16009168444181n.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Desde que Xinjiang reanudó las excursiones transprovinciales en septiembre, la industria turística de la ciudad antigua de Kashgar se ha recuperado rápidamente. En 2010, se inició un proyecto de renovación por un valor de 7 billones de yuanes (alrededor de un billón de dólares) en la ciudad antigua de Kashgar, que permitió a los residentes disfrutar de la comodidad de la vida moderna sin perder su estilo de vida tradicional. Algunos éxitos de ventas como casas de alojamiento, artesanías y especialidades locales traen un flujo constante de turistas para experimentar el encanto de la ciudad antigua.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-09/26/c_139393099.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-09/26/c_139393099.htm</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">25.09.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">Expertos refutan falsedades extranjeras sobre política demográfica de Xinjiang</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-09/26/139393099_16009168445951n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="800" data-original-width="448" height="200" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-09/26/139393099_16009168445951n.jpg" width="112" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Expertos chinos han refutado las falsedades extranjeras sobre la política demográfica y los derechos humanos en la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, ubicada en el noroeste de China. "Con un sostenido desarrollo económico, una sociedad armoniosa y estable, y una vida pacífica y feliz de los residentes, Xinjiang se encuentra ahora en su mejor período de prosperidad y desarrollo", dijo Zulhayat Esmayil, decano de la Escuela de Marxismo de la Universidad de Xinjiang, en un seminario presencial y en línea realizado el jueves en la municipalidad de Chongqing, en el suroeste de China. La reunión fue patrocinada por la Misión Permanente de la República Popular China ante la ONU en Ginebra, otras organizaciones internacionales en Suiza y la Sociedad para Estudios de Derechos Humanos de China. Entre los asistentes estuvieron expertos de la Universidad de Xinjiang y de la Universidad Suroeste de Ciencia Política y Leyes. Xinjiang ha logrado un crecimiento sin contratiempos en su población y notables mejorías en la salud y la educación de las personas, indicó Zulhayat Esmayil.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-09/25/c_139397385.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-09/25/c_139397385.htm</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">23.09.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">Envían más cuadros a Xinjiang para apoyar desarrollo</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-10/04/139416989_16017321478381n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="133" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-10/04/139416989_16017321478381n.jpg" width="200" /></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;">El grupo más reciente de personal de instituciones centrales del Partido y del Estado, así como de empresas de China llegó el lunes a Urumqi para iniciar su mandato de trabajo de tres años en un programa de asistencia para el desarrollo de la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang. El décimo grupo está integrado por 579 cuadros y profesionales de más de 110 instituciones centrales del Partido y del Estado y de empresas de propiedad estatal administradas centralmente, indicó el Departamento de Organización del Comité Central del Partido Comunista de China (PCCh). El grupo trabajará en sectores clave, incluyendo educación, finanzas, turismo, salud y tecnología agrícola, o asumirá posiciones en áreas de urgente necesidad. China ha estado implementando el programa de asistencia para el desarrollo de Xinjiang desde 1997, canalizando apoyo financiero a Xinjiang desde otras regiones del país y enviando más de 20.000 cuadros y profesionales a la región.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-09/23/c_139389031.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-09/23/c_139389031.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">21.09.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-family: verdana;">Traditional handicraft industry supports poverty alleviation in Xinjiang</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-09/21/139383630_16006436674401n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="133" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-09/21/139383630_16006436674401n.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div><span style="font-family: verdana;"><div style="text-align: justify;">Over 6,000 residents have relocated to the relocation settlements in Aketao County from less hospitable areas in the deep Kunlun Mountain. In response to the employment of relocated residents, local authorities have put great efforts into developing the traditional handicraft industry, as a way to support the poverty alleviation efforts.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-09/21/c_139383630.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: verdana;">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-09/21/c_139383630.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">21.09.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b><span style="font-family: verdana;">Rare look into Xinjiang Ep. 8: Diligent young woman with quick promotion</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/bq2hHNet0wI/maxresdefault.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/bq2hHNet0wI/maxresdefault.jpg" width="200" /></a></div>China Media Group (CMG) on September 18 released an eight-episode documentary titled "Rare Look into Xinjiang" which interviewed eight migrant workers from the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region who work far away from home, depicting how they earned a better life through their own hard work. The eighth episode tells the story of Amangul, a young woman from Xinjiang's Kashgar Prefecture. Amangul arrived in Hefei City, east China's Anhui Province, in 2016. She first worked as a quality inspector. Even after work, Amangul never stops reading and learning new things. She was soon promoted to be a group leader after just four months because of her diligence and eager to learn knowledge. #China #Xinjiang #Uygur</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bq2hHNet0wI" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bq2hHNet0wI</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">21.09.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b><span style="font-family: verdana;">Rare look into Xinjiang Ep. 7: Man making fortune through hard work</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-09-22/Rare-look-into-Xinjiang-Ep-7-Man-making-fortune-through-hard-work-TZ5r2yChfG/video/78e5e7abc11840b28289fc769d6bc8c6/78e5e7abc11840b28289fc769d6bc8c6.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-09-22/Rare-look-into-Xinjiang-Ep-7-Man-making-fortune-through-hard-work-TZ5r2yChfG/video/78e5e7abc11840b28289fc769d6bc8c6/78e5e7abc11840b28289fc769d6bc8c6.jpg" width="200" /></a></div>China Media Group (CMG) on September 18 released an eight-episode documentary titled "Rare Look into Xinjiang" which interviewed eight migrant workers from the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region who work far away from home, depicting how they earned a better life through hard work. The seventh episode recounts the story of Imin, a 32-year-old man from Xinjiang's Kashgar Prefecture. Imin came to work as a packer in an electronics factory in Hefei City, east China's Anhui Province, last year. After working for 15 months, Imin saved about 40,000 yuan (about 5,600 U.S. dollars), and he decided to get married this summer. The family of Imin's fiancee is very satisfied with Imin for he proved himself to be a capable fella who was able to make the fortune with his own efforts. #China #Xinjiang #Documentary</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=le3LUHNrmUs" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=le3LUHNrmUs</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">20.09.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><b>Rare look into </b><b>Xinjiang Ep. 6: Young mother preparing to open own hair salon</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><span><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-09-21/Rare-look-into-Xinjiang-Ep-6-Young-mother-prepares-to-open-own-salon-TXv7WGVLe8/video/11b8667ea2704ac2a9aa6bd29315f78c/11b8667ea2704ac2a9aa6bd29315f78c.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-09-21/Rare-look-into-Xinjiang-Ep-6-Young-mother-prepares-to-open-own-salon-TXv7WGVLe8/video/11b8667ea2704ac2a9aa6bd29315f78c/11b8667ea2704ac2a9aa6bd29315f78c.jpg" width="200" /></a></div>China Media Group (CMG) on Friday released an eight-episode documentary titled "Rare Look into Xinjiang," which interviewed eight migrant workers from the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region who work far away from home, depicting how they have earned a better life through their hard work. The sixth episode tells the story of Aykinar, a young mother from Akto Co</span><span>unty in</span><span> Xinjiang's Kizilsu Kyrgyz Autonomous Prefecture. She went to work in a home appliances factory in </span><span>Huizhou City, south China's Guangdong Province, a year ago. Aykinar found that the level of service and the barbers' skills at hair salons in Huizhou were so much better than in her hometown. She has now decided to train to be a hairdresser and, when she has made enough money, will go back to her hometown and open a salon of her own. #China #Xinjiang</span></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LzG3peEDksc" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LzG3peEDksc</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">20.09.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b><span style="font-family: verdana;">Rare look into Xinjiang Ep. 5: Worker caring for fellows as big brother</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/Na2Gh4AWLak/maxresdefault.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/Na2Gh4AWLak/maxresdefault.jpg" width="200" /></a></div>China Media Group (CMG) on September 18 released an eight-episode documentary titled "Rare Look into Xinjiang," which interviewed eight migrant workers from Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region who work far away from home, depicting how they earned a better life through their own hard work. The fifth episode tells the story of Dolihunjan, a 50-year-old man from Xinjiang. Dolihunjan began working away from his hometown 19 years ago and now works in an electronics factory in Nanjing City, east China's Jiangsu Province. As the oldest among the factory's 40 workers from Xinjiang, Dolihunjan is like a big brother to them. In the video, he was making naan bread for his colleagues on his day off. He said food from home will help the young workers adapt to the new life there. #China #Xinjiang</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Na2Gh4AWLak" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Na2Gh4AWLak</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">20.09.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b><span style="font-family: verdana;">Rare look into Xinjiang Ep. 3: Couple strives for a better life</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-09-20/Rare-look-into-Xinjiang-Ep-3-Couple-strives-for-a-better-life-TVNY3D0dpK/video/d127606d2f5e4ffeb4131ec2413be9df/d127606d2f5e4ffeb4131ec2413be9df-1280.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-09-20/Rare-look-into-Xinjiang-Ep-3-Couple-strives-for-a-better-life-TVNY3D0dpK/video/d127606d2f5e4ffeb4131ec2413be9df/d127606d2f5e4ffeb4131ec2413be9df-1280.jpg" width="200" /></a></div>China Media Group (CMG) released an eight-episode documentary titled "Rare Look into Xinjiang," which interviewed eight migrant workers from #Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region who are creating a better life for themselves far from home. The third episode tells the story of Gulhahir, a 26-year-old woman from Akqi County, Xinjiang's Kizilsu Kyrgyz Autonomous Prefecture. Gulhahir and her husband Bahtyar work together as assembly line operators in an electronics factory in Nanjing City, east China's Jiangsu Province. Bahtyar's ancestors roamed the grasslands for generations, but his parents' expectations for their children go beyond the pastures. With the support from their family, the couple left home to start a career. At the factory in Nanjing, they learned many new skills and earned a much higher salary. </span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=coqvsxkr35s" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=coqvsxkr35s</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">19.09.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b><span style="font-family: verdana;">Rare look into Xinjiang Ep. 4: Spoiled girl learns to be independent</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-09-20/Rare-look-into-Xinjiang-Ep-4-Spoiled-girl-learns-to-be-independent-TVOy43AEKI/video/57f51afb88604687b52887880f3e475a/57f51afb88604687b52887880f3e475a-1280.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-09-20/Rare-look-into-Xinjiang-Ep-4-Spoiled-girl-learns-to-be-independent-TVOy43AEKI/video/57f51afb88604687b52887880f3e475a/57f51afb88604687b52887880f3e475a-1280.jpg" width="200" /></a></div>China Media Group (CMG) on Friday released an eight-episode documentary titled "Rare Look into Xinjiang," which presented eight migrant workers from the northwestern Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region who work far away from home, depicting how they earned a better life through their own hard work. The fourth episode tells the story of Guljinit, a 19-year-old girl from Xinjiang's Kashgar Prefecture. She started to work in an electronics factory in Hefei City, east China's Anhui Province, a year ago. Guljinit was once a spoiled child who was reckless with money. She and her sister used to buy a lot of clothes and throw away those they didn't like anymore, even after wearing them only once or twice.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_aRVrc_j3m8&t=13s" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_aRVrc_j3m8&t=13s</a></span></div></div></span></div><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">19.09.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">Rare look into Xinjiang Ep. 1: Acryback's struggle</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/ezPXgpD-NXo/maxresdefault.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="113" src="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/ezPXgpD-NXo/maxresdefault.jpg" width="200" /></a></div>China Media Group (CMG) on Friday released an eight-episode documentary titled "Rare Look into Xinjiang" with interviews on eight migrant workers from northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region who work far away from home, depicting how they improve their life through hard work. The first episode tells the story of Acryback, a young man from Akto County in Xinjiang's Kizilsu Kyrgyz Autonomous Prefecture. He started working in an electronics factory in Huizhou City of south China's Guangdong Province a year ago. Acryback's father passed away when he was little, and his mother was the sole breadwinner in the family. To help his mother, Acryback started to work after graduating from high school. With the money he earned, he bought the first mobile phone in his life and sent money back home to support his family and his sister's study.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ezPXgpD-NXo" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ezPXgpD-NXo</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">19.09.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">Rare look into Xinjiang Ep. 2: Ulan's story in Nanjing</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/btyK_1VIBbg/maxresdefault.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="153" src="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/btyK_1VIBbg/maxresdefault.jpg" width="271" /></a></div>The China Media Group (CMG) on Friday released an eight-episode documentary "Rare Look into Xinjiang," an interview on how eight migrant workers from the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region earned a better life through their own hard work far away from home. The second episode tells the story of Ulan, a 20-year-old woman from Xinjiang's Ili Kazakh Autonomous Prefecture. She came to work in an electronics factory in Nanjing City, east China's Jiangsu Province, a few months ago. Ulan is one of the few of her peers who work far away from home. Many of her friends and classmates have already got married and have their own family. The work at the factory is hard for a girl, but Ulan said she likes the feeling of making a living through her own hard work. When she earns enough money, she said, she will buy an apartment for her parents in the county, making their living better, too.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=btyK_1VIBbg" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=btyK_1VIBbg</a></span></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">18.09.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">Políticas y prácticas de empleo de Xinjiang se ajustan a leyes y estándares internacionales, según libro blanco</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/202007/24/5f1a42a7a3108348fcdfef65.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="508" data-original-width="800" height="127" src="https://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/202007/24/5f1a42a7a3108348fcdfef65.jpeg" width="200" /></span></a></div><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;">Las políticas y prácticas de la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang en materia de empleo y seguridad laboral cumplen con la Constitución de China y las leyes pertinentes, se ajustan a las normas internacionales de empleo y derechos humanos y apoyan la voluntad de todos los grupos étnicos locales de vivir una vida mejor, según un libro blanco publicado hoy jueves por la Oficina de Información del Consejo de Estado, el gabinete del país. Durante años, ciertas fuerzas internacionales, debido a prejuicios ideológicos contra China, han estado aplicando dobles raseros en Xinjiang y criticando supuestas "violaciones de los derechos humanos", mientras ignoran los tremendos esfuerzos que ha llevado a cabo la región para proteger los derechos humanos, refiere el documento titulado "Empleo y derechos laborales en Xinjiang". Ellas han fabricado hechos para respaldar sus falsas afirmaciones de "trabajo forzoso" en la región y han difamado sobre las labores del Gobierno local relacionadas con el empleo y la seguridad laboral, señala el libro blanco.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2020/0918/c31621-9761821.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2020/0918/c31621-9761821.html</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">18.09.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">China publica libro blanco sobre empleo y derechos laborales en Xinjiang</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://en.people.cn/NMediaFile/2020/0618/FOREIGN202006181527000054992910082.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="548" data-original-width="800" height="137" src="http://en.people.cn/NMediaFile/2020/0618/FOREIGN202006181527000054992910082.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;">China publicó hoy jueves un libro blanco sobre el empleo y los derechos laborales en la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang. El libro blanco, publicado por la Oficina de Información del Consejo de Estado, el gabinete de China, refiere que Xinjiang considera la facilitación del empleo como el proyecto más fundamental para garantizar y mejorar el bienestar de las personas. A través de sus políticas laborales y de empleo proactivas, Xinjiang ha mejorado continuamente la vida material y cultural de las personas, al tiempo que ha garantizado y desarrollado sus derechos humanos en todos los campos, según el documento titulado "Empleo y derechos laborales en Xinjiang".</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.people.com.cn/n3/2020/0918/c31621-9761811.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">http://spanish.people.com.cn/n3/2020/0918/c31621-9761811.html</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">18.09.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">Xinjiang ofrece capacitación vocacional para facilitar empleo, según libro blanco</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/202003/05/5e6056f3a31012820658a137.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="534" data-original-width="800" height="134" src="https://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/202003/05/5e6056f3a31012820658a137.jpeg" width="200" /></span></a></div><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;">La región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang se ha centrado en mejorar la capacidad laboral de los trabajadores y en promover empleos estables, según un libro blanco publicado hoy jueves por la Oficina de Información del Consejo de Estado, el gabinete de China. La región ha desarrollado un sistema integral de educación y capacitación vocacional, con el objetivo de elevar la calidad básica de los estudiantes y organizar una formación orientada a demandas, puestos y empleadores específicos, según el documento titulado "Empleo y derechos laborales en Xinjiang".</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2020/0918/c31621-9761848.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2020/0918/c31621-9761848.html</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">18.09.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">Puerto fronterizo en Xinjiang gestiona tres mil trenes de carga China-Europa</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: small; text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/9Z-PCAtcnUw/hqdefault.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="360" data-original-width="480" height="195" src="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/9Z-PCAtcnUw/hqdefault.jpg" width="260" /></a></div>El número de trenes de carga China-Europa gestionados por el puerto de Horgos, en la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, ha alcanzado los tres mil en lo que va del año, según las autoridades aduaneras. Un tren que partió el jueves de la ciudad de Chengdu, en la provincia suroccidental de Sichuan, con destino a Lodz, en Polonia, se convirtió en el tren de carga China-Europa número 3.000 en pasar por Horgos desde el 1 de enero de 2020. El puerto se hizo cargo de 495 trenes del citado servicio en julio, con un aumento del 55,17 por ciento interanual, y en agosto gestionó el paso de 482 convoyes, materializando un incremento interanual del 62,29 por ciento.</span></div></span></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-09/18/c_139379244.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-09/18/c_139379244.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">17.09.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">Xinjiang previene y castiga resueltamente cualquier incidente de trabajo forzoso, según libro blanco</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: small; text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://newses.cgtn.com/n/BfJAA-CEA-BAA/BHDGCEA.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="62" src="https://newses.cgtn.com/n/BfJAA-CEA-BAA/BHDGCEA.jpg" width="110" /></a></div>La región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, ubicada en el noroeste de China, previene y castiga resueltamente cualquier incidente de trabajo forzoso, según un libro blanco publicado hoy jueves por la Oficina de Información del Consejo de Estado, el gabinete del país.</span></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-09/17/c_139375423.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-09/17/c_139375423.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">17.09.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">Región china de Xinjiang garantiza libertad religiosa de trabajadores, según libro blanco</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/201907/22/5d34f422a310d8304551fad2.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="508" data-original-width="800" height="127" src="http://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/201907/22/5d34f422a310d8304551fad2.jpeg" width="200" /></span></a></div><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;">La región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, garantiza la libertad religiosa de los trabajadores y el derecho a utilizar sus propios idiomas orales y escritos, de acuerdo con un libro blanco publicado hoy jueves por la Oficina de Información del Consejo de Estado, el gabinete del país.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-09/17/c_139375703.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-09/17/c_139375703.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">17.09.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">Libro blanco destaca nivel histórico de matriculación en escuelas de Xinjiang</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: small; text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://newses.cgtn.com/v/BfIcA-CAA-EEA/EaCFaAA/EaCFaAA.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="87" src="https://newses.cgtn.com/v/BfIcA-CAA-EEA/EaCFaAA/EaCFaAA.jpg" width="155" /></a></div>La matriculación en varios tipos de enseñanza en la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang ha alcanzado su nivel histórico más alto, según un libro blanco publicado hoy jueves por la Oficina de Información del Consejo de Estado.</span></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-09/17/c_139375255.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-09/17/c_139375255.htm</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">17.09.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">Asegura China respeto a derechos y preferencias laborales en Xinjiang</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/201907/24/5d37b287a310d83045526d78.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="571" data-original-width="800" height="143" src="http://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/201907/24/5d37b287a310d83045526d78.jpeg" width="200" /></span></a></div><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;">China aseguró hoy que respeta y protege mediante la ley los derechos y preferencias laborales en la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang (noroeste), además de prevenir y castigar cualquier incidente de trabajo forzoso. Según un texto divulgado por la Oficina de Información del Consejo de Estado (Gabinete), el Gobierno local garantiza que la población –mayormente musulmana- tome sus propias decisiones sobre la profesión favorita. También tiene en cuenta las preferencias antes de diseñar políticas, ampliar los canales laborales, crear puestos de trabajo, organizar programas de capacitación vocacional y proporcionar servicios de colocación'. El denominado libro blanco indica que esas medidas cumplen con la Constitución de China y las leyes pertinentes, se ajustan a las normas internacionales de empleo y derechos humanos, y permitieron mejorar la vida material y cultural de las personas en Xinjiang. Cifra por debajo de 3,5 por ciento la tasa de desocupación urbana allí en los últimos años y adelantó que la zona eliminará por completo la pobreza en este 2020, gracias al impulso del desarrollo sostenible.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.prensa-latina.cu/index.php?o=rn&id=397146&SEO=asegura-china-respeto-a-derechos-y-preferencias-laborales-en-xinjiang" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">https://www.prensa-latina.cu/index.php?o=rn&id=397146&SEO=asegura-china-respeto-a-derechos-y-preferencias-laborales-en-xinjiang</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">16.09.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">A petición de la UE, China está dispuesta a organizar una visita independiente a Xinjiang</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/images/attachement/jpg/site1/20161219/b083fe9924f019c161a806.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="399" data-original-width="600" height="133" src="https://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/images/attachement/jpg/site1/20161219/b083fe9924f019c161a806.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;">El Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores de China afirmó este martes que China está de acuerdo y dispuesta a coordinar, bajo petición de la Unión Europea (UE), una visita independiente a la Región Autónoma de Xinjiang Uigur. El portavoz Wang Wenbin, durante la rueda de prensa habitual, respondió sobre la concesión de la visita de observadores independientes a Xinjiang, mencionada durante la reunión de líderes China-Alemania-UE, celebrada este lunes. Wang precisó que China da la bienvenida a Xinjiang para comprender sobre el terreno la situación real que se vive allí antes de creer en los rumores y las mentiras que circulan.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2020/0916/c31621-9760959.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2020/0916/c31621-9760959.html</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><span>14.09.20</span><span> </span></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">Adrian Zenz's lies on Xinjiang's population debunked</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/202009/14/5f5f066ca3101ccd9cc3e655.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="536" data-original-width="800" height="134" src="https://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/202009/14/5f5f066ca3101ccd9cc3e655.jpeg" width="200" /></span></a></div><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;">US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo published a press statement titled "On China's Coercive Family Planning and Forced Sterilization Program in Xinjiang" on 29 June 2020. On the same day, the Associated Press released an investigation report titled "China forces birth control on Uygurs to suppress population" (See this report at https://apnews.com/e2674c069d46f6d5c9a3d3be40d612d4, accessed on September 1, 2020.). Both Pompeo' statement and the Associated Press's report claimed that aiming to curb the Muslim population in Xinjiang, Chinese government has taken a series of draconian measures to slash birth rates among Uygurs and other minorities. One research report, written by Adrian Zenz and titled by "Sterilizations, IUDs, and mandatory birth control: The Chinese Communist Party's campaign to suppress Uygur birth rates in Xinjiang" (hereinafter, referred to as Zenz's report), was published by Jamestown Foundation in June 2020. Zenz's report is the main citing source of Pompeo's statement and the Associated Press's investigation report. Zenz's report claimed that its data was quoted from China's official documents and statistical yearbook, yet in fact, this report has a large number of problems, mainly including fabricating facts and falsifying data. The wording that Chinese government has adopted compulsory sterilization to Uygur women in Xinjiang, in the essence, is a baseless fake news which was concocted by US government and some western foundations and scholars with anti-communist background.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.chinadaily.com.cn/a/202009/14/WS5f5f024aa3101ccd0bee036e.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">https://www.chinadaily.com.cn/a/202009/14/WS5f5f024aa3101ccd0bee036e.html</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">12.09.20 LIU, G.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">Documentary nails lies about Xinjiang</span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://cds.chinadaily.com.cn/dams/capital/image/202009/12/5f5c2e45e4b00bbd55402d35.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="800" data-original-width="607" height="200" src="http://cds.chinadaily.com.cn/dams/capital/image/202009/12/5f5c2e45e4b00bbd55402d35.jpeg" width="152" /></span></a></div><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;">For the past few years, the United States has been using the vocational education and training centers in the Xinjiang Uygur autonomous region as a pretext to attack China's human rights record and gain the upper hand in its strategic competition with China. From the second half of 2017, the US and some other Western countries have ramped up their attacks against these centers, claiming they are "prisons" where the "religious freedom and human rights" of the "ethnic minority groups" are trampled upon. Such lies have invoked violent criticisms in the West against China. The documentary, Lies and Truth-Vocational Education and Training in Xinjiang, was telecast on China Central Television on Aug 24. Loaded with facts and cases, the documentary in four parts-Source of Violence and Terror, Road to Rebirth, Light of Hope, and Voice of Justice-shows the welcome changes in the trainees after graduation. The documentary, telecast across the border, also enables global viewers to get the real knowledge about the centers. The aim of Xinjiang's vocational education and training centers is to safeguard people's human rights, not to violate them. The vocational schools strictly follow the people-first policy, and have been established in accordance with the law.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="http://global.chinadaily.com.cn/a/202009/12/WS5f5c2ef1a310f55b25a821f4.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">http://global.chinadaily.com.cn/a/202009/12/WS5f5c2ef1a310f55b25a821f4.html</span></a></div><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br />
</span><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face="verdana, sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;">10.09.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face="verdana, sans-serif"><b>Xinjiang college program offers opportunities for foreign students</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-09-10/Xinjiang-college-program-offers-opportunities-for-foreign-students--TFhlyoM9Xi/video/5a27df0ec3c34e2f8406aa90192aa345/5a27df0ec3c34e2f8406aa90192aa345.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="449" data-original-width="800" height="111" src="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-09-10/Xinjiang-college-program-offers-opportunities-for-foreign-students--TFhlyoM9Xi/video/5a27df0ec3c34e2f8406aa90192aa345/5a27df0ec3c34e2f8406aa90192aa345.png" width="200" /></a><span face="verdana, sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;">Xinjiang is proactively working on its openness to the international community. Education is an ideal channel. Many foreign students at Shihezi University say they enjoy their time living and studying there.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-09-10/Xinjiang-college-program-offers-opportunities-for-foreign-students--TFhlyoM9Xi/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-09-10/Xinjiang-college-program-offers-opportunities-for-foreign-students--TFhlyoM9Xi/index.html</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face="verdana, sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;">10.09.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face="verdana, sans-serif"><b>My vlog: Exploring a Kazakh yurt in Xinjiang</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-09-10/My-vlog-Exploring-a-Kazakh-yurt-in-Xinjiang-TFGhVc7NiU/video/895e77fb2d27439ebdb1481d99774b63/895e77fb2d27439ebdb1481d99774b63.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="112" src="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-09-10/My-vlog-Exploring-a-Kazakh-yurt-in-Xinjiang-TFGhVc7NiU/video/895e77fb2d27439ebdb1481d99774b63/895e77fb2d27439ebdb1481d99774b63.jpg" width="200" /></a><span face="verdana, sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;">As a Kazakh folk song goes, the Kazakhs walk the most in the world, as well as move homes the most. Kazakhs often move their yurts in summer and winter in search of the best meadow for grazing their livestock. As the most common type of nomadic dwelling, a yurt is a circular tent traditionally constructed of wood, bamboo, felt and animal skins, and crowned with a dome. It is also portable and usually takes about two hours to set up. On CGTN's Amazing Xinjiang 2020 to Kanas Lake, in Altay Prefecture, Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, we saw lots of Kazakh yurts along the way. What's inside a Kazakh yurt? what is nomadic life like in Xinjiang? CGTN's Zang Shijie spent a day with a Kazakh family.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face="verdana, sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-09-10/My-vlog-Exploring-a-Kazakh-yurt-in-Xinjiang-TFGhVc7NiU/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-09-10/My-vlog-Exploring-a-Kazakh-yurt-in-Xinjiang-TFGhVc7NiU/index.html</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face="verdana, sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;">09.09.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face="verdana, sans-serif"><b>China: U.S. oppresses Chinese customers, incites instability in Xinjiang</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-06-30/New-poverty-alleviation-market-opens-in-Xinjiang-RKvU3jOghy/img/9dc8d5d83ae74c5a9ec94b53bcefb81d/9dc8d5d83ae74c5a9ec94b53bcefb81d.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="111" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-06-30/New-poverty-alleviation-market-opens-in-Xinjiang-RKvU3jOghy/img/9dc8d5d83ae74c5a9ec94b53bcefb81d/9dc8d5d83ae74c5a9ec94b53bcefb81d.jpeg" width="200" /></a><span face="verdana, sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;">Chinese Foreign Ministry on Wednesday slammed U.S.' oppressing Chinese customers and inciting instability in China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. Zhao Lijian, a spokesperson from the ministry, made the remarks after reports that the United States may ban some imports from Xinjiang over alleged human rights violations. U.S. Customs and Border Protection officials have prepared orders to block imports of cotton and tomato products from Xinjiang over allegations that "they are produced with forced labor", although a formal announcement has been delayed. This is a pretext to oppress Chinese customers, incite instability in Xinjiang and defame China's Xinjiang policies, Zhao said at a daily news conference.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face="verdana, sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-09-09/U-S-oppresses-Chinese-customers-incites-instability-in-Xinjiang-TE7nPslDmo/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-09-09/U-S-oppresses-Chinese-customers-incites-instability-in-Xinjiang-TE7nPslDmo/index.html</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;">07.09.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><b>Nuevo ferrocarril en sur de Xinjiang hace incursión en mayor desierto de China</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://macaubusiness.b-cdn.net/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/workers-lay-tracks-hotan-ruoqiang-railway-china-xinjiang-uygur-autonomous-region-xinhua.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="428" data-original-width="570" height="150" src="https://macaubusiness.b-cdn.net/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/workers-lay-tracks-hotan-ruoqiang-railway-china-xinjiang-uygur-autonomous-region-xinhua.jpg" width="200" /></a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;">Un nuevo ferrocarril que atraviesa la región sur de la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, incursionó en el mayor desierto del país con la aceleración del ritmo de construcción del transporte luego de la contención efectiva de los casos de la COVID-19 localmente. Los trabajadores comenzaron hoy lunes a colocar las vías en una sección del ferrocarril Hotan-Ruoqiang, en el distrito de Qiemo de la prefectura autónoma mongola de Bayingolin, un distrito localizado en el extremo sur del desierto de Taklimakan. Se están utilizando lonas para proteger de las tormentas de arena a partes importantes de los vehículos de construcción, de acuerdo con Zhang Gang, un gerente de proyecto de la empresa China Railway 14th Bureau Group Co. Ltd., que supervisa la construcción. El ferrocarril se extiende más de 825 kilómetros con una velocidad diseñada de 120 kilómetros por hora. Cuando sea concluido, formará parte de una tercera línea de transporte importante que conecte al este y al oeste de Xinjiang.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-09/07/c_139349811.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-09/07/c_139349811.htm</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;">04.09.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><b>The 'Xinjiang Three Gorges Dam': Altash Water Conservancy Project</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg-PwpvIsrhkGCGxprxOpY5FSYnR4Ne4bqgdTrvE4kF8ksfTDdCmY6mMrJ7bA-GmIvHVCRYbsHCplzO5a4TyQDYE4dyeMHV7qN35Y-VBjra7qLDfx9yRju1LLmocbIJ87RHJUJfAakUpZD0/s1600/foto+altash.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="901" data-original-width="1600" height="112" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg-PwpvIsrhkGCGxprxOpY5FSYnR4Ne4bqgdTrvE4kF8ksfTDdCmY6mMrJ7bA-GmIvHVCRYbsHCplzO5a4TyQDYE4dyeMHV7qN35Y-VBjra7qLDfx9yRju1LLmocbIJ87RHJUJfAakUpZD0/s200/foto+altash.jpeg" width="200" /></a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;">The Altash Water Conservancy Project stands on the border between Kashgar and Kizilsu Kirghiz. It was started in 2011 with the aim of solving the basin's extreme seasonal flooding. The project costs nearly 11 billion yuan in total and is sometimes called the "Xinjiang Three Gorges Dam." In May 2020, the main part of the dam was finished, at a height of 164.8 meters. The project will be able to store 2.25 billion cubic meters of water when fully completed. It's expected to control flooding, relieve spring droughts and power the south of Xinjiang.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-09-04/The-Xinjiang-Three-Gorges-Dam-Altash-Water-Conservancy-Project-TvBTdOZo4g/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-09-04/The-Xinjiang-Three-Gorges-Dam-Altash-Water-Conservancy-Project-TvBTdOZo4g/index.html</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;">04.09.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><b>Políticos estadounidenses inventan mentiras sobre la población de Xinjiang</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiWvwxuNq7gvsoWnAfTaytuKkZRF5hyphenhyphen05EomG8m2MoaTyU82axl9BwI6Zghx5aez-EoqWvfaHRFnyfNfnRlcJiX9vJE-942gtwXtHbKW1OvlQOE62sPWmg245B1I60TTlqwx17HmgkpCFIp/s1600/foto+04+09+20.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="400" data-original-width="400" height="200" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiWvwxuNq7gvsoWnAfTaytuKkZRF5hyphenhyphen05EomG8m2MoaTyU82axl9BwI6Zghx5aez-EoqWvfaHRFnyfNfnRlcJiX9vJE-942gtwXtHbKW1OvlQOE62sPWmg245B1I60TTlqwx17HmgkpCFIp/s200/foto+04+09+20.jpg" width="200" /></a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;">El Centro de Investigación para el Desarrollo de Xinjiang emitió el día 3 un "Informe de investigación sobre la especulación en el extranjero sobre la población de Xinjiang", que expone y explica la cuestión de la población en Xinjiang, China, y refuta con datos y hechos detallados las mentiras sensacionales de algunos políticos estadounidenses sobre la población de Xinjiang y el trabajo de nacimiento. Frente a pruebas contundentes, el siniestro complot de políticos estadounidenses bajo el disfraz de "derechos humanos" para perturbar la estabilidad y prosperidad de Xinjiang y buscar el interés político propio ha quedado al descubierto. Recientemente, algunas fuerzas anti-China en los Estados Unidos afirmaron falsamente que el crecimiento de la población de Xinjiang ha disminuido drásticamente, y luego promocionaron la llamada falacia de que "el gobierno chino controla a la población uigur", que confunde a la gente de la comunidad internacional. En este sentido, el informe brindó datos específicos para dar una respuesta contundente. Según las estadísticas, la población de Xinjiang ha seguido creciendo de 2010 a 2018. La población permanente aumentó en un 13,99%, de la cual la población Han aumentó en un 2,0%, la población minoritaria aumentó en un 22,14% y la población uigur aumentó en un 25,04%. Esto muestra que el gobierno chino no solo protege los derechos e intereses legítimos de las personas de todos los grupos étnicos por igual, sino que también otorga un trato preferencial a las minorías étnicas, incluidos los uigures, en su política de población. En los últimos cuarenta años, la población uigur en Xinjiang se ha duplicado de 5,55 millones en 1978 a 11,68 millones en 2018. ¿De dónde proviene la falacia del "control de la población" e incluso el "genocidio" inventado por algunas personas en los Estados Unidos?</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://espanol.cri.cn/news/report/1017/20200904/538025.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://espanol.cri.cn/news/report/1017/20200904/538025.html</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;">03.09.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><b>La vida en Xinjiang vuelve a la normalidad a medida que cede epidemia de COVID-19</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiK1DRVQl_Sm4RSPlEm3aeqfFV3EZGF9EuME4f3kmUJsVZsGhpcfwAlEOYcIMHEroYyxlMWIrWMIYx7l_jZM87z-fQ-wyzLNWfCDyDhMCJr-xsqtIFmfgiwsDrvzxNQHI0lKVAxTcZGZgTn/s1600/foto+03+09+20.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="576" data-original-width="1024" height="112" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiK1DRVQl_Sm4RSPlEm3aeqfFV3EZGF9EuME4f3kmUJsVZsGhpcfwAlEOYcIMHEroYyxlMWIrWMIYx7l_jZM87z-fQ-wyzLNWfCDyDhMCJr-xsqtIFmfgiwsDrvzxNQHI0lKVAxTcZGZgTn/s200/foto+03+09+20.png" width="200" /></a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;">La región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, está acelerando el regreso a una vida cotidiana y unas rutinas laborales normales, al tiempo que se promueven las medidas antiepidémicas de forma regular, toda vez que el brote de COVID-19 continúa menguando y hasta el miércoles no se habían reportado nuevos casos confirmados durante 15 días consecutivos. En la capital regional, Urumqi, siete centros comerciales, seis supermercados y 60 tiendas de conveniencia de la cadena minorista Youhao, abrieron al público el miércoles. Ese mismo día, y tras un minucioso trabajo de desinfección, las líneas de autobuses de la ciudad reanudaron sus operaciones. A su vez, la capacidad de los taxis que circulan por sus calles viene aumentando gradualmente.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-09/03/c_139339507.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-09/03/c_139339507.htm</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;">02.09.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><b>Wang Yi Enfatiza que Ningún País Debe Interferir en Asuntos Internos de Otros Países</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjx7rjKm9rCQeG7F_kv1vwhErBB2Kcoonv7P8a7kKQisT3fDzZ5XdC3rcJ2KURRmb0Q4bWg649SKPAmlM41YVOglFMv6u09LDqEyX5F4DXlFTTXxH28aI08bIRt3nF40CSp1gZGDUPrJcIY/s1600/foto+02+09+20.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" data-original-height="333" data-original-width="500" height="133" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjx7rjKm9rCQeG7F_kv1vwhErBB2Kcoonv7P8a7kKQisT3fDzZ5XdC3rcJ2KURRmb0Q4bWg649SKPAmlM41YVOglFMv6u09LDqEyX5F4DXlFTTXxH28aI08bIRt3nF40CSp1gZGDUPrJcIY/s200/foto+02+09+20.jpg" width="200" /></a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;">El 1 de septiembre de 2020, hora local, cuando el Consejero de Estado y Ministro de Relaciones Exteriores Wang Yi y el Ministro de Relaciones Exteriores alemán Heiko Maas se reunieron conjuntamente con reporteros en Berlín, algunos reporteros mencionaron una vez más temas relacionados con Hong Kong y Xinjiang. Wang Yi presentó en primer lugar la legitimidad de la promulgación de la Ley de Seguridad Nacional de Hong Kong por parte de China para mejorar el entorno legal de Hong Kong con cifras y hechos específicos, aclaró los resultados positivos logrados en la promoción de medidas de desradicalización en Xinjiang y destacó que las diversas políticas adoptadas por China han sido ampliamente apoyadas y respaldadas por la gente de todos los grupos étnicos de China, incluidos los compatriotas de Hong Kong. Wang Yi dijo que durante el viaje a Europa hubo muchos consensos. Al mismo tiempo, algunos colegas preguntaron sobre los asuntos de Xinjiang y Hong Kong de China, pero todos enfatizaron primero el respeto por la soberanía de China y no tenían la intención de interferir en los asuntos internos de China.</div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/esp/zxxx/t1811821.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/esp/zxxx/t1811821.shtml</a></span></div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;">01.09.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><b>China "hace lo que dice" ante cambio climático, afirma el canciller</b></span></div><div style="clear: both;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiCVcDbeIxiDacYq68FT6s_j0Jpfh4XnNsb1r_o39UyreTQGnVN7_mr5cONxI6QqTgRt-ZD9RL1RFOdSHHHHxzj8eJ7txm57sT_OXeHh0wj8aKQ86xrAMkG14xJdvjhm4HAKM3iKvNhFv3h/s1600/foto+01+09+20.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="514" data-original-width="745" height="137" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiCVcDbeIxiDacYq68FT6s_j0Jpfh4XnNsb1r_o39UyreTQGnVN7_mr5cONxI6QqTgRt-ZD9RL1RFOdSHHHHxzj8eJ7txm57sT_OXeHh0wj8aKQ86xrAMkG14xJdvjhm4HAKM3iKvNhFv3h/s200/foto+01+09+20.jpg" width="200" /></a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;">En cuanto a Xinjiang, una de las regiones autónomas de China colindante con Afganistán, solía ser un canal para que fuerzas terroristas internacionales penetraran a China, dijo Wang. A través de los años, Xinjiang fue asolada por varios miles de ataques terroristas violentos que causaron cientos de víctimas entre gente inocente, incluyendo a los residentes uigures, dijo. "Desde luego, el Gobierno chino debe asumir la responsabilidad de proteger la vida de las personas y combatir con decisión el terrorismo. Por otra parte, hemos tomado medidas preventivas en el combate al terrorismo y hemos logrado la desradicalización a través de la educación", dijo Wang.</span></div><div style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://www.jornada.com.mx/ultimas/mundo/2020/09/01/china-hace-lo-que-dice-ante-cambio-climatico-dice-canciller-9997.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.jornada.com.mx/ultimas/mundo/2020/09/01/china-hace-lo-que-dice-ante-cambio-climatico-dice-canciller-9997.html</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;">29.08.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><b>Única zona franca integral en sur de región china de Xinjiang registra aumento de comercio en primer semestre de 2020</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiqva9JohRhLSEBBeiJce4EWqPMJYyd7PE3mxvzN6ZVrqF5p_X2PuuFVic6Vw7AkiPnS7QdylHvF0IBGlSeGs5ZTL1xt672WapQCiAIwnCLEBoYH-jCb4_JFULi-wOug7NJwkxhVll2JhCt/s1600/foto+29+08+20.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="168" data-original-width="300" height="112" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiqva9JohRhLSEBBeiJce4EWqPMJYyd7PE3mxvzN6ZVrqF5p_X2PuuFVic6Vw7AkiPnS7QdylHvF0IBGlSeGs5ZTL1xt672WapQCiAIwnCLEBoYH-jCb4_JFULi-wOug7NJwkxhVll2JhCt/s200/foto+29+08+20.jpg" width="200" /></a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;">La zona franca integral de la prefectura de Kashgar, la única de su tipo en el sur de la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, registró un sólido crecimiento comercial en la primera mitad del año. El volumen de comercio se multiplicó 4,4 veces sobre la base interanual hasta alcanzar un total de 330 millones de yuanes (48 millones de dólares) en el primer semestre en la zona, que maneja el almacenamiento y procesamiento aduanero, el tránsito internacional, y la adquisición y distribución, mostraron datos de aduanas. Las importaciones subieron más del 250 por ciento hasta llegar a los 140 millones de yuanes, mientras que las exportaciones superaron los 180 millones, lo que supone casi nueve veces la cifra del primer semestre de 2019.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-08/29/c_139326951.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-08/29/c_139326951.htm</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">25.08.20</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><b>Lies and truth: Vocational education and training in Xinjiang</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-08-25/Lies-and-truth-Vocational-education-and-training-in-Xinjiang-TeSMTJq2gU/video/0b35b340bd0b4bb99eeaa65d9ced95e3/0b35b340bd0b4bb99eeaa65d9ced95e3-1920.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="203" src="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-08-25/Lies-and-truth-Vocational-education-and-training-in-Xinjiang-TeSMTJq2gU/video/0b35b340bd0b4bb99eeaa65d9ced95e3/0b35b340bd0b4bb99eeaa65d9ced95e3-1920.jpg" width="361" /></a></div>Beginning in the 1990s, terrorism driven by religious extremism wrecked havoc across northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. On the premise of creating a caliphate, terrorists committed bombings, stabbings and incited mass riots that saw hundreds of police officers killed in the line of duty and countless civilian lives lost. Last August, China released a white paper that laid out detailed strategy in combating terrorism. The paper focused on the importance of vocational education and training centers, which were set up to redirect people away from religious extremism and provide trainees with the professional skills necessary for them to reenter society. As many have pointed out, China's response to the highly-complex problem of terrorism within its borders isn't perfect or all-wise. Yet, the course it chooses – to educate those influenced by extremist ideology and try to change their lives for the better – is still far superior than America's War on Terror which saw the vast expansion of the state surveillance in the U.S. and started the endless cycle of brutality and hatred in faraway land. Still, China's response to terrorism in Xinjiang has been repeatedly criticized by some Western media outlets as "authoritarian" and "inhumane." The vocational training centers have been at the center of controversy and painted as "concentration camps" where Chinese ethnic minorities are "indoctrinated." </div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">So, what is vocational education and training really about? Watch this documentary to find out.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-08-25/Lies-and-truth-Vocational-education-and-training-in-Xinjiang-TeSMTJq2gU/index.html " rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-08-25/Lies-and-truth-Vocational-education-and-training-in-Xinjiang-TeSMTJq2gU/index.html </a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;">25.08.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><b>Chinese envoy rejects accusations by U.S., UK representatives over Xinjiang</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiabU3OHsgEbCYzEaNJrmgmVp_I0FoEhJuLu3gRbLM3VUqsx_r45yqZR81ZmAZhJ73NWlcnHVbxwRojJCWjpE06EVwp6SI1frR0kzZgRMjZPWnOXa0A6enIqIEh4pt6g_GtB9D6ssfi7DS0/s1600/foto+25+08+20.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="578" data-original-width="1028" height="111" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiabU3OHsgEbCYzEaNJrmgmVp_I0FoEhJuLu3gRbLM3VUqsx_r45yqZR81ZmAZhJ73NWlcnHVbxwRojJCWjpE06EVwp6SI1frR0kzZgRMjZPWnOXa0A6enIqIEh4pt6g_GtB9D6ssfi7DS0/s200/foto+25+08+20.png" width="200" /></a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;">A Chinese UN envoy on Monday dismissed accusations by U.S. and UK representatives over China's northwestern region of Xinjiang as "baseless and absurd." "China firmly rejects the accusation against China by certain members of the (Security) Council. It is baseless and absurd as usual," said Geng Shuang, China's deputy permanent representative to the United Nations. The situation in Xinjiang is totally China's internal affairs, it is not a religion issue or a human rights issue, rather, it is about counter-terrorism and anti-extremism, Geng said. "Terrorism is our common enemy. There is no such thing as good or bad terrorists. China is firmly opposed to politicization and double standards in counter-terrorism." Xinjiang has suffered deeply from terrorism and violent extremism in the past. To address the threat, Xinjiang has taken a series of preventive counter-terrorism and de-radicalization measures. This is consistent with Security Council resolutions, the UN Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy, and the UN Plan of Action to Prevent Violent Extremism, Geng told a virtual meeting of the Security Council on threats to international peace and security caused by terrorist acts. </span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-08-25/Chinese-envoy-rejects-accusations-by-U-S-UK-over-Xinjiang--TeAYJJDtbG/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-08-25/Chinese-envoy-rejects-accusations-by-U-S-UK-over-Xinjiang--TeAYJJDtbG/index.html</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;">22.08.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><b>Región china de Xinjiang no reporta nuevos casos de COVID-19</b></span></div><div style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcT75gld7syVFBG9NTeWWz__-43ubYlPjP8bCwbnj7vjuAJI8mS4wkdmp7T01jXPwKy5nEA&usqp=CAU" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="183" data-original-width="275" height="94" src="https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcT75gld7syVFBG9NTeWWz__-43ubYlPjP8bCwbnj7vjuAJI8mS4wkdmp7T01jXPwKy5nEA&usqp=CAU" width="142" /></a></div>La región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, no registró el viernes ningún nuevo caso confirmado o asintomático de la neumonía COVID-19, informó hoy sábado la comisión regional de salud en su informe diario. Hasta ese mismo día, en Xinjiang había 227 casos confirmados de la neumonía COVID-19 y 78 asintomáticos, mientras 5 342 personas permanecían bajo observación médica.</span></div><div style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-08/22/c_139309392.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-08/22/c_139309392.htm</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;">21.08.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><b>Rare beaver rescued in Xinjiang</b></span></div><div style="clear: both;"><a href="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-08-21/Rare-beaver-rescued-in-Xinjiang-T8oDlUBhu0/video/64a635cf565c4b8384c8377a3d526006/64a635cf565c4b8384c8377a3d526006.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="112" src="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-08-21/Rare-beaver-rescued-in-Xinjiang-T8oDlUBhu0/video/64a635cf565c4b8384c8377a3d526006/64a635cf565c4b8384c8377a3d526006.jpeg" width="200" /></a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;">On the afternoon of August 17, villagers found an injured beaver near the Bulgan River in Qinghe County, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. When local police arrived at the scene, they found the beaver was injured in one leg and couldn't move. The police bandaged its leg and sent it to the beaver protection station for feeding. It will be released back to the wild after it has healed.</span></div><div style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-08-21/Rare-beaver-rescued-in-Xinjiang-T8oDlUBhu0/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-08-21/Rare-beaver-rescued-in-Xinjiang-T8oDlUBhu0/index.html</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;">20.08.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><b>Xinjiang recorta más de 30 mil millones de kVh de electricidad a carbón en comercio de nueva energía desde 2016</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-08-20/Xinjiang-s-Tarim-River-channeled-to-nurture-desert-poplar-forest-T6u4TMXy1O/img/8733c2e0ef324f9d94c13fa32eb7728c/8733c2e0ef324f9d94c13fa32eb7728c.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="112" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-08-20/Xinjiang-s-Tarim-River-channeled-to-nurture-desert-poplar-forest-T6u4TMXy1O/img/8733c2e0ef324f9d94c13fa32eb7728c/8733c2e0ef324f9d94c13fa32eb7728c.jpeg" width="200" /></a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;">El centro de electricidad del noroeste de China, la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, ha reemplazado más de 30 mil millones de kilovatios/hora (kVh) de electricidad generada a carbón con nuevas alternativas energéticas en los últimos cinco años como parte de una campaña de energía verde. Las plantas de carbón han comprado cerca de 30.190 millones de kVh de energía eólica o solar a través de un esquema comercial, lo que suma una reducción en la quema de alrededor de 9,6 millones de toneladas de carbón estándar, según la sucursal en Xinjiang de la Corporación de la Red Estatal de China. El volumen de comercio se traduce en una reducción de emisiones de más de 25,92 millones de toneladas de dióxido de carbono, 81 600 toneladas de dióxido de azufre y 71 mil toneladas de óxidos de nitrógeno.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-08/20/c_139305395.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-08/20/c_139305395.htm</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;">12.08.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><b>Región china de Xinjiang ya tiene más de 100 atracciones turísticas de primera categoría</b></span></div><div style="clear: both;"><a href="https://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/202008/13/5f34e552a3108348fce48813.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="534" data-original-width="800" height="133" src="https://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/202008/13/5f34e552a3108348fce48813.jpeg" width="200" /></a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;">El número de atracciones turísticas de primera categoría a nivel nacional en la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, superó 100 este año, lo que ha convertido a Xinjiang en una de las regiones a nivel provincial con más atracciones turísticas en el país. Xinjiang agregó a una zona turística a la clase 5A, la calificación más alta en China para las atracciones turísticas a nivel nacional, y 13 atracciones turísticas a la clase 4A este año. En la actualidad, la región tiene 13 atracciones turísticas nacionales 5A y 90 de 4A, según el departamento de cultura y turismo de Xinjiang.</span></div><div style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-08/12/c_139284752.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-08/12/c_139284752.htm</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;">10.08.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><b>Región china de Xinjiang se encamina a cumplir objetivos de desarrollo de red 5G</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/202006/09/5ededc81a3108348fcd38922.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="435" data-original-width="800" height="108" src="https://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/202006/09/5ededc81a3108348fcd38922.jpeg" width="200" /></a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;">La región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, ha logrado un progreso constante en la construcción de estaciones base 5G, como parte de los esfuerzos por acelerar su desarrollo a través de conexiones inalámbricas ultrarrápidas. Unas 3 700 estaciones base 5G se habían construido en la región hasta finales de julio, según el organismo local de supervisión de telecomunicaciones. Xinjiang planea instalar este año 4 140 estaciones de este tipo.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-08/10/c_139279501.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-08/10/c_139279501.htm</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;">09.08.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><b>Cosechan tomates en distrito de Bohu, Xinjiang</b></span></div><div style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-08/09/139271809_15967664766041n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="534" data-original-width="800" height="106" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-08/09/139271809_15967664766041n.jpg" width="158" /></a></div>Más de un mil hectáreas de tomates para procesamiento adicional han entrado en la temporada de madurez en el distrito. </span></div></span></div><div style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-08/09/c_139271809.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-08/09/c_139271809.htm</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;">07.08.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><b>CBA highlights on Aug. 7: Liaoning edge out Xinjiang 119-113</b></span></div><div style="clear: both;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-08-07/CBA-highlights-on-Aug-7-Liaoning-edge-out-Xinjiang-119-113-SLK27jTaoM/img/9143a1ad2670410bab5f4fb193a2e707/9143a1ad2670410bab5f4fb193a2e707.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="534" data-original-width="800" height="133" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-08-07/CBA-highlights-on-Aug-7-Liaoning-edge-out-Xinjiang-119-113-SLK27jTaoM/img/9143a1ad2670410bab5f4fb193a2e707/9143a1ad2670410bab5f4fb193a2e707.jpeg" width="200" /></a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;">The Liaoning Flying Leopards edged out the Xinjiang Flying Tigers 119-113 during the China Basketball (CBA) game on Friday. It was the second loss for Xinjiang to Liaoning after their 88-116 defeat during the first semifinal on August 5. Liaoning's Han Dejun scored a game-high 35 points, 20 blocks while his teammate Guo Ailun added nine assists.</span></div><div style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-08-07/CBA-highlights-on-Aug-7-Liaoning-edge-out-Xinjiang-119-113-SLK27jTaoM/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-08-07/CBA-highlights-on-Aug-7-Liaoning-edge-out-Xinjiang-119-113-SLK27jTaoM/index.html</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;">07.08.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><b>Chinese mainland reports 37 new COVID-19 cases, 26 in Xinjiang</b></span></div><div style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-07/30/139251384_15960883010701n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="564" data-original-width="800" height="140" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-07/30/139251384_15960883010701n.jpg" width="200" /></a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;">The Chinese mainland registered 37 new confirmed COVID-19 cases on Thursday, with 10 cases from overseas and 27 domestically transmitted, Chinese health authority said Friday. Of the 27 domestically-transmitted cases, 26 are in northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, another in Beijing.</span></div><div style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-08-07/Chinese-mainland-reports-37-new-COVID-19-cases-26-in-Xinjiang-SKMe2wLEk0/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-08-07/Chinese-mainland-reports-37-new-COVID-19-cases-26-in-Xinjiang-SKMe2wLEk0/index.html</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;">01.08.20</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><b>Xinjiang prevé buena cosecha de trigo en verano</b></span></div><div style="clear: both;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-08/02/139257739_15963012209021n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="800" data-original-width="546" height="200" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-08/02/139257739_15963012209021n.jpg" width="136" /></a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;">La región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, prevé que la cosecha de trigo de verano de este año aumente en 336.000 toneladas con respecto al año anterior, según el departamento regional de agricultura y asuntos rurales. Actualmente, la cosecha de trigo en la parte sur de Xinjiang está terminando, mientras que en la parte norte todavía está en su apogeo. Según el departamento, la superficie de siembra de trigo para el invierno de la región aumentó casi ocho por ciento este año.</span></div><div style="clear: both;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-08/01/c_139257015.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-08/01/c_139257015.htm</a></span></div></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">25.07.20 VAIRON, L.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><b>Xinjiang: a convenient target to destabilize China</b></span></div>
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<a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-07-25/Xinjiang-a-convenient-target-to-destabilize-China-SpeHwmOA7K/img/e18bc64e3866482db9cc082455b37c72/e18bc64e3866482db9cc082455b37c72.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="111" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-07-25/Xinjiang-a-convenient-target-to-destabilize-China-SpeHwmOA7K/img/e18bc64e3866482db9cc082455b37c72/e18bc64e3866482db9cc082455b37c72.jpeg" width="200" /></span></a><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">The topic of Xinjiang has resurfaced in world news after a few weeks' rest during which the anti-China campaign led by the United States shifted its focus to the new national security law in Hong Kong. A campaign built on daily declarations of the U.S. administration, passing of bills by Congress and threats of sanctions from Donald Trump. China's management of the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region has been subject to repeated accusations by Washington of persecution against Muslim minorities in the region, notably the Uygurs. According to the United States, which has consistently been presenting itself as the defender of Chinese Muslims, they are deprived of their right to worship freely and are subject to all kinds of vexations/torments and prohibitions. These accusations have reached new heights over the past few days as China is now being accused of genocide. A grave accusation founded on a "study" by U.S.-based German "researcher" Adrian Zenz. Considered as the "best world expert on Chinese oppression against minorities" by certain media, he is an anthropologist for others, or even a "China scholar" according to respected British daily The Guardian. He only began appearing in media in 2019, his academic profile being inexistent and information prior to this Xinjiang campaign very scarce. The author's only academic title is his teaching at the "Akademie für Weltmission," an evangelical institution. Additionally, and noticeably, he is a senior fellow in China studies at the Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation in Washington D.C., an organization that envisions a "world free from the false hope of communism".</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-07-25/Xinjiang-a-convenient-target-to-destabilize-China-SpeHwmOA7K/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-07-25/Xinjiang-a-convenient-target-to-destabilize-China-SpeHwmOA7K/index.html</a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">21.07.20 VAIRON, L.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><b>Western policies on Xinjiang are about geopolitics and ideology</b></span></div>
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<a href="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-07-21/Western-policies-on-Xinjiang-are-about-geopolitics-and-ideology-SfSHt7n3dS/video/082e1881b7904db7a6324c143e96b3f5/082e1881b7904db7a6324c143e96b3f5.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="112" src="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-07-21/Western-policies-on-Xinjiang-are-about-geopolitics-and-ideology-SfSHt7n3dS/video/082e1881b7904db7a6324c143e96b3f5/082e1881b7904db7a6324c143e96b3f5.jpg" width="200" /></span></a><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">Most of the Western rhetoric on Xinjiang originates from one person – Adrian Zenz. When he writes about things like the Chinese government persecuting people of certain religions or conducting inhuman policies in the region, western media and politicians listen to him and amplify his message. Lionel Vairon, a former French diplomat, sinologist, and president of CEC Consulting Company in Luxembourg, shares his views on the West's policies towards Xinjiang. The views expressed in the video are his own, and not necessarily those of CGTN. Lionel Vairon: This guy is German. He's called Adrian Zenz. He's not an expert at all, neither of China or Islam or of human rights. He is teaching computer science. And he's an evangelist. He is a member of an American organization which is called Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation, which is a far-right organization in the U.S. with people coming from the CIA. This is a joke. This is really a joke because you just have to look behind this guy. So I think this is very important because the whole business, the whole thing today is coming from one guy, who's supported by an organization in the United States – a far-right organization. So, this is not credible. If we talk about 2009, the troubles in 2009, it's interesting because at that time, and I was following very closely what happened. At that time, all the Western media were present in Xinjiang, from the UK, from Europe, all of them. They said the troubles are coming from the Uygurs. These were all Western media, I'm not talking about Chinese media, saying this is a main terrorist attack against Han Chinese in Xinjiang. But as usual, if you look two or three weeks later what came out in the news, it was only about repression and control of Uygurs in Xinjiang by the Chinese authorities and so on. So, it's interesting because as usual, this is only a double standard. You probably don't notice it in China, when you take the newspapers, when terrorist attacks happen in China, like it was in Kunming, for instance, or in Tiananmen (Square) years ago, all the (Western) papers, when they said this is supposed to be a terrorist attack, they put the word terrorists in brackets. All of them – in France, in Germany, and in UK, it's never terrorist, it's always in brackets. It means we don't know what it is. Even if you have the proof that they kill people with knives in the train station like in Kunming, terrorism is still in brackets.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-07-21/Western-policies-on-Xinjiang-are-about-geopolitics-and-ideology-SfSHt7n3dS/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-07-21/Western-policies-on-Xinjiang-are-about-geopolitics-and-ideology-SfSHt7n3dS/index.html</a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">18.07.20</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><b>Altos funcionarios chinos rechazan las acusaciones de EE UU sobre la falta de libertad religiosa</b></span></div>
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<a href="https://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/202007/21/5f16b418a3108348fcdf2012.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="367" data-original-width="800" height="91" src="https://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/202007/21/5f16b418a3108348fcdf2012.jpeg" width="200" /></span></a><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">Las autoridades de la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, han mostrado su rechazo a un reciente informe de Estados Unidos sobre la libertad de culto. En el informe, publicado en junio, critican las políticas religiosas vigentes en Xinjiang. Dicho informe hace mención a supuestas destrucciones de mezquitas al tiempo que asegura que las minorías religiosas estarían bajo supuesta vigilancia, aseveraciones que han sido desmentidas por el director de la Comisión de Asuntos Regionales Étnicos de Xinjiang. Toda una sección dedicada a criticar el estado de la libertad religiosa en Xinjiang. Un informe publicado recientemente por el Departamento de Estado de Estados Unidos asegura que la libertad y las prácticas religiosas están siendo violadas en la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang. Alega, además, que se ha practicado la destrucción masiva de mezquitas, incluyendo la Mezquita Keriya Aitiki, en la prefectura de Hotan y de 800 años de antigüedad.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://espanol.cgtn.com/n/2020-07-18/DdHccA/altos-funcionarios-chinos-rechazan-las-acusaciones-de-ee-uu-sobre-la-falta-de-libertad-religiosa/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://espanol.cgtn.com/n/2020-07-18/DdHccA/altos-funcionarios-chinos-rechazan-las-acusaciones-de-ee-uu-sobre-la-falta-de-libertad-religiosa/index.html</a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">17.07,20</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><b>"Demolición forzada de mezquitas" en Xinjiang es completamente un disparate: Funcionario </b></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"> </span></span></div>
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<a href="https://newses.cgtn.com/n/BfJAA-BcA-EIA/BGdFGIA.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="534" data-original-width="800" height="133" src="https://newses.cgtn.com/n/BfJAA-BcA-EIA/BGdFGIA.jpg" width="200" /></span></a><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">La llamada "demolición forzada de mezquitas" en Xinjiang es completamente un disparate, dijo hoy viernes un funcionario de la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China. Al comentar el informe 2019 sobre la libertad religiosa internacional emitido por Estados Unidos, que afirma que Xinjiang está desmantelando mezquitas, Mehmut Usman, director de la comisión regional de asuntos étnicos, dijo en una conferencia de prensa que, siempre y cuando se registren lugares para actividades religiosas ante el gobierno de acuerdo con la ley, tienen estatus legal y todos sus derechos e intereses están protegidos por la ley.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-07/17/c_139220758.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-07/17/c_139220758.htm</a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">16.07.20</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><b>Trabajadores de mantenimiento ferroviario revisan las irregularidades sobre la línea del ferrocarril Golmud-Korla en Xinjiang</b></span></div>
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<a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-07/16/139216098_15948818718461n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="534" data-original-width="800" height="133" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-07/16/139216098_15948818718461n.jpg" width="200" /></span></a><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">Con su operación programada para el 30 de octubre de 2020, la línea del ferrocarril Golmud-Korla de 1 213 kilómetros acortará el tiempo de viaje entre Korla en Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, y Golmud, en Qinghai, en el noroeste de China, de 26 a 12 horas.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-07/16/c_139216098.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-07/16/c_139216098.htm</a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">13.07.20</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><b>China sanctions U.S. entity and officials over Xinjiang-related issues</b></span></div>
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<a href="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-07-13/China-sanctions-U-S-entity-and-officials-over-Xinjiang-related-issues-S5MERmYMi4/video/78ce062525554407bc0d903bf9faf646/78ce062525554407bc0d903bf9faf646.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="111" src="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-07-13/China-sanctions-U-S-entity-and-officials-over-Xinjiang-related-issues-S5MERmYMi4/video/78ce062525554407bc0d903bf9faf646/78ce062525554407bc0d903bf9faf646.png" width="200" /></span></a><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">China on Monday announced sanctions on a U.S. entity and four officials in response to U.S. sanctions on multiple Chinese officials in Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. The four U.S. officials are Senator Marco Rubio, Senator Ted Cruz, Congressman Chris Smith, and Sam Brownback, the U.S. State Department ambassador-at-large for International Religious Freedom, announced Hua Chunying, spokesperson for the Chinese Foreign Ministry, at a daily news briefing. The sanctions will also be applied on the U.S. Congressional-Executive Commission on China. The decision comes after the U.S. on July 9 imposed sanctions on a Chinese government institution and four Chinese officials in Xinjiang. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-07-13/China-sanctions-U-S-entity-and-officials-over-Xinjiang-related-issues-S5MERmYMi4/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-07-13/China-sanctions-U-S-entity-and-officials-over-Xinjiang-related-issues-S5MERmYMi4/index.html</a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">13.07.20</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><b>Terremoto de 5,0 grados de magnitud sacude a Xinjiang de China</b><span> </span></span></div>
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<a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/27/138507224_15721688454341n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="449" data-original-width="800" height="111" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/27/138507224_15721688454341n.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">Un terremoto de 5,0 grados de magnitud azotó el distrito de Huocheng en la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, a las 9:28 horas de hoy lunes (hora de Beijing), de acuerdo con el Centro de Redes de Terremoto de China (CENC, por sus siglas en inglés).</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-07/13/c_139208466.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-07/13/c_139208466.htm</a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">13.07.20</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><b>Paso Alataw de Xinjiang maneja más de la mitad de transporte ferroviario China-Europa en primer semestre</b></span></div>
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<a href="https://silkspaininstitute.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/alataw-2.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="165" data-original-width="305" height="108" src="https://silkspaininstitute.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/alataw-2.jpg" width="200" /></span></a><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">Las aduanas del Paso Alataw, un principal puerto ferroviario en la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, manejó un total de 2 128 trenes de carga China-Europa durante la primera mitad del año, según informó la entidad. Durante el período de enero a junio, el puerto manejó más de la mitad del total de los trenes de carga China-Europa del país.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">11.07.20</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><b>Xinjiang: Separating fact from fiction in recent media reports</b></span></div>
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<a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/7830796333566d54/img/a3f5e8983a274a358cb1e368f0c179d5/a3f5e8983a274a358cb1e368f0c179d5.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="325" data-original-width="800" height="81" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/7830796333566d54/img/a3f5e8983a274a358cb1e368f0c179d5/a3f5e8983a274a358cb1e368f0c179d5.jpg" width="200" /></span></a><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">The U.S. has just announced sanctions and visa restrictions in response to so-called ongoing human rights violations and abuses in Xinjiang. And an Associated Press report published on June 29 claims the Chinese government is taking measures to cut birth rates among Uygurs and other minorities as part of a campaign to curb its Muslim population. China's Ministry of Foreign Affairs has called the accusations "groundless."</span><br />
<a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-07-11/Xinjiang-Separating-fact-from-fiction-in-recent-media-reports-S26kn9ZBok/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-07-11/Xinjiang-Separating-fact-from-fiction-in-recent-media-reports-S26kn9ZBok/index.html</a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">10.07.20</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><b>China to take countermeasures against U.S. groups, persons for egregious behavior on Xinjiang</b></span></div>
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<a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-07-10/China-to-take-countermeasures-against-U-S-groups-persons-on-Xinjiang-S0NrIkKqgE/img/15ae6411c252432dbafc690294ab1cc8/15ae6411c252432dbafc690294ab1cc8.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="334" data-original-width="593" height="112" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-07-10/China-to-take-countermeasures-against-U-S-groups-persons-on-Xinjiang-S0NrIkKqgE/img/15ae6411c252432dbafc690294ab1cc8/15ae6411c252432dbafc690294ab1cc8.jpeg" width="200" /></span></a><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">China will take countermeasures against U.S. organizations and individuals who have shown egregious behavior on Xinjiang, the Chinese Foreign Ministry said on Friday. Zhao Lijian, a spokesperson for the ministry, made these remarks after the U.S. Treasury Department sanctioned one Chinese government entity and four current or former government officials in connection with what it called "serious rights abuses against ethnic minorities" in Xinjiang.</span><br />
<a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-07-10/China-to-take-countermeasures-against-U-S-groups-persons-on-Xinjiang-S0NrIkKqgE/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-07-10/China-to-take-countermeasures-against-U-S-groups-persons-on-Xinjiang-S0NrIkKqgE/index.html</a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">08.07.20</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><b>Concluyen principales obras de nuevo aeropuerto en Xinjiang</b></span></div>
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<a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/NMediaFile/2018/0330/FOREIGN201803300918000007646861700.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="499" data-original-width="800" height="124" src="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/NMediaFile/2018/0330/FOREIGN201803300918000007646861700.jpg" width="200" /></span></a><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">La construcción de las estructuras principales de las instalaciones de un nuevo aeropuerto en la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, noroeste de China, han concluido. Según Xinjiang Airport Group, las obras de la torre de control del Aeropuerto de Yutian, con una altura de siete pisos, se completaron a comienzos de este mes, y actualmente avanzan las obras de decoración de interiores y exteriores del terminal y otras edificaciones del aeródromo.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-07/08/c_139197044.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-07/08/c_139197044.htm</a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">03.07.20</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><b>Completan nuevo ferrocarril en región china de Xinjiang</b></span></div>
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<a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-07/03/139184329_15937340389441n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="133" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-07/03/139184329_15937340389441n.jpg" width="200" /></span></a><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">La vía férrea se extiende por 420 kilómetros. Se conecta con otra vía en el norte y juntas forman parte de una red ferroviaria circular en la parte norte de Xinjiang. El Ferrocarril Afuzhun reduce la distancia entre Altay y la capital regional Urumqi a 640 kilómetros, a diferencia del anterior recorrido de 760 kilómetros, y recorta el tiempo de viaje en dos horas, informó Qiao Jianmin, de China Railway First Group Co., Ltd. El ferrocarril ayudará a impulsar el transporte y el turismo local, dijo Qiao.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">02.07.20</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><b>46 countries voice support for China's anti-terrorism and de-radicalization work in Xinjiang</b></span></div>
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<a href="https://newseu.cgtn.com/news/2020-07-01/China-hits-back-over-double-standards-in-human-rights-accusations-RMmltGK1mo/img/a16dbf9198ab4a7cba4c9f9d06260801/a16dbf9198ab4a7cba4c9f9d06260801.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="449" data-original-width="800" height="111" src="https://newseu.cgtn.com/news/2020-07-01/China-hits-back-over-double-standards-in-human-rights-accusations-RMmltGK1mo/img/a16dbf9198ab4a7cba4c9f9d06260801/a16dbf9198ab4a7cba4c9f9d06260801.png" width="200" /></span></a><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">China's policies in Xinjiang are protecting human rights by keeping citizens safe from terrorism, a group of 46 nations told the United Nations Human Rights Council. In a statement read by the representative of Belarus, Vadim Pisarevich, the countries said that extremism posed a threat to all humanity.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://newseu.cgtn.com/news/2020-07-01/China-hits-back-over-double-standards-in-human-rights-accusations-RMmltGK1mo/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://newseu.cgtn.com/news/2020-07-01/China-hits-back-over-double-standards-in-human-rights-accusations-RMmltGK1mo/index.html</a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">30.06.20</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><b>China's C919 jet conducts high-temperature test flights in Xinjiang</b></span></div>
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<a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-06-30/China-s-C919-jet-conducts-high-temperature-test-flights-in-Xinjiang-RJDlClibkY/img/9a2441a952a64fb98c8fcff93b32c548/9a2441a952a64fb98c8fcff93b32c548.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="112" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-06-30/China-s-C919-jet-conducts-high-temperature-test-flights-in-Xinjiang-RJDlClibkY/img/9a2441a952a64fb98c8fcff93b32c548/9a2441a952a64fb98c8fcff93b32c548.jpeg" width="200" /></span></a><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">China's indigenously-developed C919 large passenger aircraft has started high-temperature test flights in Turpan, a city known as the land of fire in northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. The test plane arrived in Turpan on Sunday and the testing will last for a month. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-06-30/China-s-C919-jet-conducts-high-temperature-test-flights-in-Xinjiang-RJDlClibkY/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-06-30/China-s-C919-jet-conducts-high-temperature-test-flights-in-Xinjiang-RJDlClibkY/index.html</a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">26.06.20</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><b>6.4-magnitude quake hits Xinjiang: CENC</b></span></div>
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<a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-06-26/6-4-magnitude-quake-hits-Xinjiang-CENC-RCXSRBehfq/img/331bac597dd14ad499dfe1bb7bd43d58/331bac597dd14ad499dfe1bb7bd43d58.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="111" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-06-26/6-4-magnitude-quake-hits-Xinjiang-CENC-RCXSRBehfq/img/331bac597dd14ad499dfe1bb7bd43d58/331bac597dd14ad499dfe1bb7bd43d58.jpeg" width="200" /></span></a><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">A 6.4-magnitude earthquake jolted Yutian County of Hotan Prefecture in northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region at 5:05 a.m. Beijing Time on Friday, according to the China Earthquake Networks Center (CENC).</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-06-26/6-4-magnitude-quake-hits-Xinjiang-CENC-RCXSRBehfq/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-06-26/6-4-magnitude-quake-hits-Xinjiang-CENC-RCXSRBehfq/index.html</a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">19.06.20</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><b>Exclusive interview with deputy director general of Xinjiang Public Security Department</b></span></div>
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<a href="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-06-19/Exclusive-with-official-from-Xinjiang-Public-Security-Department--RqLWQbPtRu/video/b910c21150204f368b6cdf464dc7f6a7/b910c21150204f368b6cdf464dc7f6a7-1920.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="112" src="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-06-19/Exclusive-with-official-from-Xinjiang-Public-Security-Department--RqLWQbPtRu/video/b910c21150204f368b6cdf464dc7f6a7/b910c21150204f368b6cdf464dc7f6a7-1920.jpeg" width="200" /></span></a><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">In an exclusive interview with CGTN, Deputy Director General of Xinjiang Public Security Department Yalqun Yaqup talked about the necessity of stepping up security measures in this far-western region of China.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-06-19/Exclusive-with-official-from-Xinjiang-Public-Security-Department--RqLWQbPtRu/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-06-19/Exclusive-with-official-from-Xinjiang-Public-Security-Department--RqLWQbPtRu/index.html</a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">19.06.20</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><b>Police officer slain in own home by terrorist in China's Xinjiang</b></span></div>
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<a href="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/5103_M1Uu5w/hqdefault.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="360" data-original-width="480" height="150" src="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/5103_M1Uu5w/hqdefault.jpg" width="200" /></span></a><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">Twenty years ago, terrorists stormed into the home of police officer Xudaberdi Toxti in Xinjiang's Zepu County and murdered him and his son. His second daughter, who survived the incident, recounted the tragedy and took CGTN to where it all happened.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-06-19/Police-officer-slain-in-own-home-by-terrorist-in-China-s-Xinjiang--RqMRbSs0HS/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-06-19/Police-officer-slain-in-own-home-by-terrorist-in-China-s-Xinjiang--RqMRbSs0HS/index.html</a><br />
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">19.06.20</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><b>CGTN reedita el documental sobre la lucha contra el terrorismo en Xinjiang ¿Siguen en silencio los medios de comunicación occidentales?</b></span></div>
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<a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/NMediaFile/2020/0619/FOREIGN202006191522000542198620367.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="111" src="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/NMediaFile/2020/0619/FOREIGN202006191522000542198620367.jpg" width="200" /></span></a><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">CGTN emitió esta mañana el documental "Majestuosa Montaña Tianshan – Memoria de la Lucha contra el Terrorismo en Xinjiang de China". Algunos espectadores lo han calificado como "usar sangre y lágrimas para explicar qué es el terrorismo". El poder de hacer que los espectadores sean incapaces de aguantarse las lágrimas proviene de la realidad. Esto no es una película, sino la vida de muchas personas. Entre 1990 y 2016, se produjeron miles de ataques terroristas en Xinjiang. En el documental, la historia de cada guardián, superviviente e incluso atacante es lo suficientemente impactante: "Había sido acuchillado por todas partes", recordó la hija de una persona que fue apuñalada más de treinta veces, dejando su cuerpo sin una zona intacta. "Long Fei ha terminado", dijo un policía especial antiterrorista al conocer el sacrificio de sus camaradas durante la lucha. "He sobrevivido a un desastre, me siento afortunada", afirmó una bailarina de etnia Uigur, que perdió una pierna durante un ataque terrorista, aunque aún ama la vida...</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">12.06.20</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><b>More than 20,000 Tibetan antelopes give birth in NW China's Xinjiang</b></span></div>
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<a href="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-07-12/More-than-20-000-Tibetan-antelopes-give-birth-in-NW-China-s-Xinjiang-S4vRoEz6Ba/video/77e734bed63f4e7294646693eff41bb0/77e734bed63f4e7294646693eff41bb0.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="393" data-original-width="700" height="111" src="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-07-12/More-than-20-000-Tibetan-antelopes-give-birth-in-NW-China-s-Xinjiang-S4vRoEz6Ba/video/77e734bed63f4e7294646693eff41bb0/77e734bed63f4e7294646693eff41bb0.jpg" width="200" /></span></a><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">More than 20,000 Tibetan antelopes are giving birth in the Altun Mountains National Nature Reserve in northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, showing a good result in wildlife conservation. Tibetan antelope is a special species on the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau. From late June to mid-July every year, they migrate to other places for giving birth. Surrounded by snow mountains, the Rabbit Lake or the Tuzi Lake in the Altun Mountains National Nature Reserve is a natural delivery place. In recent years, the living environment of wildlife has been improved by technological management, entry and exit control, and other actions.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;">
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-07-12/More-than-20-000-Tibetan-antelopes-give-birth-in-NW-China-s-Xinjiang-S4vRoEz6Ba/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-07-12/More-than-20-000-Tibetan-antelopes-give-birth-in-NW-China-s-Xinjiang-S4vRoEz6Ba/index.html</a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">04.06.20</span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>CGTN Nature: Altai Mountains Series | Episode 2: The Deep Lake</b></span><br />
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<a href="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-06-04/CGTN-Nature-Altai-Mountains-Series-Episode-2-The-Deep-Lake-QZnyIAzNHG/video/d116eee345654d7fb48909d7848ea81c/d116eee345654d7fb48909d7848ea81c.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="112" src="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-06-04/CGTN-Nature-Altai-Mountains-Series-Episode-2-The-Deep-Lake-QZnyIAzNHG/video/d116eee345654d7fb48909d7848ea81c/d116eee345654d7fb48909d7848ea81c.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Home to a diverse fauna and multiple types of vegetation, Altai Mountains represent the most complete sequence of altitudinal vegetation zones in central Siberia. The 16-episode Altai Mountains Series brings a glimpse of the magnificent biodiversity in northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region.</span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-06-04/CGTN-Nature-Altai-Mountains-Series-Episode-2-The-Deep-Lake-QZnyIAzNHG/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-06-04/CGTN-Nature-Altai-Mountains-Series-Episode-2-The-Deep-Lake-QZnyIAzNHG/index.html</a></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">03.06.20</span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>Xinjiang young man ventures out for better employment</b></span><br />
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<a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d774d34457a4d30457a6333566d54/img/0a07937b0a824c0f910d97c4acbc9acb/0a07937b0a824c0f910d97c4acbc9acb.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="112" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d774d34457a4d30457a6333566d54/img/0a07937b0a824c0f910d97c4acbc9acb/0a07937b0a824c0f910d97c4acbc9acb.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Elkem Emet has worked in an electronics factory in east China's Anhui Province for over a year. The 22-year-old man from northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region set a goal before departing his hometown – make money, and then marry his beloved girlfriend.</span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-06-03/Xinjiang-young-man-ventures-out-for-better-employment-R1NIiUL7DG/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-06-03/Xinjiang-young-man-ventures-out-for-better-employment-R1NIiUL7DG/index.html</a></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">02.06.20 Jinghao, Y. - Yang, L.</span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>Xinjiang refutes claim of detaining children in preschool facilities</b></span><br />
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<a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-06-01/Xinjiang-refutes-claim-of-detaining-children-in-preschool-facilities-QYqWJFBnKU/img/492393156f804f86824ed87bdf86a650/492393156f804f86824ed87bdf86a650-1920.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="112" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-06-01/Xinjiang-refutes-claim-of-detaining-children-in-preschool-facilities-QYqWJFBnKU/img/492393156f804f86824ed87bdf86a650/492393156f804f86824ed87bdf86a650-1920.jpeg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region Monday refuted claim about "holding children of detained Xinjiang Muslims in preschool facilities," slamming the accusation as "nonsense" and "total slander" against Xinjiang's education development.</span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-06-01/Xinjiang-refutes-claim-of-detaining-children-in-preschool-facilities-QYqWJFBnKU/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-06-01/Xinjiang-refutes-claim-of-detaining-children-in-preschool-facilities-QYqWJFBnKU/index.html</a></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">31.05.20</span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>Live: How do apricots help alleviate poverty in Xinjiang?</b></span><br />
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<a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-05-30/Live-How-do-apricots-help-alleviate-poverty-in-Xinjiang--QVaplK20fK/img/e6bda9788fc14175af8b2e466fd0e45e/e6bda9788fc14175af8b2e466fd0e45e.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="112" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-05-30/Live-How-do-apricots-help-alleviate-poverty-in-Xinjiang--QVaplK20fK/img/e6bda9788fc14175af8b2e466fd0e45e/e6bda9788fc14175af8b2e466fd0e45e.jpeg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">China's Luntai County, northwestern Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, has 2,500 years of history of growing little white apricots, known as "white honey." The yellow-skinned fruit has a reputation for being juicy and very sweet and is regarded as local farmers' cash cow. At the end of May, the local white apricot ushers in a harvest.</span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-05-30/Live-How-do-apricots-help-alleviate-poverty-in-Xinjiang--QVaplK20fK/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-05-30/Live-How-do-apricots-help-alleviate-poverty-in-Xinjiang--QVaplK20fK/index.html</a></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">27.05.20</span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>End of Ramadan met with muted celebrations in Xinjiang due to COVID-19</b></span><br />
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<a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d414f794d544e77457a6333566d54/img/642243d762774da1b6a4f0d24d5f0137/642243d762774da1b6a4f0d24d5f0137.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="112" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d414f794d544e77457a6333566d54/img/642243d762774da1b6a4f0d24d5f0137/642243d762774da1b6a4f0d24d5f0137.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">The coronavirus has turned things upside down this year, especially in northwestern China's Xinjiang Region. Eid al-Fitr, or the Roza Festival as it is known in Xinjiang, is usually a bustling day of celebrations. This year things are far more subdued. Abulaitituersun, the owner of the popular Nanahan Bakery in Urumqi, the region's capital, said the usual pastries and baked goods made for the Roza Festival were still flying off the shelves. </span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://newsus.cgtn.com/news/2020-05-27/End-of-Ramadan-met-with-muted-celebrations-in-Xinjiang-due-to-COVID-19-QORGBMpblC/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://newsus.cgtn.com/news/2020-05-27/End-of-Ramadan-met-with-muted-celebrations-in-Xinjiang-due-to-COVID-19-QORGBMpblC/index.html</a></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">26.05.20</span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>China se opone firmemente a sanciones de EEUU contra empresas e instituciones chinas por Xinjiang </b><span> </span></span><br />
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<a href="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/y-eZadaAIR0/hqdefault.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="360" data-original-width="480" height="150" src="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/y-eZadaAIR0/hqdefault.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">China expresa su fuerte insatisfacción y firme oposición al hecho de que Estados Unidos añadió empresas, instituciones e individuos chinos a su "lista de entidades" por causa de los asuntos de Xinjiang, dijo hoy lunes un portavoz del Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores. El portavoz, Zhao Lijian, hizo los comentarios en una conferencia de prensa cuando se le pidió comentar la afirmación que hizo el Departamento de Comercio de Estados Unidos el viernes en el sentido de que sancionaría a las empresas e instituciones chinas pertinentes por abusos a los derechos humanos en la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, China.</span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-05/26/c_139087265.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-05/26/c_139087265.htm</a></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">22.05.20</span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>Sitio de construcción del túnel Shengli Tianshan en Xinjiang</b></span><br />
</span><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana; font-size: small; text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-05/22/139073701_15900218084221n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="529" data-original-width="800" height="84" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-05/22/139073701_15900218084221n.jpg" width="128" /></a></div><br />El túnel Shengli Tianshan, es un proyecto de seis años en la carretera Urumqi-Yuli, pasa por una zona fría y de gran altitud, con condiciones climáticas y geológicas adversas.</span></div><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-05/22/c_139073701.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-05/22/c_139073701.htm</a></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">21.05.20</span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>Xinjiang: Feria nocturna en Hotan</b></span><br />
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<a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-05/21/139070894_15899364067711n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="548" data-original-width="800" height="136" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-05/21/139070894_15899364067711n.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">A medida que el clima se ha vuelto cálido, las actividades de turismo local se han recuperado gradualmente, en una feria nocturna en Hotan, en la región autónoma de la etnia uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China.</span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-05/21/c_139070894.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-05/21/c_139070894.htm </a></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">20.05.20</span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>Xinjiang: Construcción de carretera en desierto de Taklimakan</b></span><br />
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<a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-05/20/139068959_15898571414011n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="449" data-original-width="800" height="111" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-05/20/139068959_15898571414011n.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La construcción de la carretera Yuli-Qiemo, la tercera ruta norte-sur que atraviesa el desierto de Taklimakan ha entrado en la etapa final. Los trabajadores de China Communications Construction Company Ltd. están laborando en la duna más grande de este proyecto, con un volumen estimado de 1,2 millones de metros cúbicos de arena para tratar. Establecieron campamentos junto a la duna para la conveniencia del trabajo, y reciben las necesidades diarias de manera regular. Se espera que la finalización de la carretera mejore las condiciones de transporte en el sur de Xinjiang y promueva el desarrollo local.</span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-05/20/c_139068959.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-05/20/c_139068959.htm</a></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">19.05.20</span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>Puerto Alashankou de Xinjiang registra firme crecimiento en trenes de carga China-Europa</b></span><br />
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<a href="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/Tx3nyJ9aDPw/maxresdefault.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="112" src="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/Tx3nyJ9aDPw/maxresdefault.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El número de trenes de carga China-Europa que atravesaron el puerto interior de Alashankou en la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, noroeste de China, volvió a aumentar en el primer cuatrimestre de este año. Las autoridades aduaneras de Alashankou supervisaron 1.211 trenes de carga China-Europa de enero a abril, un aumento interanual de 28,28 por ciento. Estos trenes transportaron un total de 109.064 unidades equivalentes a veinte pies (TEU) de bienes, un incremento interanual de 37,05 por ciento. Estas cifras representan el 41,47 y 41,63 por ciento del total nacional de trenes de carga China-Europa y productos transportados, respectivamente, ambas cifras el primer lugar en China.</span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-05/19/c_139067582.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-05/19/c_139067582.htm</a></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">15.05.20</span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>Región china de Xinjiang lanza museo móvil sobre terremotos</b></span><br />
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<a href="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/BY1qs1TuU5s/hqdefault.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="360" data-original-width="480" height="150" src="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/BY1qs1TuU5s/hqdefault.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, ha lanzado un museo móvil de ciencia y tecnología dedicado a los terremotos. Se trata del primer centro de su tipo en el país.</span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-05/15/c_139059489.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-05/15/c_139059489.htm</a></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">14.05.20</span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>Cuerpo de Producción y Construcción de Xinjiang invertirá en proyectos de transporte</b></span><br />
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<a href="https://newses.cgtn.com/news/3d7747623135326333566d54/img/b04473888c9e40eba8a15fdda76bff93/b04473888c9e40eba8a15fdda76bff93.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="112" src="https://newses.cgtn.com/news/3d7747623135326333566d54/img/b04473888c9e40eba8a15fdda76bff93/b04473888c9e40eba8a15fdda76bff93.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El Cuerpo de Producción y Construcción de Xinjiang, en la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, aumentará la inversión en proyectos de transporte en 2020. Las autoridades invertirán 9.500 millones de yuanes (1.340 millones de dólares) en 60 principales proyectos para construir o renovar carreteras con una longitud combinada de 2.281 kilómetros, según informó el departamento de transporte local.</span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-05/14/c_139056578.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-05/14/c_139056578.htm</a></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">13.05.20</span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>Earthquake rescue drill uses 5G technology for the first time</b></span><br />
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<a href="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/Ubl2WZcesOU/hqdefault.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="360" data-original-width="480" height="150" src="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/Ubl2WZcesOU/hqdefault.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region used 5G technology for the first time in an </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">earthquake emergency rescue drill. The drill was held just before May 12, China's 12th </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">national day for disaster prevention and relief. A 5G emergency communication vehicle was </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">deployed near the epicenter. It shortens the network delay from 150 to 200 milliseconds in </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">4G conditions to merely one to 10 milliseconds.</span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-05-13/Earthquake-rescue-drill-uses-5G-technology-for-the-first-time-QsXDBrTDIA/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-05-13/Earthquake-rescue-drill-uses-5G-technology-for-the-first-time-QsXDBrTDIA/index.html</a></span><br /><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">12.05.20</span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>Tourists encounter herd of red deer at Xinjiang's Tianshan scenic area</b></span><br />
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<a href="https://video.cgtn.com/news/77416a4e3063444d3145544f33416a4e796b444f31457a6333566d54/video/10195daf93ef455bbb66824d3d4bac5d/10195daf93ef455bbb66824d3d4bac5d.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="112" src="https://video.cgtn.com/news/77416a4e3063444d3145544f33416a4e796b444f31457a6333566d54/video/10195daf93ef455bbb66824d3d4bac5d/10195daf93ef455bbb66824d3d4bac5d.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">As the environment improves at Tianshan Tianchi Scenic Area in northwest China's Xinjiang </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">Uygur Autonomous Region, the population of wildlife has also increased. And on May 8, two </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">tourists encountered a herd of red deer. </span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><span style="color: #444444;"><div><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-05-12/Tourists-encounter-herd-of-red-deer-at-Xinjiang-s-Tianshan-scenic-area-QqHrl0P8R2/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-05-12/Tourists-encounter-herd-of-red-deer-at-Xinjiang-s-Tianshan-scenic-area-QqHrl0P8R2/index.html</a></div><div><br /></div></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">11.05.20</span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>Brown bear in courtship spotted in NW China</b></span><br />
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<a href="https://video.cgtn.com/news/7a596a4e784d544e33516a4d77457a4e786b444f31457a6333566d54/video/f4f4d4a40e0743b1a1e347ab0dbe6085/f4f4d4a40e0743b1a1e347ab0dbe6085.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="111" src="https://video.cgtn.com/news/7a596a4e784d544e33516a4d77457a4e786b444f31457a6333566d54/video/f4f4d4a40e0743b1a1e347ab0dbe6085/f4f4d4a40e0743b1a1e347ab0dbe6085.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">Recently, staff of the forestry department of Tianshan Mountain near Urumqi City of </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region found some interesting footage of a </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">brown bear on infrared cameras that are located in the forest.</span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><span style="color: #444444;"><div><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-05-11/Brown-bear-in-courtship-spotted-in-NW-China-Qp1wcH9hm0/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-05-11/Brown-bear-in-courtship-spotted-in-NW-China-Qp1wcH9hm0/index.html</a></div><div><br /></div></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">08.05.20 YE, S.- BIAO, Ch.-SAI, Y. </span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>China Europe Express Railway shipments rise in April</b></span><br />
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<a href="https://video.cgtn.com/news/34457a4e7855444e786b544e7a557a4d3567444f31457a6333566d54/video/38106f23fb6b4c2aab8afcbfd4cf112a/38106f23fb6b4c2aab8afcbfd4cf112a.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="111" src="https://video.cgtn.com/news/34457a4e7855444e786b544e7a557a4d3567444f31457a6333566d54/video/38106f23fb6b4c2aab8afcbfd4cf112a/38106f23fb6b4c2aab8afcbfd4cf112a.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">The number of shipments from the Urumqi land port on the China Europe Express Railway </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">dropped by 35 percent in the first three months of 2020, but the one in April rose fast, </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">even slightly topping April of 2019, according to Zhou Kai, executive deputy general </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">manager of the Xinjiang International Land Port Group.</span><br /><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-05-08/China-Europe-Express-Railway-shipments-rise-in-April-QkswE3NnRC/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-05-08/China-Europe-Express-Railway-shipments-rise-in-April-QkswE3NnRC/index.html</a></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">07.05.20</span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>China says coronavirus Wuhan lab footage from UK media is edited</b></span><br />
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<a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/7a6b6a4d776b7a4e324d7a4d3551444e334d444f31457a6333566d54/img/d7ff8ca771d3431b86a6133bf732c35a/d7ff8ca771d3431b86a6133bf732c35a.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="112" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/7a6b6a4d776b7a4e324d7a4d3551444e334d444f31457a6333566d54/img/d7ff8ca771d3431b86a6133bf732c35a/d7ff8ca771d3431b86a6133bf732c35a.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">Chinese Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Hua Chunying said on Thursday the video footage </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">released by Daily Telegraph on May 4 about the Wuhan Virology Institute (WVI) was edited, </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">adding similar tricks have been seen many times on Xinjiang and Hong Kong issues.</span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-05-07/China-says-coronavirus-Wuhan-lab-footage-from-UK-media-is-edited-QiSnzyTopa/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-05-07/China-says-coronavirus-Wuhan-lab-footage-from-UK-media-is-edited-QiSnzyTopa/index.html</a></span></span></div><div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">03.05.20</span></div>
<b style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>Taklamakan Desert: Is China's largest desert getting bigger?</b></div></b>
</span><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/77416a4e79517a4d30497a4d336b7a4e3067444f31457a6333566d54/img/bd7720c1f4244c899813b2f38197f36a/bd7720c1f4244c899813b2f38197f36a.jpg" style="clear: left; display: inline; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="112" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/77416a4e79517a4d30497a4d336b7a4e3067444f31457a6333566d54/img/bd7720c1f4244c899813b2f38197f36a/bd7720c1f4244c899813b2f38197f36a.jpg" width="200" /></span></a><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">On April 10, 1895, Swedish geographer and explorer Sven Hedin tried to cross the Taklamakan </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Desert, also known as "the place of no return," in northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Autonomous Region via Tusluk to the Khotan River. His water supply was insufficient due to </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">a lack of information about the mysterious desert. In the end, he lost seven camels and two </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">of his escorts.</span></div><span style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-05-03/Taklamakan-Desert-Is-China-s-largest-desert-getting-bigger--QbGMCcPONO/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-05-03/Taklamakan-Desert-Is-China-s-largest-desert-getting-bigger--QbGMCcPONO/index.html</a></div></span></span></div><div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana; font-size: small;"><br /></span></div><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">02.05.20 YE, S.- BIAO, Ch.-SAI, Y. </span></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>Urumqi Grand Bazaar in NW China's Xinjiang enters peak season</b></div></span>
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<a href="https://video.cgtn.com/news/346b544e79597a4d32637a4e3255544d3067444f31457a6333566d54/video/e498ecf9f8104e0ab06d6624cd21bcf3/e498ecf9f8104e0ab06d6624cd21bcf3.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="112" src="https://video.cgtn.com/news/346b544e79597a4d32637a4e3255544d3067444f31457a6333566d54/video/e498ecf9f8104e0ab06d6624cd21bcf3/e498ecf9f8104e0ab06d6624cd21bcf3.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">More than 60,000 visited the bazaar on Friday, as the bazaar, the biggest in northwest </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, enters its peak travel season, while far from its </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">daily record accommodation of 300,000 from previous years. </span></div><span style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-05-02/Urumqi-Grand-Bazaar-in-NW-China-s-Xinjiang-enters-peak-season-Qasx5x0FZC/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-05-02/Urumqi-Grand-Bazaar-in-NW-China-s-Xinjiang-enters-peak-season-Qasx5x0FZC/index.html</a></div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;">30.04.20</div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><b style="color: #444444;">Graphics: How has China's military relieved poverty in rural Xinjiang?</b></div>
</span><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/7a416a4d7a596a4e7949444f784d7a4d7867444f31457a6333566d54/img/0dfc3b7c611f4eaba290402667d9205d/0dfc3b7c611f4eaba290402667d9205d.jpg" style="clear: left; display: inline; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="749" data-original-width="800" height="186" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/7a416a4d7a596a4e7949444f784d7a4d7867444f31457a6333566d54/img/0dfc3b7c611f4eaba290402667d9205d/0dfc3b7c611f4eaba290402667d9205d.jpg" width="200" /></span></a><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">A small village with less than 2,000 people in the far west of northwest China's Xinjiang </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Uygur Autonomous Region has been lifted out of poverty with the help of members of the </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">armed forces stationed there.</span></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-04-30/Graphics-How-has-China-s-military-relieved-poverty-in-rural-Xinjiang--Q52f6m5E4M/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-04-30/Graphics-How-has-China-s-military-relieved-poverty-in-rural-Xinjiang--Q52f6m5E4M/index.html</a></div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div>
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</span></div><div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana; font-size: small;">29.04.20</span></div><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><b style="color: #444444;">Authorities refute allegations that ethnic minority officials are marginalized in Xinjiang</b></div>
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<a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3045544e7a59444e78456a4d30677a4d7867444f31457a6333566d54/img/eaacc0e2b7b8455396715391ac66b144/eaacc0e2b7b8455396715391ac66b144.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="112" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3045544e7a59444e78456a4d30677a4d7867444f31457a6333566d54/img/eaacc0e2b7b8455396715391ac66b144/eaacc0e2b7b8455396715391ac66b144.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Authorities in northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region refuted on Wednesday the </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">rhetoric that ethnic minority officials are marginalized in Xinjiang.</span></div><span style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-04-29/Xinjiang-upholds-ethnic-equality-aimed-at-common-prosperity-Official-Q58rtBwOAg/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-04-29/Xinjiang-upholds-ethnic-equality-aimed-at-common-prosperity-Official-Q58rtBwOAg/index.html</a></div></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;">28.04.20</div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><b style="color: #444444;">Investigadores chinos cuantifican claridad de agua con datos de teledetección</b></div>
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<a href="https://video.cgtn.com/news/30636a4e7951444f356b544d3351544f7a517a4e31457a6333566d54/video/a3313d440cbe426db91eead5c2030fa8/a3313d440cbe426db91eead5c2030fa8.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="111" src="https://video.cgtn.com/news/30636a4e7951444f356b544d3351544f7a517a4e31457a6333566d54/video/a3313d440cbe426db91eead5c2030fa8/a3313d440cbe426db91eead5c2030fa8.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Investigadores chinos han cartografiado la claridad del agua de numerosos lagos y embalses </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">del país con una resolución de 30 metros utilizando datos de imágenes de teledetección.</span></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-04/28/c_139015040.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-04/28/c_139015040.htm</a></div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;">27.04.20 JINGHAO, Y.-YANG, L.-LIANG, L.</div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><b style="color: #444444;">Construction of China's westernmost airport begins on the Pamirs</b></div>
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<a href="https://video.cgtn.com/news/79596a4e7a45444e3551544d33417a4e3563444f31457a6333566d54/video/f6175b67688d47b89300df0ff8e1c693/f6175b67688d47b89300df0ff8e1c693.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="111" src="https://video.cgtn.com/news/79596a4e7a45444e3551544d33417a4e3563444f31457a6333566d54/video/f6175b67688d47b89300df0ff8e1c693/f6175b67688d47b89300df0ff8e1c693.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">The construction of China's westernmost airport began in northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region on Sunday, which will also be the region's first plateau airport upon completion.</span></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-04-27/Construction-of-China-s-westernmost-airport-begins-on-the-Pamirs-Q1VgrVrqkE/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-04-27/Construction-of-China-s-westernmost-airport-begins-on-the-Pamirs-Q1VgrVrqkE/index.html</a></div></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;">26.04.20</div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><b style="color: #444444;">Xinjiang invierte 800 millones de yuanes en modernización y promoción turística</b></div>
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<a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/34496a4e3149544d3541444f31637a4e3463444f31457a6333566d54/img/bc1c9f04a0854399b93aeb4d1f502715/bc1c9f04a0854399b93aeb4d1f502715.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="233" data-original-width="350" height="133" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/34496a4e3149544d3541444f31637a4e3463444f31457a6333566d54/img/bc1c9f04a0854399b93aeb4d1f502715/bc1c9f04a0854399b93aeb4d1f502715.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang en el noroeste de China planea invertir 880 millones </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">de yuanes (unos 124,3 millones de dólares) este año para promover la construcción y </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">modernización de las instalaciones de servicios turísticos, según las autoridades locales.</span></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-04/26/c_139008703.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-04/26/c_139008703.htm</a></div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;">24.04.20</div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><b style="color: #444444;">PIB de Xinjiang cae solo 0,2% en primer trimestre de 2020</b></div>
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<a href="https://video.cgtn.com/news/30456a4d784d544e314d7a4d3455544e34557a4e31457a6333566d54/video/50d9abcb050049ddacc1b00fcfa2a7e5/50d9abcb050049ddacc1b00fcfa2a7e5.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="112" src="https://video.cgtn.com/news/30456a4d784d544e314d7a4d3455544e34557a4e31457a6333566d54/video/50d9abcb050049ddacc1b00fcfa2a7e5/50d9abcb050049ddacc1b00fcfa2a7e5.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El producto interno bruto (PIB) de la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">China, totalizó 305 550 millones de yuanes (unos 88 400 millones de dólares) en el primer </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">trimestre de este año, con un descenso de 0,2 por ciento interanual, según la oficina </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">regional de estadísticas.</span></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-04/24/c_139004986.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-04/24/c_139004986.htm</a></div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;">22.04.20</div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><b style="color: #444444;">Región china de Xinjiang transmite 77 mil millones de kWh de electricidad limpia</b></div>
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<a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/346b544e3455444f77637a4e7955544e32597a4e31457a6333566d54/img/1a6289fad4774fa6956634d8e218b13e/1a6289fad4774fa6956634d8e218b13e.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="112" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/346b544e3455444f77637a4e7955544e32597a4e31457a6333566d54/img/1a6289fad4774fa6956634d8e218b13e/1a6289fad4774fa6956634d8e218b13e.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, ha transmitido más de 77 mil </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">millones de kWh de electricidad más allá de sus fronteras desde 2010, toda generada por </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">energía limpia.</span></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-04/22/c_138998939.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-04/22/c_138998939.htm</a></div></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;">20.04.20</div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><b><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Equipo de trabajo chino especializado en prevención y control epidémico se dirige a </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Kirguistán</span></b></div>
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<a href="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/LJxne3wiLLM/hqdefault.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="360" data-original-width="480" height="150" src="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/LJxne3wiLLM/hqdefault.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Un equipo de trabajo especializado en prevención y control epidémico partió hoy lunes hacia </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Kirguistán, desde la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, para </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">unirse a la batalla contra la pandemia COVID-19.</span></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-04/20/c_138992556.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-04/20/c_138992556.htm</a></div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;">18.04.20</div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><b style="color: #444444;">U.S. website says Western reports on Xinjiang's 'forced labor' dubious</b></div>
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<a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/7a557a4d316b544e7951544f784d544d7963444f31457a6333566d54/img/d1053938fd5f4e5687ad4e066f9daa91/d1053938fd5f4e5687ad4e066f9daa91.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="133" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/7a557a4d316b544e7951544f784d544d7963444f31457a6333566d54/img/d1053938fd5f4e5687ad4e066f9daa91/d1053938fd5f4e5687ad4e066f9daa91.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Recent Western media coverage on so-called "forced labor" in China's Xinjiang relies almost </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">entirely on a series of "questionable studies" by a few Western think tanks, an independent </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">U.S. news website said in a recent investigative article.</span></div><span style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-04-18/U-S-website-says-Western-reports-on-Xinjiang-s-forced-labor-dubious-PNmtfMfz7q/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-04-18/U-S-website-says-Western-reports-on-Xinjiang-s-forced-labor-dubious-PNmtfMfz7q/index.html</a></div></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;">17.04.20</div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><b style="color: #444444;">Se duplica población de animales ungulados salvajes en reserva natural de Xinjiang</b></div>
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<a href="https://pbs.twimg.com/media/EJJczXsUEAETPK2.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="112" src="https://pbs.twimg.com/media/EJJczXsUEAETPK2.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Una reserva natural nacional en la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">China, registra un creciente número de animales ungulados salvajes gracias a la mejora de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">su ambiente ecológico.</span></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-04/17/c_138985756.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-04/17/c_138985756.htm</a></div></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;">14.04.20</div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><b style="color: #444444;">Rare Animals in China: Przewalski's horse and onager donkey</b></div>
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<a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/78637a4e7841444f3549444e33517a4d3459444f31457a6333566d54/img/008baa26572e468282f2fa3765abaacd/008baa26572e468282f2fa3765abaacd-1.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="253" data-original-width="450" height="111" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/78637a4e7841444f3549444e33517a4d3459444f31457a6333566d54/img/008baa26572e468282f2fa3765abaacd/008baa26572e468282f2fa3765abaacd-1.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Horses and donkeys are common in many countries; but some of them are so rare that they are </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">listed as endangered species by the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN). </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">The CGTN Nature film crew have spotted rare Przewalski's horses and onager donkeys in the </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Altai Mountains of northwestern China.</span></div><span style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-04-14/Rare-animals-in-China-The-only-genuine-wild-horse-in-the-world-PG8Ccsabf2/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-04-14/Rare-animals-in-China-The-only-genuine-wild-horse-in-the-world-PG8Ccsabf2/index.html</a></div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; text-decoration-line: underline;"><br /></span></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;">11.04.20</div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><b style="color: #444444;">Xinjiang ofrece más de 20 mil millones de dólares en préstamos para compañías afectadas por COVID-19</b></div>
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<a href="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/BIdT-5l6ClM/mqdefault.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="180" data-original-width="320" height="112" src="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/BIdT-5l6ClM/mqdefault.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">El sector bancario de la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, ha ofrecido préstamos por casi 145 mil millones de yuanes (20 600 millones de dólares) a las empresas afectadas por el nuevo coronavirus, para ayudarlas a acelerar la reanudación de la actividad. Las instituciones financieras de la región también están intensificando los esfuerzos en otras áreas, como por ejemplo en la creación de nuevos productos financieros aprovechando las plataformas en línea para apoyar la reanudación del trabajo y el control epidémico. Además, también se están abriendo canales verdes que aceleran los procedimientos de aprobación de préstamos para las empresas.</span></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-04/11/c_138967057.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-04/11/c_138967057.htm</a></div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;">09.04.20</div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><b style="color: #444444;">Xinjiang de China hará de su harina una marca regional</b></div>
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<a href="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/oXkTxSKGMCM/hqdefault.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="360" data-original-width="480" height="150" src="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/oXkTxSKGMCM/hqdefault.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">Las autoridades de la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, planean hacer de su harina una reconocida marca en la región. Los esfuerzos ayudarán a promover los productos alimenticios locales en los mercados fuera de la región, según el departamento regional de alimentos y reservas estratégicas. El logotipo de "Harina de Xinjiang" ha recibido la aprobación de la Administración Nacional de Propiedad Intelectual, y se pondrá en uso en un par de meses, dijo Ma Xueyuan, economista jefe del departamento.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-04/09/c_138961197.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-04/09/c_138961197.htm</a></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;">08.04.20</div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><b style="color: #444444;">Creación de trabajos ha sido una alta prioridad para Xinjiang para combatir pobreza</b></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;">Xinjiang ha tomado una serie de medidas ayudando a los habitantes afectados por la pobreza a encontrar trabajos en sus ciudades de origen o en otras áreas en la región y deshacerse de la pobreza de acuerdo con sus intenciones. La creación de trabajos ha sido una alta prioridad para Xinjiang para mejorar el bienestar de las personas y combatir a la pobreza. La región está determinada para erradicar la absoluta pobreza sacando al resto de las 165 800 personas de la pobreza este año.</div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-04/08/c_138941026.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-04/08/c_138941026.htm</a></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;">03.04.20</div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><b style="color: #444444;">Conferencia de Prensa Habitual Ofrecida 3 de abril de 2020 por Hua Chunying, Portavoz de Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores</b></div>
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<a href="https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/esp/xwfw/lxjzzdh/W020200408321726893692.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="319" data-original-width="500" height="127" src="https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/esp/xwfw/lxjzzdh/W020200408321726893692.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">CCTV: El 2 de abril, el Embajador para la Libertad Religiosa Internacional, Brownback, declaró en una sesión informativa del Departamento de Estado de Estados Unidos que China ha encarcelado a un gran número de personas, incluidos millones de musulmanes de Xinjiang debido a sus creencias religiosas, y llamó a China a liberar "presos religiosos" durante la pandemia. ¿Cuál es tu comentario sobre esto? Hua Chunying: Brownback también es un experto en mentir, sus afirmaciones sobre encarcelamiento de gran número de personas en China debido a sus creencias religiosas, incluidos millones de musulmanes de Xinjiang son puramente inventadas sin fundamento y son disparates. Después de un arduo esfuerzo, el pueblo chino ha logrado resultados positivos en la lucha contra la epidemia, ha salvaguardado efectivamente la salud y la seguridad de la vida de todo el pueblo chino, incluida la mayoría de los compatriotas musulmanes, y también ha hecho importantes contribuciones a la seguridad de salud pública mundial. Esto es universalmente reconocido, pero Brownback y un número reducido de políticos estadounidenses son reacios y cobardes para encarar a este hecho. El gobierno chino protege la libertad de creencias religiosas de sus ciudadanos de conformidad con la ley, y la gente de todos los grupos étnicos en China disfruta de la plena libertad de creencias religiosas de conformidad con la ley. No hay los llamados "presos religiosos" en China, ni mucho menos la llamada "encarcelamiento de millones de musulmanes en Xinjiang". Al mismo tiempo, como país de estado de derecho, China nunca permitirá a nadie a dedicarse a las actividades ilegales y criminales bajo el nombre de religión. En la actualidad, hay casi 200 millones de creyentes religiosos en China, de los cuales más de 20 millones son musulmanes, más de 380,000 personas de oficio religioso, alrededor de 5,500 grupos religiosos y más de 140,000 lugares para las actividades religiosas registradas en conformidad con la ley. Hay 24,400 mezquitas en Xinjiang, y un promedio de una mezquita por cada 530 musulmanes. No importa cómo repitan las mentiras inventadas por unos pocos políticos estadounidenses y del mundo occidental, no pueden cambiar estos hechos.</span></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/esp/xwfw/lxjzzdh/t1767199.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/esp/xwfw/lxjzzdh/t1767199.shtml</a> </div></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;">01.04.20</div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><b style="color: #444444;">Personas con sentido común deben luchar firmemente contra las noticias falsas sobre Xinjiang, según portavoz</b></div>
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<a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/30596a4e34596a4e796b544d3241544e33517a4e31457a6333566d54/img/4bb4e08999364fbc9c40d46f6fa70aae/4bb4e08999364fbc9c40d46f6fa70aae.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="451" data-original-width="800" height="112" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/30596a4e34596a4e796b544d3241544e33517a4e31457a6333566d54/img/4bb4e08999364fbc9c40d46f6fa70aae/4bb4e08999364fbc9c40d46f6fa70aae.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">La portavoz del Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores chino Hua Chunying llamó hoy miércoles a las personas con sentido común a combatir las noticias falsas sobre la política de Xinjiang de China. Hua hizo las declaraciones en una rueda de prensa cuando se le pidió que comentara sobre una investigación de The Grayzone, un sitio web de noticias independiente de Estados Unidos, según la cual un reciente informe sobre el supuesto programa de "trabajo forzado" de China en la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang ha sido, en realidad, iniciado por una organización australiana respaldada por el país norteamericano. "Eso demostró que ciertas personas actúan con agendas ocultas", sostuvo la vocera. El sitio web también añade que el informe no ha presentado "ninguna evidencia original" de los trabajadores en el supuesto programa de "trabajo forzado". Aún así, el texto citó "testimonios" anónimos de un blog en línea de fanáticos religiosos "oscuro y de extrema derecha".</span></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-04/01/c_138938695.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-04/01/c_138938695.htm</a></div></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;">27.03.20</div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><b style="color: #444444;">Conferencia de Prensa Habitual Ofrecida 27 de marzo de 2020 por Portavoz de Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores Geng Shuang</b></div>
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<a href="https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/esp/xwfw/lxjzzdh/W020200330420908049795.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="336" data-original-width="500" height="134" src="https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/esp/xwfw/lxjzzdh/W020200330420908049795.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">TV de Shenzhen: El Instituto de Política Estratégica de Australia (ASPI) dijo en un informe reciente que el gobierno chino ha transferido a los uigures y otras minorías de los "campamentos de reeducación" en Xinjiang a las fábricas de todo el país para realizar trabajos forzados. La Comisión Ejecutiva del Congreso de Estados Unidos sobre China (CECC) publicó un informe sobre "Cadenas mundiales de suministro, trabajo forzoso y la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang". James McGovern y Marco Rubio, copresidentes de la comisión, también propusieron un proyecto de ley denominado Ley de prevención del trabajo forzado uigur. ¿Me pregunto si China tiene un comentario? Geng Shuang: Un puñado de políticos estadounidenses que buscan ganancias políticas de la retórica contra China, junto con instituciones académicas apoyadas por fondos estadounidenses, arrojaron una absurda acusación tras otra sobre Xinjiang, cocinaron todo tipo de noticias falsas desde "campos de reeducación" hasta "trabajos forzados" para acusar sin fundamento a China por su política de Xinjiang interfiriendo gruesamente en los asuntos internos de China. La parte china lo deplora y rechaza con firmeza. Como hemos subrayado repetidamente, los llamados "campos de reeducación" son inexistentes. Los centros de educación y formación profesional establecidos legalmente en Xinjiang son útiles para experimentar y explorar medidas preventivas contra el terrorismo y la desradicalización. Son esencialmente las mismas prácticas de otros países para este fin. Todos los aprendices en estas instalaciones se han graduado. En cuanto a la supuesta cuestión del "trabajo forzoso", las autoridades en Xinjiang ya realizaron una conferencia de prensa para exponer nuestra posición y punto de vista y compartir la política de empleo y el progreso en la región el 16 de marzo. </span></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/esp/xwfw/lxjzzdh/t1763458.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/esp/xwfw/lxjzzdh/t1763458.shtml</a> </div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;">26.03.20</div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><b style="color: #444444;">Región china de Xinjiang ahorrará 946,6 millones de dólares en primas de seguros a 100 mil empresas</b></div>
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<a href="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/SVZIrBSlzwY/hqdefault.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="360" data-original-width="480" height="150" src="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/SVZIrBSlzwY/hqdefault.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">Las autoridades de la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, eximirán o reducirán las primas de seguros de casi 100 mil empresas por un valor de 6 730 millones de yuanes (unos 946,6 millones de dólares), ante el impacto de la epidemia de COVID-19. Las medianas, pequeñas y microempresas, así como los negocios privados, no tendrán que pagar los seguros básicos de pensión, desempleo y lesiones laborales para sus empleados entre febrero y junio, informó el departamento regional de recursos humanos y seguridad social. En el caso de las grandes empresas, el pago de estos seguros se reducirá a la mitad de febrero a abril, al tiempo que se permitirá retrasar las erogaciones por un máximo de seis meses sin ninguna multa a las compañías que se enfrentan a graves dificultades operativas. Sun Zhanxue, investigador del departamento, dijo que sólo en febrero, la región recortó o eximió primas de seguros de pensión básica, desempleo y lesiones laborales por valor de 1 430 millones, 44 millones y 49 millones de yuanes, respectivamente, cubriendo 96 mil empresas. Se calcula que el valor total reducido y exento llegue a 6 730 millones de yuanes en junio.</span></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-03/26/c_138919377.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-03/26/c_138919377.htm</a></div></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;">25.03.20</div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><b style="color: #444444;">Xinjiang invierte 14 millones de dólares para modernizar red eléctrica en zonas rurales</b></div>
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<a href="https://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/201912/16/5df6dfcea310cf3e97abcfe5.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="112" src="https://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/201912/16/5df6dfcea310cf3e97abcfe5.png" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">La región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, ha invertido casi 100 millones de yuanes (14 millones de dólares) desde 2018 para construir y mejorar la red eléctrica en sus zonas limítrofes. Más de 9 mil hogares de 86 aldeas rurales se beneficiarán de la inversión, según la sucursal en Xinjiang de la Corporación de la Red Estatal de China.</span></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-03/25/c_138915755.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-03/25/c_138915755.htm</a></div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;">24.03.20</div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><b style="color: #444444;">Xinjiang dona 380 mil máscarillas a ocho países</b></div>
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<a href="https://newses.cgtn.com/n/BfJAA-cA-CIA/BFIacIA.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="451" data-original-width="800" height="112" src="https://newses.cgtn.com/n/BfJAA-cA-CIA/BFIacIA.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">La región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, ha donado 380.000 mascarillas médicas a ocho países para ayudarlos en la lucha global contra el nuevo coronavirus COVID-19. Las mascarillas fueron entregadas a Pakistán, la República de Corea, Malasia, Irán, Irak, Líbano, Túnez y Argelia.</span></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-03/24/c_138912010.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-03/24/c_138912010.htm</a></div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;">20.03.20</div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><b style="color: #444444;">Xinjiang: Base agrícola en distrito Shache</b></div>
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<a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-03/20/138897164_15846649097021n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="133" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-03/20/138897164_15846649097021n.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">El trabajo agrícola se ha reanudado de manera ordenada en Shache. A principios de 2018, con el apoyo de Shanghai, los agricultores locales establecieron una base agrícola para aumentar sus ingresos. </span></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-03/20/c_138897164.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-03/20/c_138897164.htm</a> </div></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;">19.03.20</div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><b style="color: #444444;">Xinjiang invertirá más de 450 millones de dólares en construcción de aeropuertos</b></div>
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<a href="https://pbs.twimg.com/media/Drc7htKVYAAGtvI.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="112" src="https://pbs.twimg.com/media/Drc7htKVYAAGtvI.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, planea gastar 3 190 millones de yuanes (unos 451,2 millones de dólares) en la construcción de 10 aeropuertos este año, informaron hoy jueves fuentes del sector. El Grupo de Aeropuertos de Xinjiang indicó que los planes forman parte de sus esfuerzos para mejorar la conectividad y convertir la región en un centro de transporte a lo largo de la Franja y la Ruta. Los proyectos involucran la continuación de las obras en cinco aeropuertos en Kashgar, Aksu, Yining, Yutian y Zhaosu, así como la construcción de cinco nuevos </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">en Turpan, Taxkorgan, Qitai, Bayanbulak y Barkol, según el grupo.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-03/19/c_138895315.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span>http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-03/19/c_138895315.htm</span></a></div><span><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; text-decoration-line: underline;"><br /></span></div><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;">16.03.20</div></span></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><b style="color: #444444;">Xinjiang realizará grandes inversiones para ampliar la cobertura 4G en aldeas pobres</b></div>
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<a href="http://spanish.people.com.cn/NMediaFile/2020/0316/FOREIGN202003161607000006233906605.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="133" src="http://spanish.people.com.cn/NMediaFile/2020/0316/FOREIGN202003161607000006233906605.jpg" width="200" /></span></a><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">La región autónoma de Xinjiang Uigur invertirá más de 330 millones de renminbi (alrededor de 47 millones de dólares estadounidenses) para la construcción de estaciones base 4G que proporcionen este año ese apreciado servicio a 334 aldeas afectadas por la pobreza. Una vez terminada la obra, las aldeas tendrán cobertura, ya sea a través de redes cableadas o inalámbricas. Como Xinjiang posee amplios territorios y una población pequeña, sus zonas rurales, especialmente las aldeas pobres, sufren malas condiciones en el transporte y las comunicaciones. Y la cobertura de redes de banda ancha y redes 4G está relativamente atrasada con respecto a otras provincias y regiones del país.</span></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://spanish.people.com.cn/n3/2020/0316/c31614-9668762.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.people.com.cn/n3/2020/0316/c31614-9668762.html</a></div></span><span><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;">14.03.20</div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><b style="color: #444444;">La llamada cuestión de los "derechos humanos" en Xinjiang es una mentira política</b></div>
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<a href="https://newses.cgtn.com/n/BfJAA-cA-DIA/BFJDHEA.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="112" src="https://newses.cgtn.com/n/BfJAA-cA-DIA/BFJDHEA.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">Afectada por la nueva epidemia de neumonía de nuevo coronavirus, la 43.ª sesión del Consejo de Derechos Humanos de las Naciones Unidas, que se celebraba en Ginebra, se ha suspendido temporalmente desde el 13 de marzo. Sin embargo, el ataque a China por parte de los países involucrados sobre Xinjiang no se detuvo. Estados Unidos lanzó recientemente el llamado "Informe Nacional de Derechos Humanos para 2019", que una vez más atacó la situación de derechos humanos de China y las políticas territoriales de Xinjiang y calumnió a China por detener a uigures en "campos de detención". Estas falacias, como la calumnia contra China por parte de representantes de los Estados Unidos y otros países occidentales en la Conferencia de Derechos Humanos de las Naciones Unidas en Ginebra, no tienen una base objetiva y son esencialmente mentiras políticas. El propósito es interferir en los esfuerzos antiterroristas de Xinjiang y obstaculizar el desarrollo de China.</span></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="https://espanol.cgtn.com/n/2020-03-14/DEHFIA/la-llamada-cuestion-de-los-derechos-humanos-en-xinjiang-es-una-mentira-politica/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://espanol.cgtn.com/n/2020-03-14/DEHFIA/la-llamada-cuestion-de-los-derechos-humanos-en-xinjiang-es-una-mentira-politica/index.html</a></div></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;">13.03.20</div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><b style="color: #444444;">Xinjiang liberará de la pobreza a 42 mil hogares restantes en 2020</b></div>
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<a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/NMediaFile/2015/0930/FOREIGN201509300949000524931515881.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="516" data-original-width="800" height="128" src="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/NMediaFile/2015/0930/FOREIGN201509300949000524931515881.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, erradicará la pobreza absoluta en 2020 al liberar de la pobreza a sus restantes 165 800 habitantes de 42 mil hogares y sacará a 10 distritos de la lista de pobreza, se anunció hoy jueves en conferencia de prensa. La conferencia señaló que el problema de la seguridad de agua potable para los restantes 15 300 habitantes de Xinjiang se resolverá completamente en el primer semestre de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">este año.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2020/0313/c31614-9667919.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span>http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2020/0313/c31614-9667919.html</span></a></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;">12.03.20</div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><b style="color: #444444;">La vida vuelve a normalidad, la producción se reanuda por completo en Xinjiang de China</b></div>
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<a href="https://newses.cgtn.com/n/BfJAA-cA-DAA/BFIfdcA.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="534" data-original-width="800" height="133" src="https://newses.cgtn.com/n/BfJAA-cA-DAA/BFIfdcA.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">La región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, ha reanudado por completo la producción y la vida de la gente local ha vuelto a la normalidad, ya que la región no ha reportado casos confirmados de COVID-19 durante 23 días consecutivos. Sin embargo, aún deben implementarse medidas para prevenir cualquier infección importada, según la oficina regional sobre la prevención y el control del brote. Hasta la fecha, el 91,7 por ciento de las grandes empresas de Xinjiang con un volumen comercial anual de al menos 20 millones de yuanes han reanudado sus negocios, mientras que todas las compañías de propiedad estatal bajo la administración del Gobierno central chino en Xinjiang han reiniciado su trabajo. </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="https://espanol.cgtn.com/n/2020-03-12/DEFcIA/la-vida-vuelve-a-normalidad-la-produccion-se-reanuda-por-completo-en-xinjiang-de-china/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span>https://espanol.cgtn.com/n/2020-03-12/DEFcIA/la-vida-vuelve-a-normalidad-la-produccion-se-reanuda-por-completo-en-xinjiang-de-china/index.html</span></a></div>
<span><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; text-decoration-line: underline;"><br /></span></div><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;">03.03.20</div></span></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><b style="color: #444444;">Exposición sobre Xinjiang se presenta en Ginebra durante sesión de Consejo Derechos Humanos ONU</b></div>
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<a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-03/03/138839525_15833211411311n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="478" data-original-width="800" height="119" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-03/03/138839525_15833211411311n.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">Chen Xu, representante permanente de China ante la Oficina de las Organización de las Naciones Unidas (ONU) en Ginebra, habla durante la ceremonia de inauguración de la exposición fotográfica "En casa: una mirada a los diferentes grupos étnicos de Xinjiang" en Ginebra, Suiza, el 2 de marzo de 2020. Más de 100 fotografías y vídeos que muestran un Xinjiang hermoso, abierto y de gran riqueza estuvieron expuestos el lunes dentro del Palacio de las Naciones en Ginebra, Suiza, durante la 43.ª sesión regular del Consejo de Derechos Humanos de la ONU. La exposición se divide en tres grandes áreas: paz y estabilidad, prosperidad cultural y armonía religiosa.</span></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-03/03/c_138839525.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-03/03/c_138839525.htm</a></div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;">01.03.20</div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><b style="color: #444444;">Cosechan fresas en invernadero en Xinjiang</b></div>
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<a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-03/01/138825826_15828683848341n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="133" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-03/01/138825826_15828683848341n.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">Agricultores cosechan fresas en un invernadero en la región autónoma de la etnia uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, el 27 de febrero de 2020.</span></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-03/01/c_138825826.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2020-03/01/c_138825826.htm</a></div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;">27.02.20</div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><b style="color: #444444;">Enviada de China califica de falsas las acusaciones sobre Xinjiang en sesión de derechos humanos de ONU</b></div>
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<a href="https://newses.cgtn.com/n/BfJAA-cA-cA/BFHHAAA.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="484" data-original-width="800" height="120" src="https://newses.cgtn.com/n/BfJAA-cA-cA/BFHHAAA.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">Las acusaciones del Reino Unido y otros países sobre las políticas chinas en Xinjiang son falsas e interfieren con los asuntos internos y la soberanía judicial de China, aseguró este miércoles en Ginebra la enviada china para la 43.ª sesión del Consejo de Derechos Humanos de las Naciones Unidas. Los acusadores han desafiado los hechos, ya que desconocen o no quieren admitir la verdad sobre la situación de los derechos humanos en la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang de China, dijo Liu Hua, representante especial para los derechos humanos del Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores de China. Peor aún, algunos han empleado los derechos humanos como una herramienta política para difamar y desacreditar a China, indicó Liu, criticando a esos países por practicar dobles raseros con respecto a las medidas que China ha tomado legalmente contra el terrorismo y desradicalización en Xinjiang. Estos países y fuerzas afirmaron que las medidas de China son excesivas y violan los derechos humanos, mientras que prácticas similares que han sido adoptadas en sus propios países son consideradas como parte del estado de derecho, dijo. Rechazaron la invitación de China a visitar Xinjiang, y cuando más de 70 países apoyaron explícitamente las políticas de China en Xinjiang a través de cartas o declaraciones conjuntas, considerándolas prácticas positivas contra el terrorismo y la desradicalización y medidas efectivas para proteger los derechos humanos básicos de todos los grupos étnicos, dijeron que esos países estaban bajo la presión de China y que solo los rumores que ellos han repetido son la verdad, señaló.</span></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-02/27/c_138824466.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-02/27/c_138824466.htm</a></div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;">27.02.20</div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><b style="color: #444444;">Vuelo fletado trae de vuelta a trabajadores migrantes de Xinjiang a su trabajo</b></div>
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<a href="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/nV4u-AVY_kM/hqdefault.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="360" data-original-width="480" height="150" src="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/nV4u-AVY_kM/hqdefault.jpg" width="200" /></span></a><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">Un vuelo fletado trasladó el miércoles a 135 trabajadores migrantes del distrito de Akqi, de la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, para que reanuden su trabajo en la ciudad de Wuxi, en la provincia oriental de Jiangsu. La aeronave fue desinfectada estrictamente, a los pasajeros y a la tribulación se les detectó la temperatura de forma obligatoria antes del embarque, según Song Lijun, capitán del vuelo operado por la aerolínea Urumqi Air. "Los pasajeros y la tripulación usaron mascarillas, y también estuvo disponible toallitas de desinfección, para minimizar el riesgo de propagación del virus durante el vuelo", detalló Song. Los trabajadores migrantes al llegar a Wuxi tomaron autobuses fletados para dirigirse a la compañía Sunra Electric Vehicle, y después de una cuarentena regresarán a trabajar.</span></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-02/27/c_138824349.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2020-02/27/c_138824349.htm</a></div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;">24.02.20</div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><b style="color: #444444;">La “lista de nombres” de Xinjiang es un engaño terrorista</b></div>
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<a href="http://spanish.people.com.cn/NMediaFile/2020/0224/FOREIGN202002241406000234449407552.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="451" data-original-width="800" height="112" src="http://spanish.people.com.cn/NMediaFile/2020/0224/FOREIGN202002241406000234449407552.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">Las autoridades de la región autónoma de Xinjiang Uigur declararon que la "lista de nombres" de personas presuntamente enviadas a centros de educación y formación profesional por tener relaciones con personas en el extranjero, fue fabricada por las fuerzas terroristas del Movimiento Islámico del Turkestán Oriental (ETIM, por sus siglas en inglés). La llamada "Lista de Karakax", publicada el 17 de febrero por el profesor alemán Adrian Zenz, detalla que 311 personas del condado de Moyu (también conocido como Karakax), en la prefectura de Hotan, Xinjiang, fueron enviadas a centros de educación y capacitación vocacional por tener relaciones con personas que salieron hacia el extranjero y no regresaron a China. Zenz afirmó que el contenido se basa en documentos del gobierno chino que fueron filtrados.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://spanish.people.com.cn/n3/2020/0224/c31621-9661382.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span>http://spanish.people.com.cn/n3/2020/0224/c31621-9661382.html</span></a></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;">17.02.20</div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><b style="color: #444444;">Trabajadora de la salud enseña danza étnica de Xinjiang a sus pacientes de un hospital temporal de Wuhan</b></div>
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<a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/NMediaFile/2020/0217/FOREIGN202002171642000178549030084.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="440" data-original-width="650" height="135" src="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/NMediaFile/2020/0217/FOREIGN202002171642000178549030084.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">Bahargul Toleheng, una trabajadora de la salud de la región autónoma de Xinjiang Uigur, se popularizó en las redes sociales después de que apareciera en un vídeo enseñando danza a pacientes en un hospital temporal, instalado en el Centro de Exposiciones Wuhan Parlour.</span></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2020/0217/c31614-9658780.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2020/0217/c31614-9658780.html</a></div></span><div style="text-align: justify;">10.02.20</div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>Xinjiang prohíbe el comercio de animales salvajes y eventos circenses con animales</b></div></span>
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<a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/NMediaFile/2020/0210/FOREIGN202002101435000508937831329.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="400" data-original-width="600" height="133" src="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/NMediaFile/2020/0210/FOREIGN202002101435000508937831329.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;">La región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang ha prohibido el comercio y el tráfico de animales salvajes, sus partes y productos derivados. Tampoco se podrá realizar actuaciones de circo que involucren animales.</div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2020/0210/c31614-9656125.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2020/0210/c31614-9656125.html</a></div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><div style="text-align: justify;">08.02.20</div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>Enviado chino refuta acusaciones de EEUU sobre combate a terrorismo en Xinjiang</b></div>
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<a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-03/20/CnybnyE007015_20190320_CBMFN0A001_11n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="133" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-03/20/CnybnyE007015_20190320_CBMFN0A001_11n.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;">En una reunión del Consejo de Seguridad sobre la amenaza que el Estado Islámico representa, Wu Haitao, representante permanente asistente de China ante la ONU, dijo que las declaraciones del representante de Estados Unidos sobre Xinjiang son "injustificadas". Michael Barkin, asesor de políticas sénior de la misión de Estados Unidos ante la ONU, quien habló ante el consejo antes que Wu, afirmó que los "uigures" y otros musulmanes han sido "detenidos en campos de reclusión con el pretexto del terrorismo" en Xinjiang. Barkin describió las medidas de China contra el terrorismo como "confinamiento que se basa y se impone sobre la base de la etnia y la religión". Wu dijo que los "ataques" de Barkin son "completamente infundados y representan una desenfrenada interferencia en los asuntos internos de China y un descarado intento por provocar una confrontación". De hecho, dijo, los problemas que Xinjiang enfrenta no tienen que ver con grupos étnicos o religión o derechos humanos, sino que más bien tienen que ver con el combate al terrorismo. Al recordar el pasado, Wu dijo que durante algún tiempo, Xinjiang sufrió frecuentes ataques terroristas, lo cual puso en serio peligro la vida y las propiedades de las comunidades de todas las etnias y violó gravemente la dignidad humana. "En respuesta, China ha tomado medidas resueltas basadas en la ley para combatir el terrorismo y el extremismo, eliminando en la medida de lo posible el caldo de cultivo y las condiciones para el terrorismo y el extremismo, frenando efectivamente la tendencia de las actividades terroristas incontroladas y salvaguardado los derechos básicos de los ciudadanos, incluyendo el derecho a la vida y al desarrollo", explicó Wu.</div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2020/0208/c31621-9655502.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2020/0208/c31621-9655502.html</a></div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;">14.01.20</div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><b style="color: #444444;">CGTN visita el cementerio de Xinjiang y rompe la mentira de “destrucción deliberada de tumbas uigures” en Occidente</b></div>
</span><a href="http://img2.zhytuku.meldingcloud.com/images/zhycms_espanol/20200114/8a32417b-b75f-4f2d-b1bb-37cde0f0673e.png?x-oss-process=image/resize,w_650" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="488" data-original-width="650" height="150" src="http://img2.zhytuku.meldingcloud.com/images/zhycms_espanol/20200114/8a32417b-b75f-4f2d-b1bb-37cde0f0673e.png?x-oss-process=image/resize,w_650" width="200" /></span></a><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">Un cementerio en el condado de Xayar de la prefectura de Aksu, en la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, noroeste de China, se ha convertido recientemente en el foco de controversia internacional. CNN informó que las autoridades estaban demoliendo los cementerios de la región, destacando historias como la de Aziz Isa Elkun, un poeta uigur que ahora reside en Londres, quien dijo que no podía encontrar la tumba de su padre en Google Maps. El artículo implica que la “destrucción” de estos cementerios uigures, una parte central de las comunidades locales, fue parte de un esfuerzo sistemático para borrar la cultura uigur.</span></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://espanol.cri.cn/news/world/1018/20200114/406651.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://espanol.cri.cn/news/world/1018/20200114/406651.html</a></div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;">12.01.20</div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>La Ruta de la Seda: viaje a Xinjiang - Hecho en Xinjiang </b></span><b style="color: #444444;">CGTN</b></div>
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<a href="https://newses.cgtn.com/v/BfJAA-EA-DAA/EbBIfAA/EbBIfAA.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="112" src="https://newses.cgtn.com/v/BfJAA-EA-DAA/EbBIfAA/EbBIfAA.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Muchos de nosotros no hemos visto el algodón crecer en la tierra. Este año, la producción de este campo de algodón alcanzará las 5</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">000 toneladas. El cultivo del algodón comenzó hace mucho tiempo en Xinjiang, se remonta al período de la antigua Ruta de la Seda.</span></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="https://espanol.cgtn.com/n/2020-01-12/DACacA/la-ruta-de-la-seda-viaje-a-xinjiang-hecho-en-xinjiang/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://espanol.cgtn.com/n/2020-01-12/DACacA/la-ruta-de-la-seda-viaje-a-xinjiang-hecho-en-xinjiang/index.html</a></div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;">05.01.20</div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><b style="color: #444444;">Exclusiva de CGTN: Lo que probablemente no sabes sobre Xinjiang </b><span style="color: #444444;"> </span></div>
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<a href="https://newses.cgtn.com/n/BfJAA-EA-BEA/BEfFCAA.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="451" data-original-width="800" height="112" src="https://newses.cgtn.com/n/BfJAA-EA-BEA/BEfFCAA.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">Respecto de Xinjiang, Beijing ha dicho en repetidas ocasiones que no se produjo ningún ataque terrorista importante en los últimos tres años y que la estabilidad y el crecimiento se han restablecido. Pero, ¿qué significa todo esto realmente para las personas que viven aquí?</span></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="https://espanol.cgtn.com/n/2020-01-05/CfbFEA/lo-que-probablemente-no-sabes-sobre-xinjiang/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://espanol.cgtn.com/n/2020-01-05/CfbFEA/lo-que-probablemente-no-sabes-sobre-xinjiang/index.html</a></div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;">27.12.19</div></span><div style="text-align: justify;"><b style="color: #444444;">Exclusiva de CGTN: Refutada la propaganda occidental sobre los "campos" de Xinjiang</b></div>
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<a href="https://newses.cgtn.com/n/BfIcA-DAA-GcA/BEeEEcA.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="112" src="https://newses.cgtn.com/n/BfIcA-DAA-GcA/BEeEEcA.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">La región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, región más occidental de China, es un área con múltiples etnias y religiones. Para empezar, entender su complejidad es difícil, y la propaganda occidental no lo ha hecho más fácil. El presentador y periodista de CGTN Wang Guan viajó al corazón de Xinjiang y refutó cuatro mitos inventados por los medios occidentales sobre Xinjiang y sus llamados "campos de reeducación".</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="https://espanol.cgtn.com/n/2019-12-27/CfCbIA/exclusiva-de-cgtn-refutada-la-propaganda-occidental-sobre-los-campos-de-xinjiang/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span>https://espanol.cgtn.com/n/2019-12-27/CfCbIA/exclusiva-de-cgtn-refutada-la-propaganda-occidental-sobre-los-campos-de-xinjiang/index.html</span></a></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">15.12.19</span></span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><b>La mano negra: el MITO y el terrorismo en Xinjiang</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La situación de la lucha contra el terrorismo era tirante en la región más occidental de China. Ataques violentos se dirigían a civiles de todos los grupos étnicos... Los caos terroristas eran frecuentes en casi todas las partes de la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang. Xinjiang se convirtió en un campo de batalla en la lucha de China contra el terrorismo. Según estadísticas inconclusas, miles de ataques terroristas se perpetraron en Xinjiang desde 1990 hasta finales de 2016. Este programa trata de llegar a la raíz del problema, sacar a la luz la verdad que está detrás de estas muertes y dolor, recordar a las víctimas y a los supervivientes, y servir de referencia sobre la situación actual de la región más occidental de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">China.</span><br />
<span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nV4u-AVY_kM&list=PLNr3xkpgXhlH6f-0db41v3Xz4wY98NoyY&index=165" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nV4u-AVY_kM&list=PLNr3xkpgXhlH6f-0db41v3Xz4wY98NoyY&index=165</a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> </span></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><span><span style="color: #444444; text-align: justify;"><div><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><span><span style="color: #444444; text-align: justify;"><br /></span></span></span></div>09.12.19</span></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><b>La región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang es próspera y segura</b></span></div>
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<a href="https://newses.cgtn.com/n/BfIcA-DAA-CEA/BEbfBcA.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="534" data-original-width="800" height="133" src="https://newses.cgtn.com/n/BfIcA-DAA-CEA/BEbfBcA.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">El turismo ha sido un importante contribuyente a la economía local. El año pasado más de 150 millones de turistas, tanto de China como extranjeros, visitaron Xinjiang, lo que representa un incremento del 40 por ciento año con año. Además, la región en el extremo occidental del territorio chino es también el centro de la Franja Económica de la Ruta de la Seda. En los primeros 10 meses de este año, las importaciones y exportaciones totales aumentaron cerca de 30 por ciento año con año, con un aumento de más del 60 por ciento para las importaciones. De acuerdo con las autoridades, la paz y la estabilidad que prevalecen en Xinjiang no fueron una tarea fácil. </span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://espanol.cgtn.com/n/2019-12-09/CeDHcA/la-region-autonoma-uygur-de-xinjiang-es-prospera-y-segura/index.html" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: "Times New Roman";" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">https://espanol.cgtn.com/n/2019-12-09/CeDHcA/la-region-autonoma-uygur-de-xinjiang-es-prospera-y-segura/index.html</span></a><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div>08.12.19 By Liu Xin</div><div><b>China airs Xinjiang truths</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2019/2019-12-05/b4c84885-aec8-41ba-aa85-6f73a13c60b0.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="300" data-original-width="500" height="228" src="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2019/2019-12-05/b4c84885-aec8-41ba-aa85-6f73a13c60b0.jpeg" width="379" /></a></div>Western media selectively report to fit their stereotype: analysts. China's state broadcasters consecutively aired three documentaries from Thursday illustrating the anti-terrorism efforts in Northwest China's Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, a terrorist organization East Turkistan Islamic Movement's (ETIM) role in plotting terrorist attacks in China and US hypocrisy on human rights issues. The documentaries sparked wide discussions on domestic and overseas media. Many netizens commented that the documentaries disclosed rare video footage on terrorist attacks that Xinjiang had suffered, fully reflecting the severe threat of terrorism Xinjiang was facing. They also said Western media that criticized China's Xinjiang policies should watch these videos carefully. But many Western media, especially those which tried to hype the "leaked documents" on vocational education and training centers in Xinjiang in recent weeks, kept silent over the heated discussions on the Chinese mainland generated by the documentaries. Chinese mainland experts said that some Western media outlets selectively report what fits their stereotypes and interests. These outlets also went great lengths to slander on Xinjiang. Their silence on the documentaries showed their double standards in regards to China's Xinjiang issues, they said. Two of the three documentaries were newly made and aired on CGTN on Thursday and Saturday respectively, telling of the overall counter-terrorism work in Xinjiang and ETIM's role in inciting terrorist attacks in China's Xinjiang and other Chinese cities. One documentary, initially aired in April 2018, was streamed again on CGTN on Friday night, deploring the human rights crisis created by the US in the Middle East since 2003.</div><div><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1172720.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1172720.shtml</a></div><div><br /></div><div>04.12.19</div><div><b>China rechaza proyecto de ley en EE.UU. sobre región de Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.telesurtv.net/__export/1571322937384/sites/telesur/img/2019/10/17/china--eeuu--acuerdos--fases--guerra--comercial--reuters-compressor.jpg_1718483347.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="340" data-original-width="510" height="152" src="https://www.telesurtv.net/__export/1571322937384/sites/telesur/img/2019/10/17/china--eeuu--acuerdos--fases--guerra--comercial--reuters-compressor.jpg_1718483347.jpg" width="228" /></a></div>“Bajo el pretexto de la situación en Xinjiang, Estados Unidos intenta sembrar la discordia entre los distintos grupos étnicos de China, socavar la prosperidad y estabilidad de Xinjiang y obstaculizar el crecimiento de China. Pero eso no sucederá”, destacó Chunying. Las autoridades de China rechazaron este miércoles el proyecto de ley aprobado por la Cámara de Representantes de Estados Unidos (EE.UU.) sobre la región autónoma de Xinjiang, donde cuestiona las garantías de los derechos humanos en esa zona del gigante asiático. La vocera del Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores de China, Hua Chunying, exigió la anulación del proyecto legislativo, el cual calificó como una injerencia en los asuntos internos de la Nación. En ese sentido, la portavoz de la cancillería destacó que la llamada “Ley de Política de Derechos Humanos de Uigur de 2019” representa una intromisión en los esfuerzos que realiza China en la lucha contra el terrorismo, el separatismo y la violencia.</div><div><a href="https://www.telesurtv.net/news/china-rechaza-ley-eeuu-sobre-region-autonoma-xinjiang-20191204-0043.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.telesurtv.net/news/china-rechaza-ley-eeuu-sobre-region-autonoma-xinjiang-20191204-0043.html</a></div><div><br /></div><div><div>30.11.19</div><div><b>Explained: China's national minorities policy in Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3251444e33557a4d35596a4d7745544f77557a4e31457a6333566d54/img/29cbbf36bd6a45f391ddeb60895ee73b/29cbbf36bd6a45f391ddeb60895ee73b.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="188" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3251444e33557a4d35596a4d7745544f77557a4e31457a6333566d54/img/29cbbf36bd6a45f391ddeb60895ee73b/29cbbf36bd6a45f391ddeb60895ee73b.jpg" width="334" /></a></div>China has been a multi-ethnic country since ancient times. There are so far 56 ethnic groups identified and confirmed by the central government. In the country's far-western frontier, over a dozen ethnic groups maintain close relations and share weal and woe. They work hard to develop their home – Xinjiang, a shimmering land on the ancient Silk Road – into a region that seeks to retain its diverse, multicultural heritage while measuring up to the modernity of the inland. Since the peaceful liberation of Xinjiang in 1949, and the founding of the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region in 1955, it has seen continued improvement in people's well being, social stability and economic development.</div><div><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2019-11-30/Explained-China-s-national-minorities-policy-in-Xinjiang-M2v5dquXGo/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2019-11-30/Explained-China-s-national-minorities-policy-in-Xinjiang-M2v5dquXGo/index.html</a></div><div><br /></div><div>27.11.19</div><div><b>Scenery of Ulunggur Lake in NW China's Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-11/27/138586863_15748366716001n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="48" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-11/27/138586863_15748366716001n.jpg" width="73" /></a></div>People visit a scenic spot of Ulunggur Lake in Fuhai County, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, Nov. 26, 2019. Famous for its unique Yardang landform and water landscape, the scenic spot of Ulunggur Lake in Fuhai County has attracted a lot of visitors. </div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-11/27/c_138586863.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-11/27/c_138586863.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>26.11.19</div><div><b>Proyecto Esperanza brinda asistencia financiera a más de 100 mil estudiantes en Xinjiang de China</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://p3.img.cctvpic.com/photoworkspace/contentimg/2021/07/13/2021071307552937824.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="521" data-original-width="800" height="226" src="https://p3.img.cctvpic.com/photoworkspace/contentimg/2021/07/13/2021071307552937824.jpg" width="348" /></a></div>Más de 100 mil estudiantes de varios grupos étnicos de zonas afectadas por la pobreza de la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, han recibido asistencia financiera del Proyecto Esperanza, informó la Fundación de Desarrollo Juvenil regional. De acuerdo con la fundación, el proyecto ha permitido durante las últimas tres décadas la financiación de 103 700 estudiantes, la construcción de 517 escuelas primarias y jardines de infancia, así como un hospital. Asimismo, se han lanzado 2 480 proyectos centrados en la enseñanza de deportes, música, conocimientos informáticos y lectura en las escuelas de los poblados. Fundado en 1989 por el Comité Central de la Liga de la Juventud Comunista de China y la Fundación de Desarrollo Juvenil de China, el Proyecto Esperanza se dirige a ayudar a niños en zonas afectadas por la pobreza para garantizarles un mayor acceso a la educación. El secretario general de la Fundación de Desarrollo Juvenil regional, Shi Lei, prometió mayores esfuerzos para cuidar mejor a los adolescentes en Xinjiang y aumentar la consciencia social en apoyo al Proyecto Esperanza.</div><div><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2019-11/26/c_138584700.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2019-11/26/c_138584700.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>23.11.19</div><div><b>Xinjiang to hold winter tourism trade fair</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-11/27/138586863_15748366716941n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="168" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-11/27/138586863_15748366716941n.jpg" width="251" /></a></div>The 14th Xinjiang Winter Tourism Trade Fair is scheduled to be unveiled in the city of Altay, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, on November 27, when the region will embrace its golden period for winter tourism this year, local authorities said on Wednesday. The trade fair will last from November 2019 to March 2020. More than 400 cultural and tourism activities will be launched during the period, according to the regional culture and tourism department. Three meetings and forums, as well as four exhibitions on winter tourism products and cultural tourism, will also be held during the fair. From November 27 to 30, the ice and snow equipment and creative cultural products exhibition will be presented in Altay. From December 13 to 15, winter tourism products will be displayed on a fair in the city of Urumqi, the capital of the region. </div><div><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2019-11-23/Xinjiang-to-hold-winter-tourism-trade-fair-LQWwQEieOY/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2019-11-23/Xinjiang-to-hold-winter-tourism-trade-fair-LQWwQEieOY/index.html</a></div><div><br /></div></div><div>20.11.19</div></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div><div><b>Presa hídrica del proyecto de conservación de agua Aratax en Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-11/20/138568606_15742108613141n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="539" data-original-width="800" height="63" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-11/20/138568606_15742108613141n.jpg" width="94" /></a></div>La presa hídrica del proyecto de conservación de agua Aratax, la más importante en la región autónoma uygur de Xinjiang debido a su magnificencia y la dificultad para su construcción, comenzó a acumular agua del río Yarkant el martes. El proyecto Aratax tendrá un rol importante en el control de inundaciones, irrigación y generación de energía.</span></div></div><div><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-11/20/c_138568606.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-11/20/c_138568606.htm</a></div></div><div><br /></div><div><div>18.11.19</div><div><b>Conferencia de Prensa Habitual Ofrecida 18 de noviembre de 2019 por Geng Shuang, Portavoz de Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d514f78677a4d34457a6333566d54/img/ebeffaeb6b0d4114a4eacd4240d65250/ebeffaeb6b0d4114a4eacd4240d65250.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="257" data-original-width="457" height="163" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d514f78677a4d34457a6333566d54/img/ebeffaeb6b0d4114a4eacd4240d65250/ebeffaeb6b0d4114a4eacd4240d65250.jpg" width="290" /></a></div>PREGUNTA: El New York Times informó el día 16 que un lote de documentos internos chinos reveló que China había establecido "campo de internados" en Xinjiang y había llevado a cabo una "represión" a gran escala contra los musulmanes. ¿Cuál es el comentario de China sobre esto? RESPUESTA: China ha respondido repetidamente a la cuestión de Xinjiang, nuestra posición y política son consistentes y claras. Los asuntos de Xinjiang son puramente asuntos internos de China. La cuestión de Xinjiang no es la cuestión de religión, étnia o derechos humanos, sino es la cuestión de la lucha contra el terrorismo y la anti secesión. Desde 2015, China ha publicado siete libros blancos sobre la campaña antiterrorista y la lucha contra el extremismo, los trabajos sobre la educación y la capacitación profesional en Xinjiang, incluido el "Trabajo de la educación y capacitación profesional en Xinjiang". Las cuestiones relativas a todos los aspectos de Xinjiang se han explicado claramente. Desde 1990 hasta finales de 2016, ocurrieron miles de incidentes terroristas en Xinjiang, causando gran cantidad de víctimas inocentes y pérdidas materiales. Ante una situación tan grave, Xinjiang ha tomado medidas severas contra los crímenes terroristas violentos de conformidad con la ley, también ha otorgado importancia a la erradicación desde raíces para maximizar la protección de los derechos humanos básicos de los ciudadanos sin ser dañados por el terrorismo y el extremismo. Precisamente debido a una serie de medidas preventivas de lucha contra el terrorismo y el extremismo de manera oportuna, Xinjiang, que ha sido profundamente perjudicado por el terrorismo, no ha experimentado incidentes violentos durante tres años, y los derechos básicos de su pueblo, incluido el derecho a la vida, la salud y el desarrollo, han sido efectivamente garantizados. Los cuadros y las masas populares de todos los grupos étnicos en Xinjiang apoyan sinceramente las medidas antiterroristas y de mantenimiento de la estabilidad tomadas por el gobierno. La lucha contra los terroristas en China será con mano dura, y la protección de la vida de masas populares se realizará con toda la energía. Miles de embajadores y diplomáticos extranjeros, funcionarios de organizaciones internacionales y los personajes de los medios de comunicación han visitado sucesivamente a Xinjiang. Todos ellos tienen el consenso de que Xinjiang ha hecho importantes contribuciones a la lucha de la comunidad internacional contra el terrorismo y el extremismo y ha acumulado valiosas experiencias, que vale la pena tomarlas como referencia. El New York Times no solo se tapó sus ojos y oídos ante los hechos anteriormente mencionados, incluso tomó las medidas absurdas de hacer pasar una cosa por otra y tergiversar el contenido para realizar la propaganda sobre los llamados "documentos internos", difamando los esfuerzos antiterroristas y de anti extremismo de China en la zona Xinjiang. Continuaremos haciendo bien nuestras propias cosas, implementaremos nuestra política de gobernanza en Xinjiang y seguiremos desarrollando y construyendo bien a Xinjiang. El mantenimiento continuo de la prosperidad y la estabilidad de Xinjiang, y la unidad de todas las étnias y la armonía social constituyen una respuesta más enérgica a esos pocos medios e individuos.</span></div></div><div><a href="https://www.mfa.gov.cn/ce/ceuy//esp/fyrth/t1717487.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.mfa.gov.cn/ce/ceuy//esp/fyrth/t1717487.htm</a></div><div><br /></div></div><div><div>17.11.19</div><div><b>GT reporters’ visits unveil facts about Xinjiang By Liu Xin and Fan Lingzhi in Yining</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2019/2019-11-17/be72b8d5-a5e7-48bc-b603-ef311a04a070.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="333" data-original-width="500" height="215" src="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2019/2019-11-17/be72b8d5-a5e7-48bc-b603-ef311a04a070.jpeg" width="322" /></a></div>The People's government of Northwest China's Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region released a statement on November 9 refuting US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo's remarks,claiming that relatives of so-called Uyghur activists have been detained. Pompeo issued a statement on November 5, titled "Harassment of the Family Members of Uighur Activists and Survivors in Xinjiang, China," claiming that family members of the so-called activists Furkhat Jawdat, Alapat Arkin, Zumrat Dawut have been subject to harassment, imprisonment and arbitrary detention. What Pompeo stated "is simply not the case," an official English-language statement from a spokesperson of the people's government of Xinjiang said recently. The relatives of those mentioned live and work normally in Xinjiang, and "they are ashamed of the scum among their families," it read. Global Times reporters visited the relatives of Furkhat Jawdat, Alapat Arkin and Zumrat Dawut in Urumqi, the regional capital city of Xinjiang, and in Yining and discovered that what Pompeo said is not consistent with the truth. No family members of the three people have been mistreated and they lead a normal life and are in receipt of much assistance from their residential communities.</div><div><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1170338.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1170338.shtml</a></div><div><br /></div><div>14.11.19</div><div><b>Poblados de Xinjiang se despiden de caminos sin pavimentar</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://img1.zhytuku.meldingcloud.com/images/zhycms_espanol/20191114/f128ea94-d322-4e79-a165-f57de479f19b.jpg?x-oss-process=image/resize,w_650" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="433" data-original-width="650" height="204" src="http://img1.zhytuku.meldingcloud.com/images/zhycms_espanol/20191114/f128ea94-d322-4e79-a165-f57de479f19b.jpg?x-oss-process=image/resize,w_650" width="306" /></a></div>Todos los poblados de la región autónoma uygur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, se despidieron de los caminos de tierra gracias a que se completó recientemente un camino asfaltado de 82 kilómetros que une al poblado de Tar Tajik. El poblado de Tar Tajik era el último poblado en Xinjiang sin un camino pavimentado. El único acceso al poblado solía ser un estrecho camino sin pavimentar. La construcción del camino fue completada y fue abierto al tránsito el domingo. El proyecto de construcción de caminos fue lanzado en agosto del año pasado. Con una inversión total de 517 millones de yuanes (alrededor de 73,7 millones de dólares), la nueva carretera mide 4,5 metros de ancho y se sitúa entre 1.700 y 3.500 metros sobre el nivel del mar. Muchas secciones del camino fueron construidas sobre acantilados escarpados. Como parte del proyecto de liberación de la pobreza en la región, se espera que el camino lleve prosperidad a las personas pobres e impulse la economía local en el sur de Xinjiang.</div><div><a href="http://espanol.cri.cn/news/social/1022/20191114/380718.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://espanol.cri.cn/news/social/1022/20191114/380718.html</a></div><div> </div><div>07.11.19</div><div><b>Xinjiang receives over 200 mln tourists in first 10 months</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-11/27/138586863_15748366720511n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="205" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-11/27/138586863_15748366720511n.jpg" width="308" /></a></div>The number of tourists to northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region exceeded 200 million from January to October this year, up 42.62 percent year on year, local authorities said. The tourism revenue in the first 10 months of 2019 reached 341.73 billion yuan (about 48.7 billion U.S. dollars), up 43.39 percent from the same period last year, reaching a record high, according to the regional culture and tourism department. With diverse ethnic culture and unique landscapes, Xinjiang has vowed to build itself into a popular destination for tourists from home and abroad. A series of measures have been taken, such as improving infrastructure construction, tackling parking problems and ensuring stable mobile phone signals for tourists. "Winter is coming, and Xinjiang will enrich winter tourism products and ensure smooth traffic flow to attract more tourists to enjoy the beautiful winter scenery of Xinjiang," said Wu Feng, head of the Association of Xinjiang Travel Service.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-11/07/c_138536159.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-11/07/c_138536159.htm</a></div><div><br /></div></div><div><div>31.10.19</div><div><b>Xinjiang: Distrito de Ruoqiang, famoso por sus azufaifos</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-10/31/138517106_15724898552831n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="87" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-10/31/138517106_15724898552831n.jpg" width="131" /></a></div>Imagen del 29 de octubre de 2019 de un agricultor recogiendo azufaifos en un huerto, en el distrito de Ruoqiang, en la Región Autónoma de la etnia Uygur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China. El distrito de Ruoqiang es famoso por sus azufaifos. El ingreso per capita anual de agricultores de azufaifo excede los 30.000 yuanes (alrededor de 4.249 dólares). </div><div><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-10/31/c_138517106.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-10/31/c_138517106.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>27.10.19</div><div><b>No casualties reported in Xinjiang earthquake</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2021-09-04/M4-8-quake-hits-China-s-Xinjiang--13h7G8mLAas/img/b3edbf25d417407c988979dd4c079e00/b3edbf25d417407c988979dd4c079e00.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="86" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2021-09-04/M4-8-quake-hits-China-s-Xinjiang--13h7G8mLAas/img/b3edbf25d417407c988979dd4c079e00/b3edbf25d417407c988979dd4c079e00.jpeg" width="153" /></a></div>No casualties or economic loss have been reported after a 5.0-magnitude earthquake hit Uqturpan County of Aksu Prefecture, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region at 1:29 p.m. Sunday. The county government said strong tremors were felt during the quake, and an emergency response has been activated. Local officials have been sent to evaluate the impact of the quake. The prefectural firefighting department has loaded quake relief equipment and supplies and is ready for rescue operations. According to the China Earthquake Networks Center, the epicenter was monitored at 41.21 degrees north latitude and 78.82 degrees east longitude. The quake struck at a depth of 11 km. The Xinjiang seismological bureau said the epicenter was 34 km from Uqturpan and 778 km from Urumqi, the regional capital. No villages are located within 20 km of the epicenter.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/27/c_138507022.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/27/c_138507022.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>26.10.19</div><div><b>Chinese experts, scholars brief journalists on Xinjiang, Hong Kong, Tibet</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/26/138505670_15721339456301n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="197" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/26/138505670_15721339456301n.jpg" width="296" /></a></div>Chang Jian, member of China Society for Human Rights Studies and director of the Research Center for Human Rights at China's Nankai University, speaks at a briefing on issues related to China's Xinjiang, Tibet and Hong Kong in New York, the United States, Oct. 25, 2019. A number of Chinese experts and scholars briefed Chinese and foreign journalists on issues related to Xinjiang, Tibet and Hong Kong here on Friday. The briefing was held by the Chinese mission to the United Nations and the China Society for Human Rights Studies (CSHRS). A number of Chinese experts and scholars briefed Chinese and foreign journalists on issues related to Xinjiang, Tibet and Hong Kong here on Friday. The briefing was held by the Chinese mission to the United Nations and the China Society for Human Rights Studies (CSHRS). Chang Jian, director of the Research Center for Human Rights at China's Nankai University, highlighted China's ethnic and religious policies, stressing that China is a unified multi-ethnic country where multiple religions coexist. "China implements the policy of equality, unity and mutual assistance among all ethnic groups, respects and protects the people of all ethnic groups' right to freedom of religious belief, promotes the long-term harmonious coexistence of the people of all ethnic groups, and promotes the sustained and all-round development of the ethnic minorities in political, economic, social and cultural fields," he said. Xu Jianying, a researcher at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, elaborated on the exploration and practice of counter-terrorism and de-extremization in Xinjiang, including the establishment of counter-terrorism and de-extremization mechanisms in accordance with the law, and emphasized that counter-terrorism and de-extremization are related to the basic human rights of people of all ethnic groups in Xinjiang, including the right to survival and development. "In light of China's national conditions, it is wise to explore and innovate policies against terrorism and extremism in a practical and innovative way and formulate measures tailored to local conditions," said Xu. Zuliyati Simayi, dean of School of Marxism at Xinjiang University, said that the realization of full human rights is a long-term goal for all the Chinese people, including people of all ethnic groups in Xinjiang. "At present, China is making great efforts to develop various undertakings in Xinjiang, effectively safeguarding the right of people of all ethnic groups to participate in development on an equal footing and share the fruits of development, so as to make new progress in human rights in Xinjiang," she said. Chen Xinxin, a researcher at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, said that since the return of Hong Kong to the motherland, China's central government has been dealing with Hong Kong affairs in strict accordance with the Constitution and the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/26/c_138505670_2.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/26/c_138505670_2.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>25.10.19</div><div><b>Saline soil rice near Xinjiang desert enters harvest season</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/25/138502770_15720103548011n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="200" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/25/138502770_15720103548011n.jpg" width="302" /></a></div>Experts examine rice paddies in Bayiawati Township, Yopurga County under Kashgar, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, Oct. 24, 2019. A public yield monitoring was conducted Thursday in the saline soil rice paddies on the western margin of the Taklimakan Desert in Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. The saline soil rice, developed by the R&D team of Yuan Longping, the pioneer of hybrid rice, achieved a theoretical yield of 546.74 kg per mu (about 0.07 hectares), based on a random drawing of a paddy. A public yield monitoring was conducted Thursday in the saline soil rice paddies on the western margin of the Taklimakan Desert in Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. The saline soil rice, developed by the R&D team of Yuan Longping, the pioneer of hybrid rice, achieved a theoretical yield of 546.74 kg per mu (about 0.07 hectares), based on a random drawing of a paddy. The test field, in the township of Bayiawati, Yopurga County under Kashgar, was 20 hectares in size. The salinity of the soil was as high as around 1.7 percent, with a pH value of over eight, indicating a high degree of salinity. Surrounding the Taklimakan, China's largest desert, are large areas of saline land that were long deemed unsuitable for agricultural production. However, the experts say the saline soil rice can improve soil and lower salinity, turning saline soil into fertile farmland. The saline soil R&D center, based in east China's Qingdao, began field testing in Xinjiang, Heilongjiang, Shandong, Zhejiang and Shaanxi in May 2018, in a bid to screen the best variety for countrywide promotion.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/25/c_138502770.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/25/c_138502770.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>23.10.19</div></div><div><div style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: medium;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div><b>Sky road on the Pamir Plateau, NW China's Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/23/138496247_15718180135191n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="457" data-original-width="800" height="123" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/23/138496247_15718180135191n.jpg" width="215" /></a></div>The road, constructed on the Pamir Plateau at an altitude of more than 4,200 meters with a 1,000-meter drop in height, is hailed as the "plateau sky road" by local residents. Northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region spent billions of yuan on building or improving roads in recent years as the region strives to become a transportation hub on the Silk Road Economic Belt. More expressways, national or regional highways, and rural roads have been built. And roads in townships and villages have been improved, benefiting local people. By the end of 2017, the total length of roads in Xinjiang reached 186,000 km, with 4,578 km of expressways. Fourteen cities in the region have been connected with expressways.</span></div></div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/23/c_138496247.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/23/c_138496247.htm</a></div></span></div></div><div><br /></div><div><div>22.10.19</div><div><b>Autumn scenery in NW China's Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/22/138493958_15717486598861n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="532" data-original-width="800" height="50" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/22/138493958_15717486598861n.jpg" width="75" /></a></div>Tourists take photos at the Baisha Lake scenic area in Akto County, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, Oct. 21, 2019.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/22/c_138493958.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/22/c_138493958.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>22.10.19</div><div><b>Cotton harvest season in Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://image.cns.com.cn/ecns_editor/transform/20210325/ny_f-haiwuue5475608.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="366" data-original-width="550" height="94" src="http://image.cns.com.cn/ecns_editor/transform/20210325/ny_f-haiwuue5475608.jpg" width="142" /></a></div>Farmers harvest cotton in Gulebage Town, Xayar County, Northwest China’s Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, Oct. 21, 2019. The county, an important base of high-quality cotton in China, has cotton plantations covering more than 120,000 hectares. </div><div><a href="http://www.ecns.cn/hd/2019-10-22/detail-ifzpzfnq8045944.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.ecns.cn/hd/2019-10-22/detail-ifzpzfnq8045944.shtml</a></div><div><br /></div><div>21.10.19</div><div><b>Aerial view of "plateau sky road" in NW China's Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/21/138490862_15716597615851n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="84" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/21/138490862_15716597615851n.jpg" width="126" /></a></div>Aerial photo taken on Oct. 20, 2019 shows a view of a mountain road in Tajik Autonomous County of Taxkorgan, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. The road, constructed on the Pamir Plateau at an altitude of more than 4,200 meters with a 1,000-meter drop in height, is hailed as the "plateau sky road" by local residents. </div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/21/c_138490862.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/21/c_138490862.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>20.10.19</div><div><b>Red dates harvested in Qiemo County, China's Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/20/138487525_15715524294141n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="800" data-original-width="533" height="61" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/20/138487525_15715524294141n.jpg" width="40" /></a></div>A villager shows red dates at an organic date garden in Qiemo County, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, Oct. 19, 2019. </div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/20/c_138487525.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/20/c_138487525.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>14.10.19</div><div><b>Xinjiang: Vista aérea del lago Bosten</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://newses.cgtn.com/n/BfJAA-cA-IA/BFHFcIA.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="41" src="https://newses.cgtn.com/n/BfJAA-cA-IA/BFHFcIA.jpg" width="73" /></a></div>Vista aérea del 12 de octubre de 2019 del lago Bosten, en el distrito de Bohu, en la región autónoma de la etnia uygur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China.</span></div></div><div><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-10/14/c_138469955.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-10/14/c_138469955.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>14.10.19</div><div><b>West's smearing of Xinjiang policy hypocritical By Xu Jianying</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/201910/14/5da3af21a310cf3e97a10a2a.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="522" data-original-width="800" height="208" src="https://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/201910/14/5da3af21a310cf3e97a10a2a.jpeg" width="318" /></a></div>The Xinjiang Uygur autonomous region in the northwest of China borders eight countries in Central and South Asia, some of which are deeply troubled by terrorism and violent extremism. As a result, extremism infiltrated Xinjiang after reform and opening-up and the three evil forces of terrorism, separatism and religious extremism have assembled centered on the East Turkestan Islamic Movement, seeking to spread extremism, exert mind control on certain groups and interfere with normal State management in a bid to split Xinjiang and establish caesaropapism. Thousands of violent terrorist attacks were carried out to this end, killing and injuring a huge number of people and inflicting immeasurable losses. Confronted with the rise of terrorism and extremism, the Chinese government has introduced a series of innovative deradicalization measures in Xinjiang which take into account both China's reality and international experience, and emphasize both targeted strikes and preemptive action. For instance, vocational skills training centers have been established to help the large number of people in South Xinjiang free themselves of the influence of extremism. Meanwhile large-scale poverty alleviation programs have been implemented to reduce poverty and wipe out the conditions conducive to the spread of extremism. Border controls have been strengthened to resist infiltration. That Xinjiang has not seen a single terrorist attack in the past three years and people of all ethnic groups largely enjoy a peaceful life and improved livelihoods speaks volumes to the effectiveness of these measures. But some Western countries accuse China of trampling on the human rights of Uygurs and other Muslim groups to bluntly interfere in China's internal affairs regardless of all the obvious and positive results China has attained with its anti-extremism efforts. Some people with ulterior motives even claim that China's anti-terrorism campaign specifically targets Uygurs and other Muslim groups. Publicly or covertly, they support the East Turkestan Islamic Movement and agitate for Islamic states to oppose China. It is shocking that these countries have politicized human rights issues to such an extent that they don't hesitate for a second to use them to interfere in another country's internal affairs.</div><div><a href="https://global.chinadaily.com.cn/a/201910/14/WS5da3af22a310cf3e35570388.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://global.chinadaily.com.cn/a/201910/14/WS5da3af22a310cf3e35570388.html</a></div><div><br /></div><div>13.10.19</div><div><b>Pompeo slammed for lying that Xinjiang woman was sent to training center, forcibly sterilized By Fan Lingzhi</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://newsru.cgtn.com/n/BfJAA-BcA-IA/BGadeAA.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="193" src="https://newsru.cgtn.com/n/BfJAA-BcA-IA/BGadeAA.jpg" width="342" /></a></div>The elder brother of Zumrat Dawut on Sunday slammed US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo for making up lies, saying his sister has never been sent to a vocational education and training center in Northwest China's Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region and forcibly sterilized. Abdulhelil Dawut on Sunday posted a Uyghur language video to "tell the truth to the world" on Chinese short video platform Kuaishou. "This is an outright lie," he says in the video of Pompeo's speech in the Vatican earlier this month. "My sister Zumrat Dawut has never been to any vocational education and training center and has never been forced to get sterilized," he said. He said her sister once went to hospital to have an operation for myoma of uterus. "I think Mr. Pompeo, as the US Secretary of State should have based his words on facts; stop using my sister Zumrat Dawut to make up lies and disturbing our otherwise quiet life." US-based Breitbart News reported on October 3 that at a symposium in the Vatican on October 2, Pompeo said Zumrat Dawut "was shackled, interrogated, and taken to an internment camp where she was forced to recite Chinese propaganda and beaten for giving an ailing fellow prisoner her food. She was injected with unknown drugs." Pompeo said he got to know Dawut's story during a conference in New York in September, VOA reported. The Chicago Tribune reported on September 28 that Zumrat Dawut was "even sterilized." "Using the so-called victim to testify [against China] is actually finding someone to talk nonsense," Lü Xiang, an expert on US study at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences in Beijing, told the Global Times on Sunday. "This is the US' typical tactic, like supporting the cults in the past. The CIA has been doing this for decades," he said. "Pompeo is secretary of state, but he makes up lies on public occasions, which shows that he is a typical opportunist," Lü said. "Pompeo once said that work at the CIA was about deception. He seems to take the work style there to his position as secretary of state."</div><div><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1166718.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1166718.shtml</a></div><div><br /></div><div>11.10.19</div><div><b>Xinjiang makes headway in poverty alleviation</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/11/138464265_15707925682071n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="551" data-original-width="800" height="207" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/11/138464265_15707925682071n.jpg" width="301" /></a></div>Local residents visit their new home at a relocation site in Yecheng County in Kashgar, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, Aug. 19, 2019. Xinjiang lifted over 2.3 million people above the poverty line between 2014 to 2018 and nearly 1.9 million of them were from the south part of the region. Promoting tailored industries, relocation of poverty-stricken villagers and employment transfers are among measures taken by southern Xinjiang in a decisive battle against poverty. Over the years, tremendous changes have taken place in the region, which has long been bothered by floods, droughts, and extreme weather. "Some fellow villagers died without seeing tap water," said Wsitam Nurjyung, a resident in Kashgar. "But now life is getting better." From 2014 to 2018, Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region lifted over 2.3 million people above the poverty line, defined by a per capita annual income of 2,300 yuan (around 324 U.S. dollars) at 2010 prices. The poverty rate in the region is now at 6 percent. By next year, these remaining people are expected to be taken off the impoverished list. During the period, nearly 1.9 million people in southern Xinjiang were lifted out of poverty, with its poverty rate dropping from 29.1 percent to 10.9 percent.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/11/c_138464265.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/11/c_138464265.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>10.10.19</div><div><b>Xinjiang tourism trains ease travel around region By CHENG SI/MAO WEIHUA</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2021-08-16/Xinjiang-A-Gateway-to-China-s-Belt-and-Road-Initiative-12LQzr6ohfq/img/1222abc8bb61483a9a3d7de1ce47f2fc/1222abc8bb61483a9a3d7de1ce47f2fc.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="452" data-original-width="800" height="105" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2021-08-16/Xinjiang-A-Gateway-to-China-s-Belt-and-Road-Initiative-12LQzr6ohfq/img/1222abc8bb61483a9a3d7de1ce47f2fc/1222abc8bb61483a9a3d7de1ce47f2fc.png" width="186" /></a></div>Traveling in the vast Xinjiang Uygur autonomous region by train has become a popular choice for domestic visitors, helping a region that was once restricted by poor transportation embrace a boom in tourism. First launched on July 1, 2013, the so-called "tourism trains" have expanded their routes and offer better services. These routes now cover main attractions such as Kanas, Turpan and Kashgar, and the trains are now equipped with bathrooms, gyms, catering services and entertainment rooms, helping to ensure a good traveling experience. So far, 19 provincial regions in other parts of the country have tourism trains that travel to Xinjiang, according to Lin Wen, deputy director of the tourism department of the Xinjiang Railway Tourism Development Co. He said about 121 domestic tourism trains were in operation so far. That number will climb to 200 by the end of this year. Although Xinjiang boasts rich natural resources and marvelous landscapes, its tourism development has long been hampered by poor transportation, Lin said. "Attractions are scattered throughout the region, which means it takes a rather long time to travel from one to another and creates more travel costs," he said. "It usually took dozens of days to visit all the famous scenic spots in Xinjiang before the tourism trains opened." Huang Tingfen, the company's deputy general manager, said that they are making efforts to connect tourism trains with attractions in neighboring provinces-for example, Dunhuang in Gansu province which is famous for its wall paintings-and, in the future, to connect countries and regions in Central Asia.</div><div><a href="https://global.chinadaily.com.cn/a/201910/04/WS5d968655a310cf3e3556eb83.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://global.chinadaily.com.cn/a/201910/04/WS5d968655a310cf3e3556eb83.html</a></div><div><br /></div><div>09.10.19</div><div><b>Beautiful view of desert poplar in Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcR2F9EEwwwM1Jo_nqjj_Ato7McH_YfYDLQxpYkTBcVxb7EJpkSB_CCwCL8-YdBkKD6yZfE&usqp=CAU" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="183" data-original-width="275" height="44" src="https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcR2F9EEwwwM1Jo_nqjj_Ato7McH_YfYDLQxpYkTBcVxb7EJpkSB_CCwCL8-YdBkKD6yZfE&usqp=CAU" width="65" /></a></div>A view of a forest of desert poplar or populus euphratica in Yiwu County, Northwest China’s Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. </div><div><a href="http://www.ecns.cn/hd/2019-10-09/detail-ifzpquht1928538.shtml#3" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.ecns.cn/hd/2019-10-09/detail-ifzpquht1928538.shtml#3</a></div><div><br /></div><div>06.10.19</div><div><b>Peking Opera performed in Urumqi, northwest China's Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/06/138451961_15703718292601n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="534" data-original-width="800" height="36" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/06/138451961_15703718292601n.jpg" width="54" /></a></div>Artists perform Peking Opera at a theater in Urumqi, capital of northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, Oct. 6, 2019. </div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/06/c_138451961.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/06/c_138451961.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>03.10.19</div><div><b>Tourists experience homestay with strong local characteristic in Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/03/138445068_15700581895361n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="578" data-original-width="800" height="148" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/03/138445068_15700581895361n.jpg" width="205" /></a></div>Tourists visit a homestay at kanas scenic spot in Altay, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, Sept. 26, 2019. More and more tourists choose to experience homestay with strong local characteristic in Xinjiang. </div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/03/c_138445068.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-10/03/c_138445068.htm</a></div><div><br /></div></div><div><br /></div><div><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small; text-align: left;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;">30.09.19</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>Xinjiang embraces future with vitality and stability</b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/201909/30/5d9158e0a310cf3e979ebe50.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="522" data-original-width="800" height="178" src="https://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/201909/30/5d9158e0a310cf3e979ebe50.jpeg" width="272" /></a></div>The city of Shihezi is a sprawling green area home to 670,000 people. As September ends and the harvest season arrives, farmers are ready to reap the large cotton fields on its outskirts. Shihezi is a young city, established in the 1950s about 150 kilometers northwest of Urumqi, the capital of northwestern China's Xinjiang Uygur autonomous region. It is one of nine bustling cities that have risen from the bleak Gobi Desert. About 1,600 km away, in the southwest of the region, Kashgar, an ancient Silk Road city, maintains the charm and authenticity of a 2,000-year-old town. The contrasting landscapes mark the vastness of Xinjiang, which covers about one-sixth of China's land territory, and epitomizes how Xinjiang has progressed both economically and culturally. This progress was made possible by the peaceful liberation of the region, the 70th anniversary of which was celebrated on Sept 25. In 1949, the liberation struggle gained momentum across the country and the revolutionary struggle of people of all ethnic groups surged forward in Xinjiang. Tao Zhiyue, garrison commander of Xinjiang, and Burhan, chairman of the Xinjiang provincial government, renounced their allegiance to the Kuomintang and welcomed in the First Army Group of the First Field Army of the Chinese People's Liberation Army, led by General Wang Zhen. From then on, Xinjiang embarked upon a journey of increasing prosperity, unity and stability.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="https://global.chinadaily.com.cn/a/201909/30/WS5d9156f2a310cf3e3556e40a.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://global.chinadaily.com.cn/a/201909/30/WS5d9156f2a310cf3e3556e40a.html</a></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">28.09.19</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>New station building of Korla Railway Station put into use in China's Xinjiang</b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-09/28/138431679_15696776190731n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="534" data-original-width="800" height="70" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-09/28/138431679_15696776190731n.jpg" width="105" /></a></div>Passengers prepare to take trains at the new station building of the Korla Railway Station in northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, Sept. 28, 2019. The new station building of the railway station was officially put into use on Saturday after seven-month long upgrading construction. The building covers an area of 15,000 square meters and has the capacity to receive 3,000 passengers simultaneously. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-09/28/c_138431679_4.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-09/28/c_138431679_4.htm</a></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">26.09.19</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>Canciller chino ofrece propuestas para combatir terrorismo y pide cooperación internacional</b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://images.china.cn/site1006/2020-09/04/22114a70-1bd9-4318-9b43-5bf9c25f57e1.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="561" data-original-width="800" height="107" src="http://images.china.cn/site1006/2020-09/04/22114a70-1bd9-4318-9b43-5bf9c25f57e1.jpeg" width="153" /></a></div>"China seguirá involucrándose profundamente en la cooperación internacional de combate al terrorismo", dijo Wang Yi. El jefe de la diplomacia también señaló que las medidas preventivas de combate al terrorismo y a la radicalización tomadas en la región autónoma uygur de Xinjiang, China, han contribuido de forma significativa a la causa internacional del combate al terrorismo. Estas medidas han demostrado ser eficaces y China también ha puesto en práctica el Plan de Acción de la ONU para Prevenir el Extremismo Violento, añadió Wang.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2019-09/26/c_138423211.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2019-09/26/c_138423211.htm</a></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">25.09.19</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>Facts & Figures: Xinjiang's social, economic progress over 70 years</b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/NMediaFile/2021/0330/FOREIGN202103301452000076188702158.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="800" data-original-width="639" height="362" src="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/NMediaFile/2021/0330/FOREIGN202103301452000076188702158.jpg" width="289" /></a></div>Northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region has entered a new era of development, unity and stability since its peaceful liberation on Sept. 25, 1949. Here are some facts and figures about the region's tremendous social and economic progress over the past 70 years. Xinjiang's GDP stood at 791 million yuan (111 million U.S. dollars) in 1952. Last year, the figure soared to 1.22 trillion yuan, an increase of about 200 times calculated at comparable prices. Over the period, the region's GDP recorded an average annual growth rate of 8.3 percent. The central government has invested about 2.35 trillion yuan in Xinjiang over the past seven decades to boost the region's social and economic development. As China's largest provincial-level region in terms of landmass, Xinjiang now boasts 21 civilian airports and a road network connecting almost all villages across the region. Xinjiang has seen continued optimization of its industrial structure, as the proportion of the three industries changed from 64.7: 22: 13.3 in 1952 to 13.9: 40.3: 45.8 last year. The tertiary industry including tourism and internet plus contributed to 62.3 percent of the region's economic growth in 2018. Xinjiang's foreign trade volume reached 20 billion U.S. dollars last year, about 1,481 times of that in 1950. The region has been deepening economic exchanges and cooperation with the neighboring countries thanks to the China-proposed Belt and Road Initiative. The region's urban and rural per capita disposable incomes both surged more than 100 times from 1978 to 2018. Last year, the figures were 32,764 yuan and 11,975 yuan, respectively. Xinjiang has achieved a decisive advance in poverty alleviation over the past 70 years. From 2014 to 2018, about 2.3 million people were lifted out of poverty, with the region's poverty headcount ratio dropping from 19.4 percent to 6.1 percent. With improved health care, the average life span of Xinjiang residents has risen from about 30 years in 1949 to 72.35 years at present. In 1949, about 90 percent of Xinjiang's population was illiterate, and the enrollment rate of school-age children was less than 20 percent. Last year, the enrollment rate of school-age children at the primary school stage reached 99.91 percent. Xinjiang has witnessed a tourism boom in recent years with its unique natural sceneries, folk culture and overall social stability. Last year, the region received more than 150 million tourists from home and abroad, up 40.1 percent year on year.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-09/25/c_138422432.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-09/25/c_138422432.htm</a></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">25.09.19</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>70 years on, China's Xinjiang embraces future with vitality, stability</b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2019/2019-09-25/67c39828-39b8-4cf9-81b2-680ca2c98c74.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="300" data-original-width="500" height="227" src="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2019/2019-09-25/67c39828-39b8-4cf9-81b2-680ca2c98c74.jpeg" width="377" /></a></div>A local resident dances to the music at a tea house in the ancient city of Kashgar, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, July 7, 2019. Xinjiang's progress was made possible by the peaceful liberation of the region, the 70th anniversary of which will be celebrated Wednesday. </div><div style="text-align: justify;">The region has seen improved living standards for its people and as proof of the general stability and sound development momentum, not a single terrorist attack has occurred in Xinjiang over the past three years. The city of Shihezi is a sprawling green area home to 670,000 people. As September ends and the harvest season arrives, farmers are ready to reap the large cotton fields in the city's suburbs. Shihezi, about 150 km northwest of Urumqi, is a young city established in the 1950s in Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. It is one of the nine bustling cities that has risen from the bleak Gobi Desert. While about 1,600 km away in the southwest, Kashgar, an ancient Silk Road city, maintains the charm and authenticity of a 2,000-year-old town. The contrasting landscape marks the vastness of Xinjiang, which covers about one-sixth of China's land territory, and epitomizes how Xinjiang has progressed both economically and culturally. This progress was made possible by the peaceful liberation of the region, the 70th anniversary of which will be celebrated Wednesday. In 1949, the liberation struggle gained momentum across the country and the revolutionary struggle of the people of all ethnic groups surged forward in Xinjiang, Tao Zhiyue, garrison commander of Xinjiang, and Burhan, chairman of the Xinjiang Provincial Government, renounced their allegiance to the Kuomintang and welcomed in the First Army Group of the First Field Army of the Chinese People's Liberation Army (PLA), led by General Wang Zhen.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1165484.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1165484.shtml</a></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">24.09.19</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>Three Gorges project builder to build world's highest dam in Xinjiang</b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-10/20/139453636_16031631607351n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="204" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-10/20/139453636_16031631607351n.jpg" width="306" /></a></div>China Gezhouba Group Co. Ltd. (CGGC) has signed an agreement to undertake the construction of a water control project at the upper reaches of the Aksu River in northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, which will be the world's highest dam once completed. CGGC inked a public-private partnership (PPP) agreement worth 8.99 billion yuan (about 1.26 billion U.S. dollars) with local authorities for the Dashixia Water Control Project, which requires a dam as high as 247 meters to tame Aksu River. The river along with Yarkant, Hoten and other rivers spill out into the Tarim River, China's longest inland river. Chen Dongming, deputy director of the Tarim Valley administration, said the damming of Aksu River would need a wall height equivalent to an 80-floor building, which would create a reservoir with a storage capacity of 1.17 billion cubic meters.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-09/24/c_138419098.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-09/24/c_138419098.htm</a></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">17.09.19</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>Eco China: Xinjiang carries out projects to improve local ecological environment</b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-09/17/138398574_15687102816651n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="181" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-09/17/138398574_15687102816651n.jpg" width="272" /></a></div>An outdoor enthusiast hikes at a mountainous area in Daban City, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, July 29, 2018. Located in northwest China, Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region boasts three mountains, namely Tianshan, Kunlun and Altay, and two basins, Junggar and Tarim. Its various landscapes and natural beauties attract tourists from home and abroad. In recent years, Xinjiang has carried out a number of projects, including natural forest protection, returning farmland to forest or grassland, prevention and control of desertification and wildlife protection, to improve local ecological environment. From Sept. 16 to 18, the "Xinjiang Day" event is held at the ongoing Beijing International Horticultural Exhibition to welcome visitors worldwide. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-09/17/c_138398574.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-09/17/c_138398574.htm</a></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">16.09.19</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>Xinjiang visit exposes hollow Western media claims By Fabio Massimo Parenti </b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2019/2019-09-16/82916916-9307-4e41-b5af-1eec19afed97.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="300" data-original-width="500" height="231" src="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2019/2019-09-16/82916916-9307-4e41-b5af-1eec19afed97.jpeg" width="384" /></a></div>Members of the UN envoys delegation visit a village known for ethnic instrument making in Shufu county of Kashgar, Northwest China's Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region on August 31.From September 3 to 7, I took part in a study visit to Northwest China's Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, where I had the opportunity to see the capital, Urumqi, and Kashgar, a multi-ethnic city located in the far west. Xinjiang is an autonomous Muslim region, bordering eight countries, with a unique archaeological and natural richness, where multiple Central Asian ethnic groups have been mixing for centuries. It is no coincidence that it has always been at the fundamental junction of the ancient and contemporary Silk Road. The trip, along with Chinese and foreign scholars from Europe and Asia, was extremely instructive. We first visited the Xinjiang International Convention and Exhibition Center in Urumqi, which hosts an exhibition of the major terrorist attacks and violent crimes that took place in Xinjiang from 1990 to 2015. Original videos, photographs, descriptions, explosive devices and weapons used to carry out crimes are on display. It is a unique and shocking exhibition, which presents everything that was ignored by Western media. After this first visit, we headed to the Xinjiang Islamic Institute, a college for Muslim students. This institute is largely funded by the central government, which guarantees a large part of the resources for its operation, as well as contributing to scholarships for families in need. Founded in 1983, the institute awards degrees and also offers non-academic training aimed at performing religious services. Students take courses in languages, religion, law, culture and history. In September 2017, the new campus, 5.7 times larger than the old one in the downtown of Urumqi, was built in the suburban part of the capital. In other words, this institute is just one example that shows how legal religious activities, carried out in compliance with national laws, are widely supported, promoted and protected by local governments in close collaboration with the central government. We then went to Kashgar and visited the only vocational education and training center in the city, what is called "concentration camp" or "forced re-education camp" by Western media and non-independent NGOs. These labels have been used to discredit the Chinese government as a repressor of minorities. The fact is the vocational education and training centers in Xinjiang are real ones established to implement new, advanced and non-repressive counter-terrorism and de-radicalization measures. They are structures created to respond to the socioeconomic, and above all, cultural causes of the "three evils" - terrorism, separatism and religious extremism. Following these new experiments, the Xinjiang government has achieved initial results: For almost three years, 32 months to be precise, no more terrorist attacks have occurred in Xinjiang.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1164630.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1164630.shtml</a></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">11.09.19</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>Aldeanos de Xinjiang salen de pobreza por plantación y cría de ganado</b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-09/11/138382451_15681615694091n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="541" data-original-width="800" height="96" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-09/11/138382451_15681615694091n.jpg" width="143" /></a></div>Imagen del 14 de agosto de 2019 de una mujer y su hija trabajando en un palomar, en Kashgar, en la región autónoma de la etnia uygur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China. Muchos aldeanos de Xinjiang han salido de la pobreza a través de la plantación y la cría de ganado. En los últimos cinco años, alrededor de 1,89 millones de personas en Kashgar, Hotan, Aksu y Kizilsu Kirgiz se libraron de la pobreza, reduciendo la tasa de pobreza del 29,1 al 10,9 por ciento en las cuatro prefecturas en el sur de Xinjiang.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-09/11/c_138382451.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-09/11/c_138382451.htm</a></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">11.09.19</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>Ancient Charm of China: Hemu Village in Xinjiang By Cui Xingyu</b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://video.cgtn.com/news/346b544e32676a4e31456a4d7755444f78676a4e31457a6333566d54/video/36ef63602e7d4c6da3075795ac1bc2c3/36ef63602e7d4c6da3075795ac1bc2c3.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="161" src="https://video.cgtn.com/news/346b544e32676a4e31456a4d7755444f78676a4e31457a6333566d54/video/36ef63602e7d4c6da3075795ac1bc2c3/36ef63602e7d4c6da3075795ac1bc2c3.jpeg" width="286" /></a></div>This episode of "Ancient Charm of China" takes you to the far west region of the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region to get a glimpse of a rather isolated and primitive village that might bring some inspirations for your future trip plans in China. Located near Kanas Lake in Burqin County, Hemu Village boasts a picturesque natural landscape. Many might have already heard of the serene beauty of Kanas Lake, but here in Hemu Village, the green grassland, boundless forest and misty snowcapped mountains welcome you to a hidden Chinese fairyland.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2019-09-11/Ancient-Charm-of-China-Hemu-Village-in-Xinjiang-JTPFq6A9O0/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2019-09-11/Ancient-Charm-of-China-Hemu-Village-in-Xinjiang-JTPFq6A9O0/index.html</a></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">10.09.19</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>Banquete con vecinos en Tacheng, Xinjiang</b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-09/10/138379357_15680724979761n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="35" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-09/10/138379357_15680724979761n.jpg" width="54" /></a></div>Imagen del 4 de septiembre de 2019 de un residente preparándose para cocinar chuletas de cordero asadas durante un banquete con vecinos en Tacheng, en la región autónoma Uygur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-09/10/c_138379357.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-09/10/c_138379357.htm</a></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">09.09.19</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>Nalati grassland in Xinjiang enriched with local culture</b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/201909/09/5d75c226a310cf3e979b5d3c.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="30" src="https://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/201909/09/5d75c226a310cf3e979b5d3c.jpeg" width="46" /></a></div>The beautiful landscape of Nalati grassland in Xinjiang Uyghur autonomous region on Sept 8. Known for its mountainous scenery and unique local culture, the area has long been a summer resort and winter ski destination.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.chinadaily.com.cn/a/201909/09/WS5d75c227a310cf3e3556a7cd.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.chinadaily.com.cn/a/201909/09/WS5d75c227a310cf3e3556a7cd.html</a></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">08.09.19</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>Xinjiang helps impoverished farmers, herders relocate to eradicate absolute poverty</b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-09/08/138374559_15679013838791n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="601" data-original-width="800" height="76" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-09/08/138374559_15679013838791n.jpg" width="102" /></a></div>Aerial photo taken on Aug. 19 shows a resettlement site in Yecheng County in Kashgar, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. To fulfill the mission of eradicating absolute poverty by 2020, Xinjiang has been helping impoverished farmers and herders move from mountainous regions and desert hinterland to resettle in plains and oases. As of the end of 2018, a total of 140,000 poverty-stricken people in the region were relocated. Another 21,000 people will be relocated in 2019.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-09/08/c_138374559_3.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-09/08/c_138374559_3.htm</a></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">07.09.19</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>Xinjiang: Condado de Hotan se encuentra llegando a su temporada de cosecha de nueces</b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-09/07/138373343_15678337293501n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="48" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-09/07/138373343_15678337293501n.jpg" width="72" /></a></div>Granjeros clasifican nueces en una cooperativa especializada en el condado de Hotan, en la Región Autónoma Uygur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, el 6 de septiembre de 2019. El condado de Hotan se encuentra llegando a su temporada de cosecha de nueces.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-09/07/c_138373343.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-09/07/c_138373343.htm</a></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">03.09.19</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>UN envoys from 8 countries visit Xinjiang</b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-09/03/138362493_15676053200031n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="598" data-original-width="800" height="109" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-09/03/138362493_15676053200031n.jpg" width="146" /></a></div>Members of the UN envoys delegation experience manicure at a vocational training center in Hotan County of Hotan Prefecture, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, Aug. 30, 2019. A delegation of UN envoys from eight countries has visited northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region to gain a better understanding of the region's achievements from de-radicalization to poverty eradication. The five-day tour brought them to the regional capital Urumqi, and Hotan and Kashgar in southern Xinjiang, where they visited factories, bazaars, communities, mosques and vocational training centers. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-09/03/c_138362493_2.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-09/03/c_138362493_2.htm</a></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div>30.08.19</div><div><b>Nighttime economy booms in China's Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/30/138351341_15671607501541n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="529" data-original-width="800" height="20" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/30/138351341_15671607501541n.jpg" width="30" /></a></div>Tourists and a performer dance at the Grand Bazaar in Urumqi, capital of northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, July 24, 2019. </div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/30/c_138351341_2.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/30/c_138351341_2.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>29.08.19</div><div><b>Flower Economy in Kashgar of Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/29/138347178_15670424596811n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="529" data-original-width="800" height="147" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/29/138347178_15670424596811n.jpg" width="223" /></a></div>Salima Sultan checks the growth of flowers at her home in Qianjin Village of Kashgar, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, Aug. 18, 2019. Blooming flower economy turned Qianjin Village into a place of idyllic beauty and increased the income of locals in Kashgar, northwest China's Xinjiang. Dwellings surrounded by fragrant blossom in profusion, well-arranged houses and alleys of a neat appearance, sundry trees lining along the streets where children enjoy themselves, the pastoral scene can be seen everywhere in Qianjin Village. The Idyllic beauty in Qianjin Village derives from its booming flower economy, in which Salima Sultan is a pioneer. Salima, a 60-year-old villager, developed the fondness of flowers since young and turned flower cultivation into an important source to improve her livelihood. In early 2018, a working team at the grassroots level for improving people's wellbeing launched a project in Qianjin Village to help villagers boost their income by offering free flowerpots and seeds and contacting florists. With the help of team members and her children, Salima started to run the courtyard business and has now planted over 1,000 pots of flowers, attracting many wholesalers to purchase during holidays. Last year, Salima's family was awarded as a model household in building beautiful courtyards by local authorities. The courtyard economy now serves as an important channel for local villagers to enhance their income, with about 60 households involved. The annual income of each household who planted flowers increases by 5,000 yuan (about 698 U.S. dollars) to 18,000 yuan (about 2,514 U.S. dollars). Like Salima, more villagers are joining in to build the flower economy and endow the village with vitality.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/29/c_138347178.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/29/c_138347178.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>29.08.19</div><div><b>Xinjiang soccer ‘golden boy’ sets sights on Chinese national team By Shan Jie </b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2019/2019-08-29/800b6783-f7ab-45f0-a4a9-09508a6c0bd8.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="500" data-original-width="333" height="171" src="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2019/2019-08-29/800b6783-f7ab-45f0-a4a9-09508a6c0bd8.jpeg" width="114" /></a></div>Subi Ablimit always seemed destined to become China's first soccer "golden boy." Born in 2002 in Yining, Northwest China's Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, Subi has been training at the Luneng Taishan Football School in East China's Shandong Province since the age of 9. Subi told the Global Times that he could not speak a word of Putonghua when he first came to Luneng, but gradually grasped it and went on to play a key role in his team. Consistently calm, decisive and active on the field, he developed into a reliable leader and was chosen to be the captain of China's national youth teams. In 2017, he won the Golden Boy prize at the China Footballer of the Year awards, the first time the prize for young talent was given. This year, 17-year-old Subi skipped a level and joined the Chinese Under-19 national team, putting him well on his way to gaining a place on the Chinese national team.</div><div><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1163056.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1163056.shtml</a></div><div><br /></div><div>28.08.19</div><div><b>A taste of Xinjiang at Kashgar's night market</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://video.cgtn.com/news/346b544e3059444f7941444e7a51444f35596a4e31457a6333566d54/video/b9d3f4ec55bc47fe9bbf417d26a5b718/b9d3f4ec55bc47fe9bbf417d26a5b718.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="102" src="https://video.cgtn.com/news/346b544e3059444f7941444e7a51444f35596a4e31457a6333566d54/video/b9d3f4ec55bc47fe9bbf417d26a5b718/b9d3f4ec55bc47fe9bbf417d26a5b718.jpeg" width="181" /></a></div>You will never know the real Xinjiang if you've never been to Kashgar, and a journey to Kashgar is never complete without savoring its local specialties. As one of the best cities to sample authentic Xinjiang cuisine, Kashgar is noted for its diversified food culture. Opposite the Id Kah Mosque in Kashgar's old town lies the Haan Bazaar. When the evening closes in, the twilight marks the beginning of a culinary adventure. The market draws in large crowds of locals and visitors to fulfill their inner foodie desires. </div><div><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2019-08-28/A-taste-of-Kashgar-s-night-market-JwLDqYa4qQ/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/2019-08-28/A-taste-of-Kashgar-s-night-market-JwLDqYa4qQ/index.html</a></div><div><br /></div><div>24.08.19</div><div><b>Diplomats from 7 countries visit Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2019/2019-08-24/40f2975b-33ac-49cf-ae96-7d3df1dd9402.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="300" data-original-width="500" height="142" src="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2019/2019-08-24/40f2975b-33ac-49cf-ae96-7d3df1dd9402.jpeg" width="236" /></a></div>Bounma Thipphonleuang, second secretary of the Lao Embassy in China, tries out a traditional Uygur hat at the Xinjiang International Grand Bazaar in Urumqi, capital city of northwest China's Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, Aug. 19, 2019. Ambassadors and envoys from seven countries visited Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region from Aug. 19 to 21 at the invitation of the regional government. The diplomats from Laos, Cambodia, the Philippines, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Bahrain and Nigeria visited the cities of Urumqi and Turpan, getting to know the region's economic and social development. They positively evaluated the Chinese government's efforts in promoting local economic development and improving people's livelihood, safeguarding citizens' freedom of religious belief, as well as combating and preventing terrorism in accordance with the law, saying that Xinjiang's successful experience is worth learning. Ambassadors and envoys from seven countries visited Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region from Aug. 19 to 21 at the invitation of the regional government. The diplomats from Laos, Cambodia, the Philippines, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Bahrain and Nigeria visited the cities of Urumqi and Turpan, getting to know the region's economic and social development. They positively evaluated the Chinese government's efforts in promoting local economic development and improving people's livelihood, safeguarding citizens' freedom of religious belief, as well as combating and preventing terrorism in accordance with the law, saying that Xinjiang's successful experience is worth learning. Xinjiang is a key battlefield in the fight against terrorism and extremism in China. For a long time, the "three forces" of terrorism, separatism and extremism both at home and abroad have plotted and organized thousands of violent terrorist activities and gravely damaged the stability, solidarity and progress of Xinjiang, trampling the basic human rights to life, health, property and development of the people in the region.</div><div><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1162519.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1162519.shtml</a></div><div><br /></div><div>19.08.19</div><div><b>Xinjiang's int'l hospital to provide cross-border health services</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2019/2019-08-26/59265885-adce-42e9-b6ff-9c04cd0ff934.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="300" data-original-width="500" height="171" src="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2019/2019-08-26/59265885-adce-42e9-b6ff-9c04cd0ff934.jpeg" width="285" /></a></div>An international hospital began operation on Friday in Urumqi, capital of northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, to provide cross-border health services for neighboring countries. With an investment of 850 million yuan (about 121 million U.S. dollars), the Phase I project of Urumqi International Hospital covers 57,000 square meters. It has 355 medical staff and has set up studios for leading doctors and an international medical department, aiming to provide medical services for Central and Western Asian countries. Located in the core area of the Silk Road Economic Belt, Urumqi is to be built as a center of transportation, trade and logistics, financial services, and medical services. Liu Jinping, director of the hospital, said that the hospital has already established links with 24 hospitals in five countries through a cross-border telemedicine service platform. The hospital has also equipped with modern facilities, such as solar water heating system, logistics system, underground three-dimensional parking garage, first aid apron, according to Liu.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/19/c_138321047.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/19/c_138321047.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>18.08.19</div><div><b>In pics: Dushanzi-Kuqa highway in NW China's Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/18/138318543_15661294980651n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="55" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/18/138318543_15661294980651n.jpg" width="83" /></a></div>Cycling enthusiasts ride on the Dushanzi-Kuqa highway, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, Aug. 17, 2019. The Dushanzi-Kuqa section of National Highway 217 runs through various of natural landscapes including glaciers, lakes, forests and grasslands, which make it a popular travelling route among self-driving travelers, cycling enthusiasts and hikers.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/18/c_138318543_2.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/18/c_138318543_2.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>17.08.19</div><div><b>Xinhua Headlines: Xinjiang: Far west region, heart of Silk Road By Xinhua writers Xue Yanwen, Gu Yu and Pan Ying</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/17/138316525_15660391628171n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="111" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/17/138316525_15660391628171n.jpg" width="167" /></a></div>Tradition, travel and trade: What can these #Xinjiang tales tell us about this far western region of China? In Yongxin, a village administered by Urumqi around 30-km away, a gigantic monument shoots up into the sky -- this is the geographical center of the Asian continent. While tourists pose for photographs under the landmark, potato farmer Chen Gong, 70, explains that he has never left the outer limits of Urumqi. "I am Urumqi born and bred. I've never been to the coast. If I had the chance, I'd love to see the sea," he says.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/17/c_138316525.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/17/c_138316525.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>17.08.19</div><div><b>Accordions displayed at Tacheng Accordion Museum in China's Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/17/138316826_15660516748111n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="112" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/17/138316826_15660516748111n.jpg" width="167" /></a></div>Photo taken on Aug. 15, 2019 shows Russian accordions on display at the Tacheng Accordion Museum in Tacheng, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. Taking up an area of 500 square meters, the Tacheng Accordion Museum boasts a collection of accordions made in China, Russia, Germany, Italy, Ukraine and five other countries. A border city in China's far west, Tacheng is characterized by multiple cultural backgrounds. Many of its residents are accordion fans who love to play this musical instrument at festivals and parties.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/17/c_138316826_2.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/17/c_138316826_2.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>16.08.19</div><div><b>Aldea de Qiongkushitai gana gran popularidad por su bello paisaje</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-08/16/138312512_15659113884931n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="539" data-original-width="800" height="92" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-08/16/138312512_15659113884931n.jpg" width="137" /></a></div>Imagen del 13 de agosto de 2019 de una residente ordeñando una vaca, en la aldea de Qiongkushitai en el municipio de Karadala del distrito de Tekes, en la región autónoma de la etnia Uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China. La aldea de Qiongkushitai ha ganado gran popularidad por su bello paisaje, sus construcciones de madera únicas y el estilo de vida original de los residentes. En los últimos años, las autoridades locales han mejorado la infraestructura y la administración para aumentar los ingresos de los lugareños.</div><div><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-08/16/c_138312512.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-08/16/c_138312512.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>16.08.19</div><div><b>China releases white paper on vocational education and training in Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/proxy/AVvXsEge3z5gSxih7WnkVqZ1c0J5MajOy1r3Q_St_5OX5F7NIKSa3f0BZHG_cal69Bi0VXJ98P_2ZV_qLCMbOlLEvOnjRn8F856vEMKOOR0clnSxHI3VWQk_mkHPsNtLU00OvPWgc8LKbya8L_lXLCy0FKalkJO1z0tZ7zIffcm1HrnX2_FkuHF115poOfFiPvOnU5Z9C4Y=s448" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="325" data-original-width="448" height="178" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/proxy/AVvXsEge3z5gSxih7WnkVqZ1c0J5MajOy1r3Q_St_5OX5F7NIKSa3f0BZHG_cal69Bi0VXJ98P_2ZV_qLCMbOlLEvOnjRn8F856vEMKOOR0clnSxHI3VWQk_mkHPsNtLU00OvPWgc8LKbya8L_lXLCy0FKalkJO1z0tZ7zIffcm1HrnX2_FkuHF115poOfFiPvOnU5Z9C4Y=w246-h178" width="246" /></a></div>China released a white paper on vocational education and training in Xinjiang Friday. There are six chapters in the white paper: urgent needs for education and training, law-based education and training, content of education and training, protection of trainees' basic rights, remarkable results in education and training, and experience in countering extremism. The white paper, published by the State Council Information Office, said that terrorism and extremism are the common enemies of humanity, and the fight against terrorism and extremism is the shared responsibility of the international community. It is a fundamental task of any responsible government, acting on basic principles, to remove the malignant tumor of terrorism and extremism that threatens people's lives and security, to safeguard people's dignity and value, to protect their rights to life, health and development, and to ensure they enjoy a peaceful and harmonious social environment, according to the white paper. Over the years, to ensure public safety and wellbeing, the international community has spared no effort and made tremendous sacrifices in preventing and combating terrorism and extremism. Many countries and regions, in light of their own conditions, have developed effective measures and drawn valuable lessons from these efforts.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/16/c_138313353.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/16/c_138313353.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>14.08.19</div><div><b>Ex-NBA center Zhou Qi returns to CBA's Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/proxy/AVvXsEiNG9QYwxdXbkAm8UE1xlxGh7c9CGDItxrrNems6IerIyEj1rmo9NRUotnpmQqbMH0ofNv-3GYema1GROJKLVLlOX6Ues-_cn4HGEKC7-TlRyofvFzSDfzFx-Nmk4Ldq-WHjCviwaQ9L79DJj5C1pOwYId4g5UFAjoPNbLxQjn6MHrw3NywgA6yw9mbLhbZvtesUSl4bLvGSihBnG8HaFWxHV75WnE-xH6Xc6TBKNvP2Ab87ZEZh1O3uS4Y1Rc_YQq4yySQyhyniNAKot6eIJRfWA=s512" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="341" data-original-width="512" height="163" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/proxy/AVvXsEiNG9QYwxdXbkAm8UE1xlxGh7c9CGDItxrrNems6IerIyEj1rmo9NRUotnpmQqbMH0ofNv-3GYema1GROJKLVLlOX6Ues-_cn4HGEKC7-TlRyofvFzSDfzFx-Nmk4Ldq-WHjCviwaQ9L79DJj5C1pOwYId4g5UFAjoPNbLxQjn6MHrw3NywgA6yw9mbLhbZvtesUSl4bLvGSihBnG8HaFWxHV75WnE-xH6Xc6TBKNvP2Ab87ZEZh1O3uS4Y1Rc_YQq4yySQyhyniNAKot6eIJRfWA=w244-h163" width="244" /></a></div>Former Houston Rockets center Zhou Qi will remain in the Chinese Basketball Association (CBA) after signing a new contract with Xinjiang Guanghui, the Chinese club reported on Tuesday. It's reported that the new deal will earn Zhou an annual salary of nearly 20 million RMB (2.8 million U.S. dollars), second only to Yi Jianlian among domestic players. Zhou, who was drafted 43rd overall in the 2016 NBA Draft, played 19 games for Houston during the 2017-2018 NBA season, averaging 6.5 minutes, 1.3 points 1.2 rebounds and 0.1 assists per game. He spent the majority of the past two seasons playing for the Rockets' minor league affiliate, the Rio Grande Valley Vipers, in the G League, before Houston waived Zhou last December.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/14/c_138309197.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/14/c_138309197.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>12.08.19</div><div><b>Intercity bullet trains start operation in Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/business/img/attachement/jpg/site1/20140611/eca86bd9e2e015023cb21d.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="538" data-original-width="800" height="161" src="http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/business/img/attachement/jpg/site1/20140611/eca86bd9e2e015023cb21d.jpg" width="238" /></a></div>Bullet trains that can run at 160 km per hour have been put into operation to replace the older and slower models in northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. The electric multiple units (EMU) train is named Fuxing, the same as the 350 km/h model that runs between Beijing and Shanghai. It can run on the existing rails in the region but has sealed compartments, internal temperature control, and lower noise. The first such trains started operation on Aug. 8 from Urumqi to Korla, with a total of three pairs of trains running daily. The train can cut the intercity travel time from 5 hours to 3 hours. In the future, there will be 20 more sets of Fuxing trains linking multiple cities in the region, according to China Railway Urumqi Group Co., Ltd.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/12/c_138302977.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/12/c_138302977.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>11.08.19</div><div><b>Turkish reporters recognize Xinjiang’s de-radicalization By Liu Xin and Bai Yunyi</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2019/2019-08-11/cd64cba0-8255-4b74-b2fb-c3447f5503cd.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="375" data-original-width="500" height="193" src="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2019/2019-08-11/cd64cba0-8255-4b74-b2fb-c3447f5503cd.jpeg" width="257" /></a></div>Many Turkish reporters have been invited to visit Northwest China's Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. They witnessed Xinjiang's social and economic development and people's happy lives there, which are opposite to what they heard previously. Many Turkish people are under the influence of the Western media's biased news on China's Xinjiang issues. Serif Egemen Ahmet, an editor with the Star Newspaper in Turkey, talks to a local resident in Xinjiang during his visit in Xinjiang in June. Photo: Courtesy of Ahmet. Some Turkish reporters have recently published stories in Turkish media on their experience visiting Northwest China's Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, clarifying rumors that had hurt China-Turkey ties, and recognizing China's de-radicalization work. For a long time, influenced by the Western media and the East Turkistan separatists living in Turkey, many Turkish people have misunderstandings on China's Xinjiang policies. They wrongly thought "their Uyghur brothers are under oppression in Xinjiang," despite the fact that China has issued a white paper in July stating Uyghurs are "not descendants of Turks." The Global Times reached three Turkish reporters who shared their experience of visiting Xinjiang and how they changed their previous bias toward Xinjiang after seeing local people's happy lives with their own eyes. To dispel misunderstandings and fight against biased news on China's policies in Xinjiang, China has ramped up efforts on inviting foreign media and diplomats to visit Xinjiang, analysts said. They noted that more and more people wanted a full picture of what is happening in Xinjiang and recognize the effectiveness of the current policies on fighting against terrorism and de-radicalization work.</div><div><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1161095.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1161095.shtml</a></div><div><br /></div><div>11.08.19</div><div><b>Corban Festival celebrated in Kashgar, China's Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/11/138301231_15655305324451n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="584" data-original-width="800" height="34" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/11/138301231_15655305324451n.jpg" width="47" /></a></div>People dance to music during Corban Festival celebrations in Kashgar, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, Aug. 11, 2019. The Corban Festival, also known as Eid al-Adha or the feast of the sacrifice, falls on Sunday.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/11/c_138301231_2.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/11/c_138301231_2.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>11.08.19</div><div><b>Farmers busy with collecting Jiashi cantaloupes in Kashgar, China's Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/11/138301081_15655258830621n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="534" data-original-width="800" height="34" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/11/138301081_15655258830621n.jpg" width="51" /></a></div>Farmers select and pack Jiashi cantaloupes at a market in Jiashi county of Kashgar, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, Aug. 10, 2019. Farmers here are busy with collecting Jiashi cantaloupes as the harvest season comes.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/11/c_138301081_2.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/11/c_138301081_2.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>09.08.19</div><div><b>Visitors view exhibits at Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region Museum</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/09/138296709_13153801131n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="531" data-original-width="800" height="45" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/09/138296709_13153801131n.jpg" width="68" /></a></div>Visitors view exhibits at the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region Museum in Urumqi, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, Aug. 8, 2019. The museum has received more than 10,000 visitors per day recently during the peak tourism season in summer. </div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/09/c_138296709.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/09/c_138296709.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>05.08.19</div><div><b>Chinese team claims first victory at 'Suvorov Attack' race in Korla, Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.ecns.cn/hd/2019/08/05/4e9fa5f292a74f3a95d080e251b908e5.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="508" data-original-width="800" height="77" src="http://www.ecns.cn/hd/2019/08/05/4e9fa5f292a74f3a95d080e251b908e5.jpg" width="122" /></a></div>Chinese combat vehicle competes at 'Suvorov Attack' Individual Race on Sunday in Korla, NW China's Xinjiang. The first event of the competitions hosted by China as part of the International Army Games 2019 began on Sunday in Korla, Northwest China's Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. A Chinese combat vehicle team competed against teams from Iran and Zimbabwe, and set a winning record of 00:16:13 for the first round of Suvorov Attack Individual Race.</div><div><a href="http://www.ecns.cn/hd/2019-08-05/detail-ifzmsrxe1262662.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.ecns.cn/hd/2019-08-05/detail-ifzmsrxe1262662.shtml</a></div><div><br /></div><div>02.08.19</div><div><b>Xinjiang Muslims welcome govt’s efforts on hajj journeys By Liu Xin</b> </div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2019/2019-08-02/a0979aa0-46e0-4f3f-add6-fc3e68c52587.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="300" data-original-width="500" height="186" src="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2019/2019-08-02/a0979aa0-46e0-4f3f-add6-fc3e68c52587.jpeg" width="311" /></a></div>Muslims from Northwest China's Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region embark on their journey from Urumqi to Saudi Arabia for the annual hajj on July 23. Trips show commitment to religious freedom. Muslims in Northwest China's Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region performing hajj in Mecca, Saudi Arabia, hailed the considerate arrangements by Xinjiang government during their overseas trip. More than 11,000 Muslims from China took chartered flights to Saudi Arabia for the annual hajj pilgrimage. The group began their journey from Urumqi on July 23, Aibaidula Saidula, head of the Xinjiang Muslim hajj group, told the Global Times. Feng Jinzhong, a pilgrim from Urumqi, told the Global Times that he was excited to visit Mecca and Medina in Saudi Arabia for this year's hajj. "As a Muslim, it was my dream to perform hajj in Mecca. I used to worry about managing the hajj pilgrimage since I've never gone abroad nor can I speak Arabic," Feng told the Global Times. He noted that all his worries vanished since the government arranged the trip. Like Feng, most of the pilgrims from Xinjiang had never traveled overseas. Many of them live in remote areas in southern Xinjiang and said that without the government's help, they would have faced language issues and other problems. Staff arranged the pilgrims' accommodations, including a medical team and other personnel to guide them through hajj, Feng said. "Each of us has a name card with information written in Chinese, English, and Arabic in case we get lost," Feng said. "Hajj is one of the five pillars of Islam and an important religious activity requiring overseas travel. Organizing pilgrims to successfully perform hajj shows the Xinjiang government's commitment to religious freedom and care to religious believers," Aibaidula said. Before heading to Saudi Arabia, Xinjiang organized lectures on traveling overseas and training on what to do during hajj. It also assigned staff to assist the pilgrims before and during the trip, including getting a visa, exchanging money, undergoing a physical examination, booking tickets and getting insurance, Aibaidula said.</div><div><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1160094.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1160094.shtml</a></div><div><br /></div><div><div>29.07.19</div><div><b>Fifty ambassadors throw weight behind China on Xinjiang By Xie Wenting and Bai Yunyi </b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2019/2019-07-26/e8b8ce15-7c86-4175-81e3-372fb42b1410.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="300" data-original-width="500" height="159" src="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2019/2019-07-26/e8b8ce15-7c86-4175-81e3-372fb42b1410.jpeg" width="265" /></a></div>China reasonable to strengthen security and provide bilingual education in Xinjiang: Saudi Arabia expert. As of 6 pm on Friday (Geneva local time), 50 Ambassadors to the UNOG signed a joint letter to the president of the UN Human Rights Council and the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, positively evaluating human rights developments in China's Uyghur Autonomous Region. The figure is 13 more than the original 37 countries which sent the letter on July 12. Iran, Iraq, Sri Lanka, Djibouti and Palestine are among the countries that newly joined to support China's policies in Xinjiang. Some other countries also expressed support in their separate letters and press releases. Many of them have seen the real situation in Xinjiang on recent visits. In the joint letter, the ambassadors gave credit to China's counter-terrorism and de-radicalization efforts. They commend China for its economic and social progress, effective counter-terrorism and de-radicalization measures, and strong guarantee of human rights; appreciate the opportunities provided by China for diplomatic envoys, officials of international organizations, and media professionals to visit Xinjiang. They point to the contrast in the views on Xinjiang between those who have visited it and the one portrayed in Western media, and urge the countries to stop using uncorroborated information to make unfounded accusations against China. "Faced with the grave challenge of terrorism and extremism, China has undertaken a series of counter-terrorism and de-radicalization measures in Xinjiang, including setting up vocational education and training centers. Now safety and security has returned to Xinjiang and the fundamental human rights of people there have enjoyed stronger senses of fulfillment, happiness and security," they said.</div><div><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1159357.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1159357.shtml</a></div><div><br /></div><div>28.07.19</div><div><b>Turpan se ha convertido en una de las mejores opciones para realizar pruebas de alta temperatura en productos</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-07/28/138263917_11n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="534" data-original-width="800" height="153" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-07/28/138263917_11n.jpg" width="229" /></a></div>Imagen del 17 de julio de 2019 del inspector You Liwu ajustando el ángulo del panel fotovoltaico en un área de pruebas de calor seco para panel fotovoltaico en una gran parcela de tierra del Centro de Investigación Experimental de Medio Ambiente de Turpan de Xinjiang, en la Región Autónoma Uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China. You Liwu, de 26 años de edad, ha sido inspector de pruebas de exposición al aire libre del Centro de Investigación Experimental de Medio Ambiente de Turpan de Xinjiang desde que se graduó hace dos años. Su trabajo consiste en inspeccionar los elementos de prueba y monitorear y recopilar datos, por lo que estaría expuesto a la tierra de prueba tórrida hasta por cinco horas cada día. En Turpan, la temperatura de la superficie terrestre puede superar los 70 grados centígrados bajo el Sol en verano, lo que es muy duro para la vida pero puede ser el mejor lugar para las pruebas de exposición al aire libre. Turpan se ha convertido en una de las mejores opciones para que las compañías automovilísticas, las empresas de fabricación de material y los institutos de investigación del mundo realicen pruebas de alta temperatura en sus productos. Más de 30.000 productos y piezas se prueban aquí.</div><div><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-07/28/c_138264059.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-07/28/c_138264059.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>28.07.19</div><div><b>Xinjiang sees steady growth in new energy power generation</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/202012/25/5fe5a6c9a31024adbdaa641a.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="534" data-original-width="800" height="145" src="https://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/202012/25/5fe5a6c9a31024adbdaa641a.jpeg" width="218" /></a></div>New energy power generation in northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region reported double digit growth in the first half of 2019 amid efforts to improve the energy mix and fight pollution. Wind and solar power generation rose 18 percent and 12.5 percent to 20.73 billion kilowatt hours (kWh) and 6.18 billion kWh respectively, according to the regional development and reform commission. It said 16.9 percent of installed wind power generating capacity and 10.7 percent of the solar power capacity in Xinjiang were left idle in the January-June period, 12 percentage points and 9 percentage points lower than a year ago. The lower idle rates came after local authorities encouraged more local consumption and transmitted more to regions in the country's bustling east, according to the State Grid Xinjiang Electric Power Co., Ltd.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-07/28/c_138265256.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-07/28/c_138265256.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>23.07.19</div><div><b>China Focus: Journalists from 24 countries visit Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://p1.img.cctvpic.com/photoworkspace/contentimg/2016/09/20/2016092007552468317.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="286" data-original-width="800" height="99" src="http://p1.img.cctvpic.com/photoworkspace/contentimg/2016/09/20/2016092007552468317.jpg" width="278" /></a></div>A group of journalists from 24 countries visited northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region from July 14 to 22 at the invitation of China's State Council Information Office. During the trip, the journalists, from countries including China, the United States, Russia, Italy, Japan, Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Iran, interacted extensively with local farmers, students, clerics, workers as well as trainees at vocational education and training centers. They agreed that the Chinese government has made progress in cracking down on and preventing terrorism according to the law, safeguarding the religious freedom of its citizens, preserving traditional culture of minor ethnic groups and improving people's livelihoods.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-07/23/c_138250679.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-07/23/c_138250679.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>21.07.19</div><div><b>Full Text: Historical Matters Concerning Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2019/2019-07-20/f1480996-e290-4833-94b9-b8b61394523e.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="300" data-original-width="500" height="23" src="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2019/2019-07-20/f1480996-e290-4833-94b9-b8b61394523e.jpeg" width="39" /></a></div>The State Council Information Office of the People's Republic of China published a white paper titled "Historical Matters Concerning Xinjiang" on Sunday.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-07/21/c_138244704.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-07/21/c_138244704.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>20.07.19</div><div><b>Niños de Xinjiang disfrutan vacaciones de verano</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-07/20/138241959_15635796757731n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="534" data-original-width="800" height="29" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-07/20/138241959_15635796757731n.jpg" width="43" /></a></div>Imagen del 6 de julio de 2019 de niños practicando artes marciales en el parque Renmin, en Urumqi, en la Región Autónoma Uygur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China. Los niños de Xinjiang disfrutan sus vacaciones de verano. </div><div><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-07/20/c_138241959.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-07/20/c_138241959.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>18.07.19</div><div><b>Economía nocturna en Urumqi, Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-07/18/138235863_15634062413991n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="559" data-original-width="800" height="58" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-07/18/138235863_15634062413991n.jpg" width="82" /></a></div>Imagen del 14 de julio de 2019 de personas tomando un descanso frente a una tienda de conveniencia, en Urumqi, en la región autónoma de la etnia uygur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China. La economía nocturna se ha ido recuperando desde julio en Urumqi. Las personas disfrutan de las noches frescas de verano realizando compras y degustando alimentos.</div><div><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-07/18/c_138235863.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-07/18/c_138235863.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>16.07.19</div><div><b>China highlights support to Xinjiang through pairing assistance</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-07/16/138231911_15633192917411n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="580" data-original-width="800" height="169" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-07/16/138231911_15633192917411n.jpg" width="234" /></a></div>Wang Yang, a member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China (CPC) Central Committee, who is also in charge of coordinating the CPC Central Committee's work on Xinjiang, visits a village in Hotan, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, July 15, 2019. Wang Yang stressed comprehensive, targeted and long-term support to Xinjiang through the "pairing assistance" program at the seventh national meeting on pairing-assistance to Xinjiang held in Hotan from Sunday to Tuesday. Wang visited an exhibition on the achievements of the pairing assistance program, inspected local organizations and companies and called on needy families during his stay in Hotan. Wang Yang, a senior Party official, stressed comprehensive, targeted and long-term support to Xinjiang through the "pairing assistance" program at a meeting from Sunday to Tuesday. The "pairing assistance" program should thoroughly implement the Party's policy for governing Xinjiang in the new era, said Wang, a member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China (CPC) Central Committee, at the seventh national meeting on pairing-assistance to Xinjiang held in Hotan, a city in the south of Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. China has been implementing the "pairing assistance" program in Xinjiang since 1997, channeling financial support to Xinjiang from other regions of the country and sending cadres and professionals to work and hold tenures there. The program should adopt a new vision for development, contribute to economic development and people's wellbeing, and help unify people, said Wang, who is in charge of coordinating the CPC Central Committee's work on Xinjiang. Acknowledging the notable progress achieved in the new round of the pairing assistance program, Wang urged other regions in the country to send competent officials and professionals to Xinjiang and support the region in advancing local industrial development, improving people's livelihoods and alleviating poverty. Efforts should be made to promote exchanges among different ethnic groups as well as between people in Xinjiang and other regions and encourage people from ethnic minority groups in Xinjiang to seek development in other regions of the country, he said.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-07/16/c_138231911.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-07/16/c_138231911.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>11.07.19</div><div><b>Antigua ciudad de Kashgar en Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-07/11/138216483_15628048570821n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="565" data-original-width="800" height="29" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-07/11/138216483_15628048570821n.jpg" width="40" /></a></div>Imagen del 9 de julio de 2019 de una residente barriendo la calle en la antigua ciudad de Kashgar, en la región autónoma de la etnia Uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China. En la primera mitad de 2019, la antigua ciudad de Kashgar recibió más de 310 mil visitas. </div><div><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-07/11/c_138216483.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-07/11/c_138216483.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>10.07.19</div><div><b>Guardabosques en desierto en Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-07/10/138213422_15627182202651n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="532" data-original-width="800" height="208" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-07/10/138213422_15627182202651n.jpg" width="312" /></a></div>Imagen del 21 de junio de 2019 del guardabosques Eli Niyaz (d), preparándose para comenzar a patrullar con su colega en el condado de Yuli, en la Región Autónoma Uygur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China. Siguiendo el borde del desierto Taklimakan, el río Tarim, de 1.321 kilómetros de longitud en la Región Autónoma Uygur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, alimenta la mayor área de bosques de álamos del desierto en el mundo. Después de que el gobierno local lanzó un programa para la reforestación de los bosques de álamo del desierto a lo largo del río Tarim hace tres años, la vegetación ha incrementado y los guardabosques han jugado un papel cada vez más importante en el mejoramiento del ecosistema. Eli Niyaz, de 46 años de edad ha participado en la protección del bosque por 26 años. El y sus colegas se encargan de los álamos del desierto que cubren más de 12.480.000 hectáreas de tierra en la región remota, lejos de sus familias. Cada día, Eli Niyaz necesita patrullar docenas de kilómetros a través de diferentes terrenos para asegurarse de que los bosques de álamos del desierto estan en circunstancias favorables. "Es difícil, pero sé el valor de cada árbol de álamo del desierto. Me gusta cuidarlos, como ellos cuidan mi ciudad natal." dijo.</div><div><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-07/10/c_138213422.htm">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-07/10/c_138213422.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>07.07.19</div><div><b>Vida cotidiana en la Región Autónoma Uigur de Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-07/07/138205314_15624596130661n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="21" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-07/07/138205314_15624596130661n.jpg" width="31" /></a></div>Imagen del 5 de julio de 2019 de turistas comprando artesanías en el Gran Bazar Internacional, en Urumqi, en la Región Autónoma Uygur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China.</div><div><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-07/07/c_138205314.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-07/07/c_138205314.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>06.07.19</div><div><b>Turismo en Xinjiang se ha desarrollado rápidamente</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-07/06/138202971_15623690980121n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="547" data-original-width="800" height="84" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-07/06/138202971_15623690980121n.jpg" width="123" /></a></div>Comerciantes venden melones en el Gran Bazar de Urumqi, en la Región Autónoma Uygur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, el 5 de julio de 2019. En los últimos años, el turismo en Xinjiang se ha desarrollado rápidamente. En 2018, Xinjiang recibió más de 150 millones de viajes turísticos, un 40,09 por ciento más que en 2017. En los primeros cinco meses de 2019, Xinjiang ha recibido casi 50 millones de viajes turísticos, un 51,4 por ciento más que en el mismo periodo de 2018. </div><div><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-07/06/c_138202971.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-07/06/c_138202971.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>05.07.19</div><div><b>Xinjiang residents hail improved livelihood, stability a decade after Urumqi riot By Liu Xin in Urumqi and Fan Lingzhi </b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://1253985869.vod2.myqcloud.com/a8ec0edavodcq1253985869/36f193995285890791134287786/5285890790257385895.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="441" data-original-width="800" height="157" src="http://1253985869.vod2.myqcloud.com/a8ec0edavodcq1253985869/36f193995285890791134287786/5285890790257385895.jpg" width="284" /></a></div>Poverty eradication has blunted extremist influence in Xinjiang. As one of the main roads that run through the downtown district of Urumqi, capital city of Northwest China's Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, Jiefangnan Road sees cars and thousands of passersby every day. The doors to shops along the road are wide open with their owners standing outside to solicit customers. Some elderly sit by the road, chatting and laughing. Naughty boys playing around make faces at their parents after being scolded. A glimpse of what is happening along Jiefangnan Road may give visitors a view of the local residents' peaceful and abundant life. However, it was a totally different scene on Jiefangnan Road ten years ago. "Buses were turned upside down on the roads. Cars were smashed and set on fire. I never saw this in my life," Yili, a 28-year-old man from the Kirgiz ethnic group who lives in Urumqi, recalled his experience on July 5, 2009. Yili told the Global Times that he happened to see three men with knives and bricks in their hands. He saw blood on the knives and was terrified. That was the worse time in his life. On July 5, 2009, terrorists and rioters gathered along Jiefangnan Road and Heping Road. They smashed shops, turned buses and cars upside down and set them on fire. They beat and attacked people in the area, according to witnesses reached by the Global Times. The riot, which was engineered by the "East Turkistan" terrorists inside and outside China, caused 197 deaths and injured 1,700. A total of 331 stores and 1,325 vehicles were smashed and burned, and many public facilities were damaged, according to a white paper released by the State Council Information Office in March.</div><div><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1156877.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1156877.shtml</a></div><div><br /></div><div>04.07.19</div><div><b>Gran Bazar de Urumqi, destino turístico popular de Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-07/04/138196940_15621974625361n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="539" data-original-width="800" height="40" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-07/04/138196940_15621974625361n.jpg" width="60" /></a></div>Imagen del 2 de julio de 2019 de empleadas bailando con los turistas en el Gran Bazar Internacional de Xinjiang, Urumqi, capital de la región autónoma de la etnia uigur de Xinjiang, en el noreste de China. Un destino turístico popular, el Gran Bazar de Urumqi, ha recibido más de 1,7 millones de visitantes desde junio de 2019.</div><div><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-07/04/c_138196940.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-07/04/c_138196940.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>03.07.19</div><div><b>Tourists experience sand therapy in Kum Tag Desert of Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-07/03/138193753_15621096144961n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="46" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-07/03/138193753_15621096144961n.jpg" width="69" /></a></div>Tourists experience sand therapy in Kum Tag Desert in Shanshan County, Turpan, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, July 2, 2019. In summer, tourists come to the desert to experience sand therapy, which is a combination of sunbath, heat therapy and massotherapy. </div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-07/03/c_138193753_2.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-07/03/c_138193753_2.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>02.07.19</div><div><b>New residential houses built for farmer families in Datong Township, China's Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-07/02/138192516_15620587267751n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="545" data-original-width="800" height="48" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-07/02/138192516_15620587267751n.jpg" width="69" /></a></div>A family pose for photos at their new house in Datong Township, Tajik Autonomous County of Taxkorgan, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, June 17, 2019. Datong Township is located on the mountainous area of Pamirs, where backward development leads to poor living conditions. In recent years, with the help of local government, new residential houses have been built for all the farmer families in the region. </div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-07/02/c_138192516_2.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-07/02/c_138192516_2.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>01.07.19</div><div><b>Xinjiang proporciona asistencia especializada en zonas que sufren la pobreza extrema Por Jiang Shan y Li Yanan</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.people.com.cn/NMediaFile/2019/0701/FOREIGN201907011436000496834346354.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="567" data-original-width="800" height="151" src="http://spanish.people.com.cn/NMediaFile/2019/0701/FOREIGN201907011436000496834346354.jpg" width="214" /></a></div>Gracias a los incesantes esfuerzos de la Región Autónoma Xinjiang Uigur, Turghun Rose, padre de una familia pobre del municipio Awati, en Kashgar, posee ahora un ingreso estable como guardabosques y con la asistencia del gobierno local, dirige un negocio de agroturismo rural. "Turghun pertenece a una familia de cuatro personas. Recibe un subsidio de 10 mil renminbi por el negocio de agroturismo y otros 10 mil renminbi anuales como guardabosques. Además, también genera ingresos extras criando aves de corral en su patio", precisó He Jing, secretario del Comité Municipal del PCCh en Awati. "El ingreso per cápita anual de su familia ha superado los 5 mil renminbi, y a finales de este año lograrán salir de la pobreza", añadió. El Comité del Partido Comunista de la Región Autónoma Xinjiang Uigur, elaborando políticas específicas, planes de promoción y detalladas estrategias de implementación se ha concentrado en las áreas donde aún persiste la pobreza extrema y en fortalecer a los grupos más vulnerables.</div><div><a href="http://spanish.people.com.cn/n3/2019/0701/c31621-9593391.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.people.com.cn/n3/2019/0701/c31621-9593391.html</a></div><div><br /></div></div><div><div>28.06.19</div><div><b>Freight trains on track to drive Xinjiang economy By Cui Jia and Wang Xiaoyu </b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/201906/28/5d1566a7a3103dbf57a68fc4.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="505" data-original-width="800" height="148" src="https://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/201906/28/5d1566a7a3103dbf57a68fc4.jpeg" width="235" /></a></div>With the completed customs clearance documents for 80 imported high-end cars in his hand, Zhang Xiafei arrived at the customs office at the land port of Alataw Pass, Xinjiang Uygur autonomous region. Within minutes, a customs officer had logged all the details required for the vehicles to enter the Chinese market via a freight train service that connects Europe and China. "These Porsche cars left Poland nine days ago. In a few days, they will arrive in Chongqing. The China Railway Express service is very reliable and punctual. More important, it has helped cut transportation times by half compared with moving the goods by sea," said Zhang, an employee of Jie'an Logistics, a freight company that has used the service regularly in the past year.</div><div><a href="https://www.chinadaily.com.cn/a/201906/28/WS5d1566a7a3103dbf1432ac13.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.chinadaily.com.cn/a/201906/28/WS5d1566a7a3103dbf1432ac13.html</a></div><div><br /></div><div>27.06.19</div><div><b>Interview: Vocational education and training centers in Xinjiang impact positively on youth: Belarusian diplomat</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-08-25/Lies-and-truth-Vocational-education-and-training-in-Xinjiang-TeSMTJq2gU/video/0b35b340bd0b4bb99eeaa65d9ced95e3/0b35b340bd0b4bb99eeaa65d9ced95e3-1920.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="92" src="https://video.cgtn.com/news/2020-08-25/Lies-and-truth-Vocational-education-and-training-in-Xinjiang-TeSMTJq2gU/video/0b35b340bd0b4bb99eeaa65d9ced95e3/0b35b340bd0b4bb99eeaa65d9ced95e3-1920.jpg" width="164" /></a></div>A senior Belarusian diplomat, after his recent trip to China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, has expressed his conviction that the vocational education and training centers there have contributed to "regional and global stability" by uprooting terrorists' influence on the young people. In a recent interview with Xinhua, Vadim Pisarevich, deputy permanent representative of Belarus to the UN Office at Geneva, said he still retains a "very positive image" of the tour to Xinjiang in February with other Geneva-based diplomats.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-06/27/c_138177985.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-06/27/c_138177985.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>23.06.19</div><div><b>Checkerboard sand barriers help curb desertification in Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.ecns.cn/hd/2019/06/23/7f06188866044cc5854ebc7a4175c049.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="507" data-original-width="800" height="59" src="http://www.ecns.cn/hd/2019/06/23/7f06188866044cc5854ebc7a4175c049.jpg" width="94" /></a></div>Aerial photo taken on June 20, 2019 shows the desert area paved by checkerboard sand barriers (C) and trees in Aqqik desertification area of Yuli County, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. Located on the northern edge of the Taklimakan Desert, Yuli County has started a project since 2016 to curb desertification by paving checkerboard sand barriers.</div><div><a href="http://www.ecns.cn/hd/2019-06-23/detail-ifzkmhnc3006720.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.ecns.cn/hd/2019-06-23/detail-ifzkmhnc3006720.shtml</a></div><div><br /></div><div>23.06.19</div><div><b>Farmers harvest honeydew melons in Bachu County of NW China's Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-06/23/138166961_15612939699251n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="122" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-06/23/138166961_15612939699251n.jpg" width="184" /></a></div>Farmers show harvested honeydew melons in Bachu County of northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, June 23, 2019. Located on the western edge of the Taklimakan Desert, Bachu County features sandy soil and a big temperature difference between day and night with its frost-free period lasting over 200 days a year, which are very favorable for honeydew melons' growth. So far, the planting area of honeydew melons in Bachu totaled 10,000 mu (about 666.67 hectares), and the total output value is expected to exceed 35 million yuan (about 5.11 million U.S. dollars).</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-06/23/c_138166961_2.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-06/23/c_138166961_2.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>22.06.19</div><div><b>Farmers busy with harvest work of full-bloom marigold flowers in Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-06/22/138164379_15611886002371n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="50" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-06/22/138164379_15611886002371n.jpg" width="75" /></a></div>Full-bloom marigold flowers are seen on a farm in Shache County, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, June 21, 2019. Farmers are busy with harvest work of about 130,000 mu (8,666.7 hectares) of full-bloom marigold flowers here recently.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-06/22/c_138164379_2.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-06/22/c_138164379_2.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>20.06.19</div><div><b>21 rare wild horses born in China's Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/202007/13/5f0c17cba3108348fcdcf69d.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="150" src="https://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/202007/13/5f0c17cba3108348fcdcf69d.jpeg" width="225" /></a></div>Twenty-one foals of the rare Przewalski's horses have been born in the wild in northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region since this spring, conservationists have said, pointing to a steady recovery of the species that once went extinct in China. The Przewalski's horse, named after its Russian discoverer, is an endangered species native to the desert grassland of Central Asia. It is considered the only wild horse in existence today. The 21 foals were born in the Kalamaili Nature Reserve, the main habitat of the wild horses in northern Xinjiang's Junggar Basin, bringing up its wild population in the autonomous region to 217, according to the Qiaomuxibai wild release station in the reserve. Three and four more foals are expected to be born this year, said Bulan, director of the station. The latest data from the Xinjiang Wild Horse Breeding and Research Center said the horse population in Xinjiang and neighboring Gansu Province, its only two habitats in China, has exceeded 500. Once extinct in China due to hunting and a deteriorating environment, the horses were reintroduced to the country in the 1980s from Europe and raised in Xinjiang and Gansu. There are around 2,000 Przewalski's horses in total worldwide.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-06/20/c_138159612.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-06/20/c_138159612.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>17.06.19</div><div><b>Xinjiang manufacturer rush socks to the US amid tariff threats By Wang Cong</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0//attachment/2019/2019-06-17/acd4ad8c-6754-40f2-bdb9-12c085d1f357.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="359" data-original-width="500" height="171" src="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0//attachment/2019/2019-06-17/acd4ad8c-6754-40f2-bdb9-12c085d1f357.jpeg" width="239" /></a></div>Workers package socks bound for the US at Aksu Hengchang Textile Ltd's factory in Aksu, Northwest China's Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region on Sunday.On Sunday afternoon at a textile industrial park in Aksu, Northwest China's Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, factories were closed for their one-day weekend, yet a few remain open. Among them is Aksu Hengchang Textile Ltd. Inside one of the company's workshops, six employees were packaging newly made socks. "We are trying to rush this to the US, before the new tariffs," Hou Jianfu, owner of Hengchang, told the Global Times on Sunday, "If we cannot make it and get hit by a 25 percent tariff, then we make nothing." As the US government threatens to slap a 25 percent tariff on all Chinese products exported to the US, Hou's products could also be targeted. Though US officials have not given a specific timeline for the new tariffs, US President Donald Trump has said that if Chinese President Xi Jinping does not agree to meet him on the sidelines of the G20 Summit in Japan later this month, the US will impose tariffs on $325 billion worth of Chinese goods.</div><div><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1154508.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1154508.shtml</a></div><div><br /></div><div>15.06.19</div><div><b>Autopista une a Kashgar, China con Thakot de Pakistán</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-06/15/138145261_15605655704391n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="44" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-06/15/138145261_15605655704391n.jpg" width="67" /></a></div>Trabajadores laboran en el sitio de construcción de una sección de una autopista que une a Kashgar de la Región Autónoma Uygur de Xinjiang de China con Thakot de Pakistán, en el distrito autónomo tayiko de Taxkorgan, en la Región Autónoma Uygur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, el 14 de junio de 2019. </div><div><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-06/15/c_138145261.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-06/15/c_138145261.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>11.06.19</div><div><b>Camel breeding industry helps locals increase income in China's Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-06/11/138134537_15602604042041n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="534" data-original-width="800" height="115" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-06/11/138134537_15602604042041n.jpg" width="173" /></a></div>A herdswoman milks a camel in Fuhai County of Altay, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, June 11, 2019. Fuhai County is located along the ancient Silk Road, where the herdsmen of Kazakh ethnic group have a tradition of raising camels. In recent years, Fuhai County takes full advantage of its camel breeding industry to help locals increase their income, with annual per capita net income of herdsmen here currently reaching more than 30,000 yuan (about 4,339 U.S. dollars).</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-06/11/c_138134537_2.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-06/11/c_138134537_2.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>11.06.19</div><div><b>Any attempts to interfere with China's internal affairs doomed to failure: spokesperson</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-09-26/Xi-Jinping-addresses-third-Xinjiang-work-symposium-in-Beijing--U6qCj51Kpi/img/a4cd9399e5f04b23a66e38a8ef36e1e5/a4cd9399e5f04b23a66e38a8ef36e1e5.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="650" data-original-width="800" height="209" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2020-09-26/Xi-Jinping-addresses-third-Xinjiang-work-symposium-in-Beijing--U6qCj51Kpi/img/a4cd9399e5f04b23a66e38a8ef36e1e5/a4cd9399e5f04b23a66e38a8ef36e1e5.jpeg" width="257" /></a></div>China's Ministry of Foreign Affairs on Tuesday refuted U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo's remarks on Xinjiang and stressed that any attempts to interfere with China's internal affairs are doomed to failure. Foreign ministry spokesperson Geng Shuang made the comments at a daily press conference in Beijing. Geng said judging from his untrue words, Pompeo lacked the most basic knowledge and understanding of China's Xinjiang. The so-called "re-education camps" do not exist in Xinjiang, Geng said. "The vocational education and training centers in Xinjiang, launched in accordance with the law, aim to help those who are eroded by terrorism and extremism to return to the right track, and help them obtain skills to support themselves and reintegrate into society." No violent and terrorist incidents have happened in Xinjiang over the past three years since the establishment of the education centers, and the security situation has significantly improved in the region, he said. Geng said people of all ethnic groups in Xinjiang enjoyed full freedom of religious belief in accordance with the law, a fact which is obvious to all. According to Geng, Xinjiang currently has 24,400 Mosques, which means one for every 530 Muslims. "The number of Mosques in the United States is less than one-tenth of that in Xinjiang, according to open data," Geng said. The Uygur culture has been effectively protected and promoted, and the Uygur people in Xinjiang enjoy the right to use their own language in accordance with the law, Geng said.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-06/11/c_138134616.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-06/11/c_138134616.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>10.06.19</div><div><b>Xinjiang imports frozen beef from Europe for first time</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-06/10/138131143_15601732767591n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="800" data-original-width="533" height="112" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-06/10/138131143_15601732767591n.jpg" width="74" /></a></div>Customs staff check the import frozen meat products at Alashankou port in northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, June 6, 2019. A total of 8.545 tonnes of frozen beef have passed inspection and quarantine in Alashankou, a border port in northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, making the inland port the region's first to import frozen beef products from Europe, local customs said Monday. The products included beef shank, beef brisket and oyster blade steak, and were imported from Belarus via a China-Europe cargo train. The beef will be sent to designated storage sites before reaching customers all over the country.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-06/10/c_138131143_2.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-06/10/c_138131143_2.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>10.06.19</div><div><b>En fotos: aves silvestres en el Parque Nacional de Humedales del Lago Ulunggur en Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/NMediaFile/2019/0610/FOREIGN201906101432000451264981445.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="532" data-original-width="800" height="24" src="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/NMediaFile/2019/0610/FOREIGN201906101432000451264981445.jpg" width="36" /></a></div>Garzas en el Parque Nacional de Humedales del Lago Ulunggur en Altay, región autónoma uygur de Xinjiang, noroeste de China, 9 de junio de 2019.</div><div><a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2019/0610/c31614-9586332.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2019/0610/c31614-9586332.html</a></div><div><br /></div><div>10.06.19</div><div><b>Filial en Xinjiang de PetroChina produce más de 100 millones de toneladas de petróleo crudo pesado</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://video.cgtn.com/news/336b544e7963544f3259544f32637a4e78417a4e31457a6333566d54/video/d3ac6ed799a741e98fea9894ccdf3f23/d3ac6ed799a741e98fea9894ccdf3f23.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="170" src="https://video.cgtn.com/news/336b544e7963544f3259544f32637a4e78417a4e31457a6333566d54/video/d3ac6ed799a741e98fea9894ccdf3f23/d3ac6ed799a741e98fea9894ccdf3f23.jpg" width="302" /></a></div>La filial en Xinjiang de PetroChina, el mayor productor de petróleo y gas de China, informó de que ha producido más de 100 millones de toneladas de petróleo crudo pesado gracias a sus tecnologías innovadoras. La compañía de Xinjiang indicó que el año pasado produjo 4,32 millones de toneladas de petróleo crudo pesado y se ha convertido en la base de producción más grande de China del petróleo pesado nafténico de alta calidad, que es una materia prima rara de productos industriales como los propulsores de cohetes o los aceites de motor resistentes al frío. El jefe de técnicos de la compañía, Qian Genbao, anunció que, en comparación con las tecnologías tradicionales, las innovaciones han ayudado a la empresa a elevar la eficiencia de la recuperación de petróleo pesado en 30 puntos porcentuales, a más del 60 por ciento. La compañía señaló que sus nuevas tecnologías también se han aplicado en yacimientos petroleros en el noreste de China, así como en Kazajistán, Canadá y Venezuela.</div><div><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2019-06/10/c_138131118.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/2019-06/10/c_138131118.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>07.06.19</div><div><b>Familias nómadas del grupo étnico kazajo y su ganado realizan un viaje anual</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/proxy/AVvXsEiu2nxQ8vqxzVDdkeBUurd2tJe8rNBB2VmIwltFwqCOtuL2Htv-F_qTiy19AXTUilQnH-58m9WwaqqT0sAlOwdUApdEyfGtEjHL0GRB_BKUHewhWVD5XHDXZlbb-0Q-cbbZBJKdo5vVpjXq3w5dxleaUstEIGvNnI2ZNEegdnm_45LnbqOR9ptCUT8I=s512" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="342" data-original-width="512" height="82" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/proxy/AVvXsEiu2nxQ8vqxzVDdkeBUurd2tJe8rNBB2VmIwltFwqCOtuL2Htv-F_qTiy19AXTUilQnH-58m9WwaqqT0sAlOwdUApdEyfGtEjHL0GRB_BKUHewhWVD5XHDXZlbb-0Q-cbbZBJKdo5vVpjXq3w5dxleaUstEIGvNnI2ZNEegdnm_45LnbqOR9ptCUT8I=w123-h82" width="123" /></a></div>Un pastor conduce el rebaño en un viaje hacia los apacentaderos de verano, en el condado de Fuhai de Altay, en la región autónoma de la etnia uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, el 6 de junio de 2019. A principios de junio de cada año, alrededor de mil familias nómadas del grupo étnico kazajo y su ganado de 400 mil ejemplares realizan un viaje anual a los apacentaderos de verano en el distrito de Fuhai.</div><div><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-06/07/c_138123282.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-06/07/c_138123282.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>07.06.19</div><div><b>Nomadic families of Kazak ethnic group go on annual trip to summer pasture in Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-06/07/138123037_15598641694581n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="45" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-06/07/138123037_15598641694581n.jpg" width="68" /></a></div>A woman packs up for a trip to summer pasture in Fuhai County of Altay, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, June 6, 2019. In early June every year, around 1,000 nomadic families of the Kazak ethnic group and their 400,000-strong livestock go on an annual trip to summer pasture in Fuhai County. </div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-06/07/c_138123037_2.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-06/07/c_138123037_2.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>04.06.19</div><div><b>Xinjiang’s Kizil Caves showcase history of exchanges between East and West By Liu Xin</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2019/2019-06-04/b6d9431d-002e-4f97-944a-c2505535ad13.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="300" data-original-width="500" height="173" src="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2019/2019-06-04/b6d9431d-002e-4f97-944a-c2505535ad13.jpeg" width="288" /></a></div>The statue of Kumarajiva in the Kizil Cave-Temple Complex in Baicheng, Aksu Prefecture of Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. After driving east from downtown Baicheng and passing continuous stretches of desert and yardang landforms for more than an hour, a yellow cliff with several hundred caves carved into it eventually emerge. It is the Kizil Cave-Temple Complex, which was built between the 3rd and 8th centuries and is believed to be the earliest Buddhist cave complex in China. The Kizil Caves site is associated with the ancient Buddhist kingdom of Kucha [Qiuci in Chinese], located in the ancient Silk Road. The kingdom lies in present-day Baicheng county of Aksu Prefecture, Northwest China's Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. There are 339 caves at the site with a total of 4,000 square meters of wall paintings and some colorful clay sculptures within them. All these caves were carved into the cliff of a mountain extending two kilometers from east to west. More domestic and overseas tourists come to visit the Kizil Cave-Temple Complex in Aksu Prefecture of Northwest China's Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. ○ The Buddhist caves are proof of the close exchanges between the Central Plain and Xinjiang as well as other regions along the Silk Road. ○ Precious wall paintings were damaged during religious conflicts and removed by foreign explorers. </div><div><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1153092.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1153092.shtml</a></div><div><br /></div><div><div>31.05.19</div><div><b>Jewel in NW China: the Emerald Lake</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d514d7945444d35457a6333566d54/img/e28f35bb4b824465bd9e290236360189/e28f35bb4b824465bd9e290236360189.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="171" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d514d7945444d35457a6333566d54/img/e28f35bb4b824465bd9e290236360189/e28f35bb4b824465bd9e290236360189.jpg" width="303" /></a></div>Located in Haixi Mongol and Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, Qinghai Province in northwest China, there is a lake which has beautiful emerald colored water. Looking from an aerial view, it is like a delicate jewel inlay in the broad ground. The Emerald Lake is a salt lake locates at an altitude of 3,000 meters on the plateau. It covers six square kilometers in total, and famous for its marvelous emerald color of water which is the reason why it is named for. This lake used to be a mining area. After years of mining, the water mixed up with a high concentration of salt and became brine. Different minerals alongside with the crystal of salt reflect the light, making up this miracle.</div><div>China is a country which is rich in salt lakes. The four main areas of salt lake distributions are the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, Qinghai Province, Tibet Autonomous Region and Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region.</div><div><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d514d7945444d35457a6333566d54/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d514d7945444d35457a6333566d54/index.html</a></div><div><br /></div><div>27.05.19</div><div><b>Vista del paisaje del punto escénico de la pradera de Narat</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/NMediaFile/2019/0527/FOREIGN201905271709000044549484797.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="81" src="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/NMediaFile/2019/0527/FOREIGN201905271709000044549484797.jpg" width="121" /></a></div>Imagen del 24 de mayo de 2019 de una vista del paisaje del punto escénico de la pradera de Narat, en la Prefectura Autónoma kazaja de Ili, en la Región Autónoma Uygur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China. Los turistas están llegando a la pradera de Narat para disfrutar su espléndido paisaje mientras el clima se está calentando. El punto escénico de la pradera de Narat recibió a más de 50.000 turistas del 1 de abril al 24 de mayo.</div><div><a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2019/0527/c31614-9581946.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2019/0527/c31614-9581946.html</a></div><div><br /></div><div>25.05.19</div><div><b>Tourists swarming to Narat grassland in China's Xinjiang as weather getting warmer</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-05/25/138089125_15587913811781n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="494" data-original-width="800" height="56" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-05/25/138089125_15587913811781n.jpg" width="90" /></a></div>A drove of horses are seen at the Narat grassland scenic spot in the Kazak Autonomous Prefecture of Ili, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, May 24, 2019. Tourists are swarming to the Narat grassland to enjoy its splendid landscape as the weather is getting warmer. The Narat grassland scenic spot hosted more than 50,000 tourists from April 1 to May 24.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-05/25/c_138089125.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-05/25/c_138089125.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>24.05.19</div><div><b>Gran Bazar Internacional de Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-05/24/138084552_15586575809951n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="800" data-original-width="533" height="41" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-05/24/138084552_15586575809951n.jpg" width="27" /></a></div>Imagen del 22 de mayo de 2019 de vendedores esperando clientes en el Gran Bazar Internacional de Xinjiang, en Urumqi, en la región autónoma de la etnia Uygur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China.</div><div><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-05/24/c_138084552.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-05/24/c_138084552.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>24.05.19</div><div><b>Nature reserve in Altun Mountains home to many wild lives</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-05/24/138085415_15586664105031n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="532" data-original-width="800" height="120" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-05/24/138085415_15586664105031n.jpg" width="180" /></a></div>Photo taken on May 18, 2019 shows a wolf in the Altun Mountains, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. There is a nature reserve covering 45,000 square kilometers of the Atlun Mountains, which are home to many wild lives. A lot of effort has gone into environmental protection in Altun over the past few decades. Ecosystems have regenerated on the nature reserve since it was set up in the 1980s to keep poaching, illegal trespassing and mining at bay. Some 400 km away from the uninhabited reserve, 3,000 meters above sea level, the workers are building a railway connecting cities in the northwestern provinces of Xinjiang and Qinghai. They get along quite well with unlikely neighbors.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-05/24/c_138085415.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-05/24/c_138085415.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>24.05.19</div><div><b>Four foals of Przewalski's horse born since start of breeding season in Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcQzJehfmejZQV5kxXAdykNBgfZgaTzjaC6fq0jIDTXbRU3IA_Iljmgepcja_AZDBuSCAvk&usqp=CAU" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="174" data-original-width="290" height="108" src="https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcQzJehfmejZQV5kxXAdykNBgfZgaTzjaC6fq0jIDTXbRU3IA_Iljmgepcja_AZDBuSCAvk&usqp=CAU" width="180" /></a></div>A foal of Przewalski's horse is seen with grown-ups at a wild horse breeding research center in northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, May 22, 2019. Four foals of Przewalski's horse, a type of endangered horse, have been born since the breeding season starts in May, a breeding center in northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region said Thursday. Przewalski's horses are the only surviving horse subspecies never to have been domesticated. They have historically lived on grasslands that are now part of China's Xinjiang and Mongolia. </div><div><a href="http://www.ecns.cn/hd/2019-05-24/detail-ifziqifn8553404.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.ecns.cn/hd/2019-05-24/detail-ifziqifn8553404.shtml</a></div><div><br /></div><div>24.05.19</div><div><b>Tres valientes chinas conquistan la cumbre del Everest</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/NMediaFile/2019/0524/FOREIGN201905241427000299693991282.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="165" src="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/NMediaFile/2019/0524/FOREIGN201905241427000299693991282.jpg" width="248" /></a></div>Un equipo de montañismo formado por tres mujeres chinas han escalado con éxito el pico más alto del mundo: el Monte Qomolangma, también conocido como Monte Everest, destacaron este miércoles diversos medios de comunicación. Las tres mujeres chinas que han realizado la proeza son Ma Liyamu, de la Región Autónoma de Xinjiang Uyghur; Ada Tsang Yin-Hung, de Hong Kong; y Sun Ning, de la provincia de Henan. En mayo del 2016, Ma Liyamu se convirtió en la primera mujer de Xinjiang en escalar con éxito la venerada montaña. A pesar de que ella resultara gravemente herida en el año 2015 debido a una avalancha de nieve cuando se encontraba en un campamento de escaladores en Nepal. En mayo del 2017, la escaladora Ada Tsang Yin-Hung se convirtió en la primera mujer de Hong Kong que conquistó el pico más alto del mundo. Por otra parte, esta es la primera vez que Sun Ning pisa la cima de la montaña más alta del planeta. En septiembre del año pasado, ella había subido a la cima del Monte Manaslu, el octavo más alto del mundo, a una altitud de 8.163 metros. Antes de iniciar la epopeya hasta la cima del Everest, el equipo de montañismo femenino chino inició su gran odisea el 8 de abril, primero adaptándose a la gran altitud y entrenándose de forma intensivo durante más de 40 días. </div><div><a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2019/0524/c31614-9581341.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2019/0524/c31614-9581341.html</a></div><div><br /></div><div>23.05.19</div><div><b>Xinjiang to launch up to 100 trains for tourists</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d514e7959444f34457a6333566d54/img/48d2868d96a64a0bbeaf601b87894b23/48d2868d96a64a0bbeaf601b87894b23.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="139" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d514e7959444f34457a6333566d54/img/48d2868d96a64a0bbeaf601b87894b23/48d2868d96a64a0bbeaf601b87894b23.jpg" width="246" /></a></div>As tours to Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region have become increasingly popular among tourists from home and abroad, local authorities have announced a plan recently to launch as many as 100 special trains for tourists from May to October. The local railway authorities will step up cooperation with other parts of the country to boost Xinjiang's tourism development, according to Huang Tingfen, deputy general manager of Xinjiang Railway Tourism Development Group. The trains will provide easier access to both the southern and northern parts of Xinjiang, said Huang. It will also be more convenient for Xinjiang residents to travel to other parts of the country. Special trains connecting Xinjiang with major tourist areas such as the cities of Beijing, Dalian and Qingdao will be launched during the coming summer vacation, which usually spans June to August. In the second half of the year, more trains for tourists will go into operation, linking the region to the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area, Guiyang City in Guizhou Province, and Guilin City in Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region.</div><div><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d514e7959444f34457a6333566d54/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d514e7959444f34457a6333566d54/index.html</a></div><div><br /></div><div>23.05.19</div><div><b>Fresh water replenishes China's longest inland river</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/201905/23/5ce5f815a3104842e4af0222.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="449" data-original-width="800" height="131" src="http://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/201905/23/5ce5f815a3104842e4af0222.jpeg" width="233" /></a></div>Herder Ahmat Abla is considering returning to a livelihood abandoned by his people almost 100 years ago - fishing. Ahmat currently grazes his sheep on a small pasture near the lower reaches of the Tarim River, China's longest inland river. Once upon a time, there were dozens of dried-up ponds and lakes dotting the pasture, but thanks to an improved ecosystem, fish are returning to those waters. The 38-year-old says his father once grazed his flock in this area of northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur autonomous region, which he described as being "barren and more like a desert back in the day". The Tarim River runs 1,321 kilometers along the rim of the barren Tarim Basin, a sparsely populated area about the size of Poland. Excessive irrigation in the past used up too much water, which caused the lower 400 km of the Tarim River to run dry in the early 1970s and pushed surrounding trees to the verge of disappearance.</div><div><a href="http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/a/201905/23/WS5ce5f816a3104842260bd486.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/a/201905/23/WS5ce5f816a3104842260bd486.html</a></div><div><br /></div><div>22.05.19</div><div><b>Un proyecto para proteger la biodiversidad de las montañas de Altai en China</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/assets/2019/04/11-04-2019-altai-wetland-china-2.jpg/image1170x530cropped.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="360" data-original-width="800" height="124" src="https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/assets/2019/04/11-04-2019-altai-wetland-china-2.jpg/image1170x530cropped.jpg" width="275" /></a></div>Las montañas de Altái están rodeadas de un paisaje de humedales, montañas, bosques, praderas y humedales del río Ulungur; además, en las montañas reside la fuente del río Irtish y el curso bajo de ambos ríos. Los dos ríos nacen en las montañaso de Altái y fluyen por la parte norte de la cuenca de Dzungaria, una imprescindible fuente de agua tanto para las personas como para la vida salvaje de la región norte de Xinjiang. La biodiversidad se ve amenazada por el aumento de la actividad humana como el sobrepastoreo, la construcción de infraestructuras y el desarrollo del turismo. El Programa de las Naciones Unidas para el Desarrollo ha puesto en marcha un proyecto junto con otras organizaciones para proteger esa biodiversidad. Lee la historia completa. Hoy 22 de mayo estamos celebrando el Día Internacional de la Diversidad Biológica.</div><div><a href="https://news.un.org/es/story/2019/05/1456401" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.un.org/es/story/2019/05/1456401</a></div><div><br /></div><div>20.05.19</div><div><b>Stability boosts Xinjiang tourism</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d414d336b7a4e34457a6333566d54/img/d6e45ef6ebb44018b2225c770f5fa53d/d6e45ef6ebb44018b2225c770f5fa53d.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="93" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d414d336b7a4e34457a6333566d54/img/d6e45ef6ebb44018b2225c770f5fa53d/d6e45ef6ebb44018b2225c770f5fa53d.jpg" width="165" /></a></div>Cities and prefectures in northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region organized cultural and tourist activities to promote China Tourism Day on Sunday. Fourteen cities and prefectures in Xinjiang promoted 187 activities, including 14 on red tourism, 16 on art and 49 promoting China Tourism Day, according to a WeChat account affiliated to the Xinjiang tourism development commission. A cultural and tourist festival kicked off on Saturday in Aksu in southern Xinjiang. Deng Xuanbin, head of the Aksu publicity department, said at the festival opening ceremony that Aksu was developing tourist resources as a historical city to promote cultural development and economy.</div><div><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d414d336b7a4e34457a6333566d54/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d414d336b7a4e34457a6333566d54/index.html</a></div><div><br /></div><div>18.05.19</div><div><b>Pic story: young man's cultural and creative shop in Kashgar, NW China's Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-05/18/138069671_15581872718501n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="174" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-05/18/138069671_15581872718501n.jpg" width="261" /></a></div>Mewlan Turaq draws clothing patterns in the ancient city of Kashgar, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, May 13, 2019. Mewlan Turaq, a 26-year-old young man grew up in Kashgar, has been obsessed with retro style clothing, as his mother is a local famous tailor. He is addicted to designing vintage clothing and jewelry and seeks design inspiration by consulting materials, asking mother and other craftsmen and visiting the Grand Bazaar. Due to the booming tourism of Kashgar, Turaq opened a cultural and creative shop in the ancient city in October 2018. He rent out his own designs and collections of retro clothing and ethnic jewelry to tourists and sold ethnic handicrafts and souvenirs. "I'm thinking about learning design, and creating more unique design in order to make more people appreciate the culture of Xinjiang," he said. </div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-05/18/c_138069671.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-05/18/c_138069671.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>16.05.19</div><div><b>In pics: construction site of Golmud-Korla Railway in China's Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-05/16/138064089_15580123117471n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="800" data-original-width="532" height="66" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-05/16/138064089_15580123117471n.jpg" width="44" /></a></div>Photo taken on May 15, 2019 shows the construction site of Golmud-Korla Railway in Ruoqiang County, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. The 13.195-kilometer-long tunnel through Altun Mountains is the longest tunnel of the Golmud-Korla railway line. The railway line, connecting Golmud in Qinghai and Korla in Xinjiang, is the third rail artery linking Xinjiang with neighboring provinces. The line will cut the traffic time between Golmud and Korla from 26 hours to 12 hours.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-05/16/c_138064089.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-05/16/c_138064089.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>16.05.19</div><div><b>China Focus: China accelerates rice cultivation in saline soil</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-05/16/138064325_15580497741001n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="132" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-05/16/138064325_15580497741001n.jpg" width="198" /></a></div>A leading saline soil rice research center in eastern China's Shandong Province made the decision to expand its experimental land to over 667 hectares early this month. The Saline-Alkali Tolerant Rice Research and Development Center in the coastal city of Qingdao said the move aims to speed up research and development and optimize various types of saline soil rice. The center said one other important purpose of the expansion is to seek the best cultivation methods. "All strains of rice to be grown on the experimental land passed regional experiments in different types of saline soil," said Zhang Guodong, deputy director of the center. Zhang noted that regional experiments were conducted in Xinjiang, Bohai Gulf in eastern China, northeastern China and coastal areas in southeastern China. "We were surprised by parts of the experimental data last year. And this year, we are not only expanding the test area but also making stricter test parameters in order to better simulate actual production," Zhang added.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-05/16/c_138064325.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-05/16/c_138064325.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>14.05.19</div><div><b>A taste of Asia: Cumin fever sophisticates NE China's food culture</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d414e78556a4e34457a6333566d54/img/c3ac201fc1c44a08a97860af45d82d91/c3ac201fc1c44a08a97860af45d82d91.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="83" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d414e78556a4e34457a6333566d54/img/c3ac201fc1c44a08a97860af45d82d91/c3ac201fc1c44a08a97860af45d82d91.jpg" width="147" /></a></div></div><div>It’s not hard to tell from northeastern Chinese people's dining tables that cumin is dominating many dishes – stews, soups, vegetable combinations and especially their local specialty of barbecue meat – either being added to spice mixtures or used alone. According to many gourmets, cumin makes roasted meat tender and tasty. It also increases appetite and helps digestion. The spice can be seen in almost every stall at one of the region's biggest wholesale flavoring markets. “Sales grow as the best season of barbecue is coming and more young people are taking a liking to it,” said flavoring store manager Yang Chao, who reported an annual trading volume of about 200 to 300 tons of cumin. Few people know that the increasing cumin appetite in northeast China, where it's too cold for the plant to grow, is fed by suppliers from elsewhere – namely India and China's Xinjiang region. </div><div><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d414e78556a4e34457a6333566d54/index.html">https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d414e78556a4e34457a6333566d54/index.html</a></div><div><br /></div><div>14.05.19</div><div><b>Chine: paysage du relief Yardang au Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://french.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-05/14/138053772_15577134034141n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="39" src="http://french.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-05/14/138053772_15577134034141n.jpg" width="59" /></a></div>Photo prise le 9 mai 2019 montrant le paysage du relief Yardang au district de Fuhai dans la région autonome ouïgoure du Xinjiang (nord-ouest de la Chine). </div><div><a href="http://french.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-05/14/c_138053772.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://french.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-05/14/c_138053772.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>12.05.19</div><div><b>Scenery of Yardang landform in Fuhai County, NW China's Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-05/12/138052486_15576430930701n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="33" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-05/12/138052486_15576430930701n.jpg" width="50" /></a></div>Photo taken on May 9, 2019 shows the scenery of Yardang landform in Fuhai County, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. </div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-05/12/c_138052486.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-05/12/c_138052486.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>04.05.19</div><div><b>Herd of argali sheep spotted as eco-environment improves in Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d414f3351444e34457a6333566d54/img/e84b13c1cf264a258218a74a80b9a50d/e84b13c1cf264a258218a74a80b9a50d.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="534" data-original-width="800" height="144" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d414f3351444e34457a6333566d54/img/e84b13c1cf264a258218a74a80b9a50d/e84b13c1cf264a258218a74a80b9a50d.jpg" width="216" /></a></div>The rare sight of a herd of argali sheep was recently captured on camera in Taxkorgan Nature Reserve on the Pamirs Plateau in northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. In 1984, China created Taxkorgan Nature Reserve on the Pamirs Plateau, which covers an area of 1.5 million hectares at an average altitude of about 4,000 meters. The area contains rich number of species and is home to the argali sheep, a rare type of mountain sheep. The argali sheep is under second-class state protection in China. Its Chinese name "panyang", meaning "curving sheep", comes from the shape of its horns. While horns of females are thin and short, the diameter of male horn roots can grow to a few decimeters. They can also reach as long as one meter and coil up in a circle. A glimpse of one or two argali sheep is hard to come by, which makes the new aerial footage of a herd all the more precious. "The argali sheep usually move in a herd of three or five, according to the distribution of the grassland and sources of water. There are also herds of argali sheep of 20 to 30, 40 to 50, even large herds with over a hundred argali sheep," said Dai Zhigang, director of Kashgar Prefecture's Wild Animal Protection Office.</div><div><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d414f3351444e34457a6333566d54/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d414f3351444e34457a6333566d54/index.html</a></div><div><br /></div><div>03.05.19</div><div><b>Farmers busy harvesting greenhouse fruits in China's Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-05/03/138031777_15568890996771n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="532" data-original-width="800" height="64" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-05/03/138031777_15568890996771n.jpg" width="96" /></a></div>A farmer picks nectarines at a greenhouse in Pizhan Township of Shanshan County, Turpan, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, May 3, 2019. In Turpan, a major fruit production center, farmers have been busy harvesting greenhouse fruits such as nectarines, Hami melons and watermelons, which usually become ripe in late April and early May. </div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-05/03/c_138031777.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-05/03/c_138031777.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>03.05.19</div><div><b>Guangdong sweeps Xinjiang 4-0 for 9th CBA title</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-05/03/138032005_15569283763691n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="513" data-original-width="800" height="146" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-05/03/138032005_15569283763691n.jpg" width="227" /></a></div>Unstoppable Yi Jianlian named FMVP with 37 points and 16 rebounds in Game 4 while Guangdong overcame Xinjiang 103-98 to win the championship of 2018-2019 Chinese Basketball Association (CBA) on Friday night. It was the third straight sweep in CBA Finals since 2017, when Guangdong was beaten by Xinjiang two years ago. Guangdong kept the same game strategy that was still working. A 10-1 run capped by Yi Jianlian's 3-pointer, helped Guangdong extended the lead to 15-7. Zeng Lingxu finished a driving layup and cut the deficit to 4 points before the first quarter ended. Zhao Rui hit back-to-back shots from beyond the arc in the second, while Guangdong was up 34-24. The hard situation seemed to motivate Abudushalamu, who scored 11 straight points before Jarnell Stokes added a put-back to stop Xinjiang's slip with 41-44 at halftime break. It was a tough moment for Xinjiang, when Guangdong opened on a 13-3 run in the third period which sparked by Yi Jianlian's 3-pointer and steal. Following a timeout, Xinjiang erased a double-digit deficit before Li Gen made two free throws and Kyranbek added a 3-pointer to outscore Guangdong 75-69. Yi Jianlian dominated the fourth while he tied it up on a dunk and then made a three-point play to retake the control of the game. The Chinese basketball legend hit two free throws in the final minute to close out the game with 103-98 when Guangdong brought their bench to its feet.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-05/03/c_138032005.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-05/03/c_138032005.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>02.05.19</div><div><b>Xinjiang's captain Kyranbek plays his heart out in CBA Finals</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-05/02/138029159_15567810530481n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="166" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-05/02/138029159_15567810530481n.jpg" width="250" /></a></div>CBA finals define the legacies of great players, even those players aren't at their best because of injuries, Kyranbek Makan is one of them. The 29-year-old player from Xinjiang side collided with his teammate Sun Tonglin unbalanced on the court after fighting for the ball in Game 2. He didn't find that his two front teeth seriously dislocated until he backed to the locker room. "Your teeth were broken which need to be removed immediately," team doctor told him, who had to face a dilemma in just two days before Game 3. According to a recovery plan, Kyranbek needed at least five days to rest after a surgery of teeth extraction, that meant he had to absent for upcoming two straight game in Urumqi. Xinjiang had fallen behind 2-0 to Guangdong in the best-of-seven finals series, which spurred him to make a tough decision -- Accepting a molar treatment to shorten the dislocated parts now and removing the broken teeth until the finals end. Xinjiang's captain even refused to anesthesia and accepted the surgery directly because of he worried about that will affect his flexibility on the court, which nobody knows what level of pain he suffered during the whole 30 minutes surgery.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-05/02/c_138029159.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-05/02/c_138029159.htm</a></div><div><br /></div></div><div><div>29.04.19 By Liu Xin and Fan Lingzhi </div><div><b>Border patrol officers keep Xinjiang secure</b> </div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2019/2019-04-29/b41cb08a-17b0-4a77-97ef-fce1754f821b.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="300" data-original-width="500" height="170" src="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2019/2019-04-29/b41cb08a-17b0-4a77-97ef-fce1754f821b.jpeg" width="283" /></a></div>Organizing local herdsmen and farmers to act as border guards is one strategy to stop any illegal cross-border incidents as these local people are familiar with the environment in the area, officials from the department on border security in Aksu said. Tuohuti Tilaixi, 54, from the Kirgiz ethnic group in Yamansu village of Wushi county is a third generation border guard in his family. Every day, he walks more than 30 kilometers along China's border with Kyrgyzstan to make sure no suspicious person has been there. He usually takes a nan bread and water for lunch. In winter, when the snow is too heavy to walk, Tuohuti patrols on horseback. "My father taught me what I should pay attention to during patrol - to observe suspicious footprints on the ground, especially in winter, and to talk to strangers and listen to their accents," Tuohuti said. Such long walks and horse rides horses have made Tuohuti's hands and feet swell. The wind and sunshine in the mountains that are 2,000 meters above sea level have weathered his wrinkled face. He began this life when he was 19, following in his father and grandfather's footsteps. In 1962, Tuohuti's grandfather helped local police stop a man who tried to cross the border to Kyrghyzstan. As a teenager, Tuohuti's father followed his father to herd sheep in the mountainous border area and helped local police stop those who wanted to escape or steal into China's Xinjiang. By the end of 1985, his grandfather had retired. His father stopped patrolling one year before he passed away. Tuohuti says he wants to patrol the area until his last breath. "I was born and grew up in the border lands. It is my responsibility to safeguard it. As long as I stick to my duties, the area will be safe, and so will the country," he said. Tuohuti's son and daughter-in-law have taken on the family tradition and now work as the fourth generation of border guards in the family. </div><div><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1148072.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1148072.shtml</a></div><div><br /></div><div>29.04.19</div><div><b>CBA Finals: Guangdong get better of Xinjiang to lead series 2-0</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d414f7a517a4d34457a6333566d54/img/c739bc4b69bd4acb961ad445d32b812a/c739bc4b69bd4acb961ad445d32b812a.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="141" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d414f7a517a4d34457a6333566d54/img/c739bc4b69bd4acb961ad445d32b812a/c739bc4b69bd4acb961ad445d32b812a.jpg" width="252" /></a></div>Guangdong Southern Tigers crushed Xinjiang Flying Tigers 116-97 to take a 2-0 lead in the best of seven Chinese Basketball Association (CBA) Finals on Sunday. Guangdong are seeking a record-breaking ninth league title, and fourth at the expense of the Xinjiang Flying Tigers, who they beat by 19 points in Game One. The second contest was a similar story for Sonny Weems and the hosts as they looked to take firm control right from the word go. Zeng Lingxu recovered a ball to give Xinjiang the all-important opening basket. Jarnell Stokes then added three of his 24 points, and the Flying Tigers had a quick 5-0 lead.</div><div><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d414f7a517a4d34457a6333566d54/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d414f7a517a4d34457a6333566d54/index.html</a></div><div><br /></div><div>28.04.19</div><div><b>Spring scenery of Hutubi County, NW China's Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-04/28/138018993_15564537113711n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="560" data-original-width="800" height="39" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-04/28/138018993_15564537113711n.jpg" width="56" /></a></div>Two women take selfies at the Xiangfei crabapple garden in Ershilidian Town of Hutubi County, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, April 28, 2019. </div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-04/28/c_138018993.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-04/28/c_138018993.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>24.04.19</div><div><b>Mechanization rate of Xinjiang's farm work reaches 84.68 percent in 2018</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-04/24/138005741_15561089180721n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="546" data-original-width="800" height="46" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-04/24/138005741_15561089180721n.jpg" width="67" /></a></div>Aerial photo taken on April 19, 2019 shows an unmanned seeder equipped with Beidou navigation satellite system working in a cotton field in northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. The mechanization rate of Xinjiang's farm work including ploughing, planting and harvesting sectors reached 84.68 percent in 2018. </div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-04/24/c_138005741_2.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-04/24/c_138005741_2.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>23.04.19</div><div><b>Drones agrícolas: excelentes aliados de los productores de frutas de Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/NMediaFile/2019/0423/FOREIGN201904231404000353334376390.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="400" data-original-width="600" height="147" src="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/NMediaFile/2019/0423/FOREIGN201904231404000353334376390.jpg" width="221" /></a></div>La aplicación masiva de vehículos aéreos no tripulados (drones) en la polinización artificial, permite que los productores de frutas de Korla, Región Autónoma de Xinjiang Uygur, aprovechen al máximo el período de floración completa y obtengan frutas de alta calidad. En la famosa plantación de la pera fragante en Korla, el período de floración total es de apenas dos semanas. Zhang Wei, operador de drones, es muy popular entre los productores de frutas. Su tecnología puede ser más eficiente que cinco agricultores, y además es mucho más barato. Korla tiene unas 36.666 hectáreas de peras. Los productores prefieren la polinización artificial en lugar de la polinización de las abejas porque evita la propagación de enfermedades vegetales. Zhang solamente tarda 8 minutos en polinizar un peral de 10 MU (0,67 hectáreas). Y obtiene 300 renminbi (44,75 dólares estadounidenses). "Para hacer el mismo trabajo antes se necesitaba cinco persona, cuatro días y 2.000 renminbi como mínimo", asegura el propietario del peral. "Ahora se puede hacer de forma rápida y económica. Además, muchas veces no es fácil encontrar trabajadores agrícolas."</div><div><a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2019/0423/c31620-9571087.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2019/0423/c31620-9571087.html</a></div><div><br /></div><div>23.04.19</div><div><b>Natural wonder: Panji'er Weird Stone Forest in Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://image.cns.com.cn/ecns_editor/transform/20190423/5EJp-fzhpevf8359814.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="369" data-original-width="550" height="52" src="http://image.cns.com.cn/ecns_editor/transform/20190423/5EJp-fzhpevf8359814.jpg" width="78" /></a></div>Rock formations have been carved by nature in Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. The Panji'er Weird Stone Forest is comprised of igneous rock shaped by wind erosion. It is the only such formation in China. Rocks in various shapes form an amazing landscape.</div><div><a href="http://www.ecns.cn/video/2019-04-23/detail-ifzhpeef7887620.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.ecns.cn/video/2019-04-23/detail-ifzhpeef7887620.shtml</a></div><div><br /></div><div>22.04.19</div><div><b>Decades of forestation efforts see rich results in Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2019/2019-04-22/7146cf9e-ee97-470e-b95c-b1e480e4e270.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="281" data-original-width="500" height="160" src="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2019/2019-04-22/7146cf9e-ee97-470e-b95c-b1e480e4e270.jpeg" width="284" /></a></div>The Taklimakan Desert and the Gurbantunggut Desert cover large areas of land on the north and south sides of Tianshan Mountain respectively, making the color of sand the region's primary hue. Pei Yu, deputy director of a non-commercial forest station in Shanshan county, Turpan, stood on the top of a sand dune on March 3, and watched the lush forest that covers more than 10,000 mu (about 6.7 million square meters) along the edge of the Kumtag Desert. "We planted all the trees, vowing to make the place green. It has become a reality. The place where I'm standing is another forest that we planned to plant this year. It will also become green," Pei said. The development of Xinjiang is closely related to forestation. According to Yang Jianming, the area of the Three-North Shelter forest program in the Xinjiang region has reached more than 66 million mu, and the artificial oasis area is 62,000 square meters. The forestation area for this year is expected to increase by 2 million mu. Carrying out forestation programs in Xinjiang is no easy task, as deserts cover most of the area and it has a temperate continental climate with low rainfall throughout the year. Forestation projects in the region can only be accomplished with a great deal of perseverance. Liu Zhen, an official from Aksu Prefecture, planted his first tree in March 27 this year. More than 1 million mu of forest surround his seedling. Over the past 30 years, the leaders of Aksu have changed and the people who first planted trees here have grown old, but forestation work has never stopped. The prefecture has accomplished more than 4 million mu of forestation. </div><div><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1146920.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1146920.shtml</a></div><div><br /></div><div>18.04.19</div><div><b>Development of Shihezi, NW China's Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-04/18/137987786_15555723576791n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="163" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-04/18/137987786_15555723576791n.jpg" width="245" /></a></div>Wang Kede, a man who has worked in tree-planting since 1961, checks the condition of a larch in Shihezi, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, April 16, 2019. Shihezi, some 150 kilometers northwest of Urumqi, is a young city that was established in the 1950s in the gobi desert of Xinjiang. Thanks to several generations' efforts of Xinjiang people and the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps, it has become a beautiful and developed city in the autonomous region. The urban green area has reached 2,580 hectares, the green space in parks has reached 341 hectares, as well as 8 theme parks are located across the city. Besides the changes of environment, the development of mechanical farming and modern technologies also inject vigor and vitality into the city. </div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-04/18/c_137987786.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-04/18/c_137987786.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>12.04.19</div><div><b>Bailan en Plaza del Pueblo en Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-04/12/137970155_15550264219431n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="560" data-original-width="800" height="38" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-04/12/137970155_15550264219431n.jpg" width="54" /></a></div>Imagen del 10 de abril de 2019 de personas bailando en la Plaza del Pueblo, en Korla, en la región autónoma de la etnia uygur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China. </div><div><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-04/12/c_137970155.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-04/12/c_137970155.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>11.04.19</div><div><b>In pics: people dance at square in NW China's Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-04/11/137968714_15549708396461n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="800" data-original-width="470" height="39" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-04/11/137968714_15549708396461n.jpg" width="23" /></a></div>People dance at the People's Square in Korla, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, April 10, 2019.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-04/11/c_137968714.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-04/11/c_137968714.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>10.04.19</div><div><b>Lago Sayram: primaveral cuento de hadas en Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/NMediaFile/2019/0410/FOREIGN201904101508000507821737540.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="48" src="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/NMediaFile/2019/0410/FOREIGN201904101508000507821737540.jpg" width="72" /></a></div>El hielo se descongela en la superficie del Lago Sayram, en la Región Autónoma Uygur de Xinjiang. Los cisnes, las altas montañas, el agua cristalina y el cielo azul han convertido a este espléndido lago en un primaveral cuento de hadas.</div><div><a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2019/0410/c92122-9565387.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2019/0410/c92122-9565387.html</a></div><div><br /></div><div>10.04.19</div><div><b>Aral: ciudad de algodón en el desierto de Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://img0.zhytuku.meldingcloud.com/images/zhycms_espanol/20190410/6624afc7-8e21-4d85-81a0-f160f9910c8d.jpg?x-oss-process=image/resize,w_650" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="800" data-original-width="600" height="134" src="http://img0.zhytuku.meldingcloud.com/images/zhycms_espanol/20190410/6624afc7-8e21-4d85-81a0-f160f9910c8d.jpg?x-oss-process=image/resize,w_650" width="100" /></a></div>Aral, ciudad situada en la Región Autónoma Uygur de Xinjiang, constituye una de las principales bases de cultivo de algodón de China. A través de las siguientes fotos, vamos a conocer las tres variedades representativas. Algodón colorido, algodón de fibra larga, y algodón de tierras altas o mexicano son las tres variedades representativas de esta zona. El algodón colorido, ya nace con su color, sin el uso de aditivos o colorantes. No puede ser teñido en los procedimientos y ocupa menos cuota del mercado. El algodón de fibra larga, de mejor calidad, tiene un precio relativamente alto. Aral es la mayor base de cultivo del algodón de fibra larga en China. El algodón de tierras altas o mexicano, forma la variedad más cultivada en Xinjiang, y ocupa la mayor cuota del mercado.</div><div><a href="http://espanol.cri.cn/news/social/1022/20190410/273747.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://espanol.cri.cn/news/social/1022/20190410/273747.html</a></div><div><br /></div><div>08.04.19</div><div><b>Xinjiang nature reserve sees increasing number of rare animals</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-04/08/137959893_15547653383601n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="176" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-04/08/137959893_15547653383601n.jpg" width="264" /></a></div>Altun Mountain National Nature Reserve in Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region saw the number of three rare wild animals reach around 100,000, according to local researchers. The population of wild yak, Tibetan antelope and wild ass is recovering to the level of recorded data in the 1980s when the reserve was first set up, the results of the latest scientific investigation showed. Xu Junquan, a researcher at the nature reserve, said the population of Tibetan antelope has almost doubled in the last three years, and the number of wild yaks has also increased 40 percent compared with two years ago at the 160-square-km heart of the reserve. Set up in 1983, the nature reserve is home to 51 rare and endangered species. Illegal gold mining, poaching and trespassing had threatened the wildlife there, with the population of the three rare wild animals dropping to less than 65,000 in the late 1990s. The reserve suspended all mining activities within its 46,800-square-km parameter in 2018 in an effort to restore its environment.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-04/08/c_137959893.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-04/08/c_137959893.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>06.04.19</div><div><b>Strawberry cultivation, agricultural tourism increase farmers' income in Xinjiang, NW China</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-04/06/137955639_15545606070061n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="524" data-original-width="800" height="41" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-04/06/137955639_15545606070061n.jpg" width="62" /></a></div>Tourists pick strawberries at an agricultural cooperative in Queerpan Village of Sunzhaqiniru Township, Qapqal Xibe Autonomous County, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, April 6, 2019. The combination of strawberry cultivation and agricultural tourism has increased local farmers' income.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-04/06/c_137955639_2.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-04/06/c_137955639_2.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>04.04.19</div><div><b>Scenery of Altun Mountains National Nature Reserve in NW China's Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-04/04/137950527_15543827758311n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="42" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-04/04/137950527_15543827758311n.jpg" width="63" /></a></div>Photo taken on March 31, 2019 shows melting ice in a river in the Altun Mountains National Nature Reserve in northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. </div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-04/04/c_137950527.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-04/04/c_137950527.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>02.04.19</div><div><b>Xinjiang Alashankou port to build slaughterhouse for cattle from Kazakhstan</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://en.people.cn/NMediaFile/2021/0122/FOREIGN202101220908000244678378838.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="193" src="http://en.people.cn/NMediaFile/2021/0122/FOREIGN202101220908000244678378838.jpg" width="289" /></a></div>Construction on a slaughterhouse has begun in Alashankou in northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, making the inland port the region's first to import live cattle directly from Kazakhstan. The project, with a total investment of 660 million yuan (98 million U.S. dollars), will be composed of five quarantine farms. An estimated 100,000 heads of beef cattle are expected to be quarantined a year once the first phase of the construction is completed in October. Another 140,000 heads a year will be quarantined before being slaughtered after the second phase is completed by next October. Arman Utegulov, representing the agricultural ministry of Kazakhstan, said 10,000 farms and 5,000 to 6,000 food processing factories in Kazakhstan will guarantee the meat supply for the project. Wu Fengjun, a local official, said the project is an important measure to deepen and widen the trade and interconnectivity between the two countries.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-04/02/c_137943815.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-04/02/c_137943815.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div><div>28.03.19 </div><div><b>China Focus: Driverless tractors, farmerless farms: China explores precision agriculture</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2020/2020-11-27/d1c4bde1-6682-4269-a4a3-b2b2a3d39241.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="480" data-original-width="800" height="166" src="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2020/2020-11-27/d1c4bde1-6682-4269-a4a3-b2b2a3d39241.jpeg" width="277" /></a></div>"Sometimes, I just sit here, scrolling through my phone, playing a game or making calls." Jiang Liqing is not an office slacker, but an experienced tractor driver at Xinhu Farm in Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. Tractor engines still hum steadily, but the introduction of self-driving vehicles has changed the way Jiang works. Unlike city roads, the wide croplands of Xinjiang have no white or yellow lines to keep tractor drivers in check. To keep a straight path, Jiang once spent up to 40 minutes marking out an 800-meter-long field before starting. Self-driving tractors only need two marks and Jiang does them on a motorbike in five minutes. With a few taps on the control screen, the tractor eases into motion while Jiang sits back in the cabin, checking his phone. From northwestern Xinjiang to Jiansanjiang, a major grain growing base in northeastern Heilongjiang Province, to an automated farm in Xinghua, eastern Jiangsu Province, China is exploring precision agriculture, a new way of farming that might one day lead to no farmers.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-03/28/c_137930274.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-03/28/c_137930274.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>27.03.19 By Zhu Mei</div><div><b>A journey along the Chinese border – Kashgar</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d514f31556a4e33457a6333566d54/img/6237e1af4a4a4baa8295fda863597de4/6237e1af4a4a4baa8295fda863597de4.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="477" data-original-width="800" height="142" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d514f31556a4e33457a6333566d54/img/6237e1af4a4a4baa8295fda863597de4/6237e1af4a4a4baa8295fda863597de4.jpg" width="238" /></a></div>China has the longest land border in the world totaling more than 22,000 kilometers. Many of the border towns are diverse and share both Chinese and foreign characteristics. CGTN has collected 10 beautiful border cities and towns in China for tourists. This time, let's visit another city in the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region – Kashgar, which is a western gateway in China that borders Tajikistan, Afghanistan and Pakistan. Kashgar has been an important trading center on the ancient Silk Road and is now a multi-ethnic region. Kashgar Old Town. The soul of Kashgar lies in the Kashgar Old Town which has a history of more than 2,000 years. Located in downtown Kashgar, the old town covers an area of 4.25 square kilometers. It is a unique maze city with over 200 narrow alleys. If you get lost, the hexagonal bricks under your feet will lead you out of the old town. But if you walk along the bricks with four corners, you will walk into a blind alley.</div><div>Most of the buildings here are a combination of Islamic and Uygur styles. The houses in the core area are the world's largest adobe complexes. </div><div>Tourists can get a lot of information from the doors of the local houses. If two doors are open, it represents that the male host is at home. If only one door is open, it means only the hostess is at home. And if a curtain is hung over the front door, it means a guest is visiting this family now.</div><div><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d514f31556a4e33457a6333566d54/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d514f31556a4e33457a6333566d54/index.html</a></div><div><br /></div><div>22.03.19 By Yang Yi</div><div><b>Snow scenery on Pamir Plateau, NW China's Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-03/22/137914139_15532104594491n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="29" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-03/22/137914139_15532104594491n.jpg" width="43" /></a></div>Photo taken on March 21, 2019 shows the snow scenery on Pamir Plateau, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. </div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-03/22/c_137914139.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-03/22/c_137914139.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>22.03.19</div><div><b>Meseta de Pamir cubierta de nieve</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-03/22/137914177_15532160008581n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="36" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-03/22/137914177_15532160008581n.jpg" width="54" /></a></div>Vista de una manada de yaks sobre la meseta de Pamir cubierta de nieve, en la región autónoma de la etnia uygur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China, el 21 de marzo de 2019.</div><div><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-03/22/c_137914177.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-03/22/c_137914177.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>22.03.19 By Zhu Mei</div><div><b>A journey along the Chinese border – Ili</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d514d7841544e33457a6333566d54/img/b56b429ab91049079d43f0340653731b/b56b429ab91049079d43f0340653731b.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="105" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d514d7841544e33457a6333566d54/img/b56b429ab91049079d43f0340653731b/b56b429ab91049079d43f0340653731b.jpg" width="187" /></a></div>China has the longest land border in the world totaling more than 22,000 kilometers. Many of the border towns are diverse and share both Chinese and foreign characteristics. CGTN has collected China's top 10 most beautiful border cities and towns for tourists. Our fifth stop is Ili Kazakh Autonomous Prefecture in northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. It borders with three countries – Russia and Mongolia on the northeast and Kazakhstan on its northwest. As local people say, one wouldn't see the true beauty of Xinjiang if she or he hasn't been to Ili, hence Ili is also called the “Little Switzerland of the East.”</div><div><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d514d7841544e33457a6333566d54/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d514d7841544e33457a6333566d54/index.html</a></div><div><br /></div><div>21.03.19</div><div><b>Prehistoric stone architecture discovered in Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2019/2019-01-10/34bd0efa-dd97-4dc6-80bf-f2c394310bf0.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="300" data-original-width="500" height="152" src="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2019/2019-01-10/34bd0efa-dd97-4dc6-80bf-f2c394310bf0.jpeg" width="254" /></a></div>Archaeologists have recently discovered an ancient stone architecture dating back around 3,000 years in northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. The regional cultural relics and archaeology research institute said Thursday that the large prehistoric stone architecture was found in Nilka County in Kazak Autonomous Prefecture of Ili. The stone platform is around 120 meters square, surrounded by polished stones. Stone walls and ashes mixed with coal blocks, as well as pottery, stone artefacts and animal bones were unearthed within the platform. The platform is the largest and best-preserved prehistoric stone structure ever found in Xinjiang, according to Wang Yongqiang, of the institute. The structure is part of the Jartai Pass Site, which dates back to 1,600 BC to 1,000 BC. Two excavations had been conducted in Jartai Pass Site between 2015 and 2016, leading to the discovery of 17 house sites, two kiln sites, two tombs, as well as 200 sites of ash pits, coal piles and smelters, and more than 1,000 items.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-03/21/c_137913406.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-03/21/c_137913406.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>20.03.19 By Xie Wenting and Bai Yunyi</div><div><b>The untold truth about Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2019/2019-03-20/35b157de-d13c-4db1-88b8-052f8e1b59ae.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="300" data-original-width="500" height="89" src="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2019/2019-03-20/35b157de-d13c-4db1-88b8-052f8e1b59ae.jpeg" width="149" /></a></div>Western media refuse to report reality. Misleading headlines, groundless accusations, obscure interviewees, double standards are not hard to spot in many articles covering China's Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region in Western media outlets. Recent months have seen an intensive outburst of such reports which have tainted China's anti-terrorism efforts in the region by adopting tactics including using words with a negative connotation, providing incomplete information and stirring readers' emotions. Global Times reporters Xie Wenting and Bai Yunyi researched Xinjiang reporting in the Western media and interviewed American YouTuber Nathan Rich, Kurbanjan Samat, a Uyghur photographer and director who shoots stories about people from Xinjiang, and Erkin Öncan, a Turkish journalist focused on Xinjiang reporting. </div><div><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1142868.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1142868.shtml</a></div><div><br /></div><div>20.03.19</div><div><b>Xinjiang to have more international flights</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-03/20/XxjwsmE007012_20190320_CBMFN1A001_11n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="498" data-original-width="800" height="97" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-03/20/XxjwsmE007012_20190320_CBMFN1A001_11n.jpg" width="156" /></a></div>More air routes will be launched between Urumqi, capital of northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, and Asian and European destinations, to boost communication between the region and cities along the Belt and Road Initiative. China Southern Airlines will open a new air route between the southern Chinese city of Guangzhou to Astana in Kazakhstan, via Urumqi on April 1. Another flight will be launched on June 18 linking Guangzhou and Vienna in Austria, via Urumqi, which will be the first direct flight between Urumqi and a western European city, according to Zhong Bin, deputy head of the marketing department of the airline's Xinjiang branch.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-03/20/c_137910098.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-03/20/c_137910098.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>19.03.19</div><div><b>"Nang" de Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-03/19/137906035_15529728179091n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="80" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-03/19/137906035_15529728179091n.jpg" width="119" /></a></div>Imagen del 28 de enero de 2019 de una mujer preparando piezas de masa para elaborar "Nang", una especie de pan crujiente, en la villa Daxi del condado de Yuli, en la Región Autónoma Uygur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China. La villa Daxi es famosa por su elaboración de "Nang". La villa se ha comprometido para promover el turismo rural, del cual la elaboración de "Nang" constituye una parte integral, así como una forma de impulsar el ingreso de los agricultores.</div><div><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-03/19/c_137906035.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-03/19/c_137906035.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>18.03.19</div><div><b>Full text: The Fight Against Terrorism and Extremism and Human Rights Protection in Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2021/2021-06-04/cd4a8f15-63d6-46f7-a3be-0bc92581bab8.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="480" data-original-width="800" height="36" src="https://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2021/2021-06-04/cd4a8f15-63d6-46f7-a3be-0bc92581bab8.jpeg" width="59" /></a></div>China's State Council Information Office published a white paper titled "The Fight Against Terrorism and Extremism and Human Rights Protection in Xinjiang" on Monday.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-03/18/c_137904166.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-03/18/c_137904166.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>15.03.19</div><div><b>Xinjiang impulsa industria del turismo de invierno</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/NMediaFile/2019/0315/FOREIGN201903151504000086110309009.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="93" src="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/NMediaFile/2019/0315/FOREIGN201903151504000086110309009.jpg" width="140" /></a></div>Imagen del 26 de noviembre de 2018 de turistas visitando una estación internacional de esquí, en el municipio de Koktokay, en la región autónoma de la etnia uygur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China. Xinjiang ha organizado diversos eventos para impulsar su industria del turismo de invierno. Xinjiang recibió a más de 11 millones de turistas de casa y el extranjero entre noviembre de 2018 y enero de 2019, un incremento de más del 50 por ciento interanual.</div><div><a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2019/0315/c31614-9556767.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2019/0315/c31614-9556767.html</a></div><div><br /></div><div style="text-align: left;">15.03.19</div><div><b>Awat County in NW China's Xinjiang makes efforts to boost all-for-one tourism</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-03/15/137897769_15526314753931n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="40" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-03/15/137897769_15526314753931n.jpg" width="59" /></a></div>People participate in sheep fight game in Daolang scenic spot of Awat County, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, on March 12, 2019. Local authority in Awat County is making efforts to boost the all-for-one tourism to enhance the land's charm as a tourist destination. </div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-03/15/c_137897769.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-03/15/c_137897769.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>15.03.19 By Cui Hui'ao and You Siyuan</div><div><b>Counter-extremism: Major transformation seen in a Xinjiang village</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d674e30497a4d33457a6333566d54/img/db916628a7ee42388a2f28c080929d61/db916628a7ee42388a2f28c080929d61.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="445" data-original-width="800" height="153" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d674e30497a4d33457a6333566d54/img/db916628a7ee42388a2f28c080929d61/db916628a7ee42388a2f28c080929d61.jpg" width="275" /></a></div>Northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region has taken measures to battle against any environment that breeds terrorism or religious extremism. In one village near Kashi, the changes are readily apparent, thanks to the local government's support and education. At a kindergarten in Shufu County of Kashi, a group of toddlers are practicing traditional Uygur dance. It is a part of their daily curriculum, along with learning art, sports and language skills. Founded two years ago, the kindergarten now has around 230 pupils, all of ethnic Uygur group. One of the parents told CGTN that his son started last year. "We don't pay a penny. He has three meals a day at school. Books and heating are free, too." Each Uygur child at the kindergarten receives a subsidy of 2,800 yuan (417 U.S. dollars) per year. In a typical language class, two teachers were instructing at the same time, speaking in both Mandarin and Uygur to the students. One of the teachers, Amina Abudureheman said the school believes teaching students Mandarin will make it easier for them to communicate with people from different ethnic groups, and learning the Uygur is equally important because it is part of their ethnic identity. Bilingual education is now a common feature in Uygur kindergartens and schools in Xinjiang. Improved educational quality has led to more Uyghur parents willingly putting their children in local kindergartens. A couple of blocks from the kindergarten, a hair salon tells another story about the change that this village of 3,000 people has experienced.</div><div><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d674e30497a4d33457a6333566d54/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d674e30497a4d33457a6333566d54/index.html</a></div><div><br /></div><div>13.03.19 By Cui Hui'ao and You Siyuan</div><div><b>A look at vocational education and training programs in Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d514f78497a4d33457a6333566d54/img/26752f3c16134ad2ae05fa15d253ef66/26752f3c16134ad2ae05fa15d253ef66.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="443" data-original-width="800" height="171" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d514f78497a4d33457a6333566d54/img/26752f3c16134ad2ae05fa15d253ef66/26752f3c16134ad2ae05fa15d253ef66.jpg" width="309" /></a></div>Northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region has long been faced with the threat of imminent terror attacks, but the region has taken measures to prevent and combat violent terrorist crimes in accordance with the law. The vocational education and training programs are one such measure. In 2015, like most high school graduates, Dilireba Alimu attended the national college entrance exam and was admitted to Shenzhen University. Instead of starting her college life, Dilireba was influenced by her friend Adila from high school and flew to Turkey to attend classes there. She was taught the Quran at first, but then something else. "That class always taught us that heretics are taking our land and natural resources. Heretics are our enemy. We (Uygur people) must fight for what belongs to us and battle for Muslims. They also told us there was a (terrorist) group that was hiring and providing free training for Muslims to become jihadists," said Dilireba. Two years later, Dilireba returned to Kashi to attend her brother's funeral. It was then that she heard one of her classmates Hali Del had carried out a terrorist attack in Istanbul. Dilireba said she was terrified when she heard about the assault because she never thought she was this close to being a part of a terrorist group. Meanwhile, all of her friends from high school were busy with college. "They are studying in college, in different places, including Shanghai and Beijing's Peking University. I see they are doing well in their lives. My mother was disappointed with me. She persuaded me to study here (Kashi Vocational Education and Training Center) and change my mindset," said Dilireba. As a part of China's counter-terrorism and extremism measures, Xinjiang launched the vocational education and training program. Most of the attendees are influenced by terrorism and extremist thoughts.</div><div><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d514f78497a4d33457a6333566d54/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d514f78497a4d33457a6333566d54/index.html</a></div><div><br /></div><div>12.03.19 By Cui Meng </div><div><b>Steam locomotives in Xinjiang become online sensation despite era being nearly over</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2019/2019-03-10/768d9f3a-7841-4a06-bd63-7ac8df8ad2fb.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="327" data-original-width="500" height="221" src="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2019/2019-03-10/768d9f3a-7841-4a06-bd63-7ac8df8ad2fb.jpeg" width="338" /></a></div>It never occurred to Li He, a 55-year-old steam locomotive driver who works in Sandaoling, Hami Prefecture in Northwest China's Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, that the place where he had been working for 36 years had suddenly become wildly popular online. Many people came to Sandaoling, which is located more than 80 kilometers away from Hami, to see the steam locomotive after photos and videos of these machines steaming up in cold weather stunned netizens. Sandaoling used to be the largest coal mine in Xinjiang, producing large quantities of high-quality coal. More than 30 steam locomotive ran day and night to transport coal from the pits to factories. However, with the decrease of output in the mines, the once bustling scenes are now a thing of the past. The era of the steam locomotive is also nearing its end, after production of its accessories was suspended and people became more aware of environmental protection. There are still four steam locomotives working in the mines of Sandaoling, but news that they would soon be replaced by trucks has been circulating for a long time. Li, who was born and has lived in Sandaoling all his life and is set to retire on March 25, doesn't really understand why people travel several thousand kilometers to this tiny place just to see "this dirty and broken iron stuff." He has little knowledge of the changes these steam locomotives have undergone from the industrial age to modern times. He knows that his peers depend on the locomotive for a living just as much as they depend on the mines. Li's family moved to Sandaoling in Xinjiang from an industrial park in Northeast China. Li began working in the mines in 1983 and got his steam locomotive license in 1986. Since then, the tiny driver's cab has become the most important place in his life. Li said that being a steam locomotive driver means having to be able to endure loneliness. One shift lasts 12 hours and there are three people working together - the driver, co-driver and the stoker. </div><div><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1141509.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1141509.shtml</a></div><div><br /></div><div>12.03.19 By Cheng Si and Mao Weihua</div><div><b>Traditional black soap helps clean up poverty in Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/201903/12/5c87157fa3106c65fffed546.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="629" data-original-width="800" height="225" src="https://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/201903/12/5c87157fa3106c65fffed546.jpeg" width="286" /></a></div>Bars of shabby-looking homemade soap are generating economic and environmental benefits for Qingel county in the Xinjiang Uygur autonomous region. The so-called black soap is a traditional cleansing bar made by herdsmen mixing dried plants such as nettle and sunflower with animal oil. Yin Qingjiang, Party secretary of Janbultas, found the natural cleansing product while visiting a herdsman's family in Janbultas village in early 2018. "I was attracted by the soap after stepping into the herdsman's house," he said. "The black soap is made from natural materials but is unexpectedly strong in cleaning power." He said that the raw materials for soap making are easily found in the village, and the traditional methods of production won't harm the environment. "Also, most women in the village know how to make black soap, so we bet it would be a rather good project to initiate," Yin said. He said developing the soap into a commercial product is a solution for alleviating the village's poverty. "It can help raise incomes for the families that used to depend on grazing, while shifting the income source from herding can ease the burden on the environment from overgrazing," Yin said. The black soap also serves as medicine and a lubricant to help keep clothes colorfast and relieve itching, according to a report on the county's website.</div><div><a href="https://global.chinadaily.com.cn/a/201903/12/WS5c87157fa3106c65c34ee1d2.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://global.chinadaily.com.cn/a/201903/12/WS5c87157fa3106c65c34ee1d2.html</a></div><div><br /></div><div>10.03.19 By Wang Yutong</div><div><b>Destinations from the documentary 'Savoring China'</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d414d32516a4d33457a6333566d54/img/b5a8bde74c814c68891d61246b08b1ea/b5a8bde74c814c68891d61246b08b1ea.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="187" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d414d32516a4d33457a6333566d54/img/b5a8bde74c814c68891d61246b08b1ea/b5a8bde74c814c68891d61246b08b1ea.jpg" width="333" /></a></div>Fuyun County, Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, NW China. The documentary begins with the scene of a large migration of sheep in Altay, Xinjiang. Hand-grabbed mutton, a famous dish made of the Altay sheep breed, is really tender and crisp. The filming took place in Kurt, Fuyun County, Xinjiang. Fuyun County, located in a river valley, has a suitable climate, which made it a perfect summer resort. Grassland, horses and herds are symbols of the area. The most famous scenic spot is the Cocotte Sea, which is surrounded by canyons and rivers, and forests of birch, poplar and pine trees between the canyons, which made it a golden heaven in autumn. The Erzis Grand Canyon, the location of the headwaters of Xinjiang's famous Erzis River, is another main scenic spot. </div><div><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d414d32516a4d33457a6333566d54/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d414d32516a4d33457a6333566d54/index.html</a></div><div><br /></div><div>08.03.19</div><div><b>China to restore forest in Tarim River Basin</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://images.china.cn/site1007/2019-03/08/7f9d20f7-9d3a-4d66-9775-d92f71c411d3.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="403" data-original-width="600" height="134" src="http://images.china.cn/site1007/2019-03/08/7f9d20f7-9d3a-4d66-9775-d92f71c411d3.jpg" width="200" /></a></div>Northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region launched a three-year project on populus euphratica forest restoration along the Tarim River, local authorities said Thursday. The regional forestry department plans to carry out field surveys on the coverage, distribution and degradation of populus euphratica forests in the Tarim River Basin, and conduct research on current water conditions, distribution of water-gates and the canal system along the river. Spillways and flood barriers will be built for future irrigation, the department said. Running through the drouthy southern part of Xinjiang, the 1,321-km-long Tarim River is China's longest inland river that nurtures 14 million local residents. Overexploitation of water resources since the 1950s caused river dry-ups and declining water levels. Swathes of the populus euphratica forest died. Over the past two decades, China has invested more than 10 billion yuan (about 1.5 billion U. S. dollars) to protect the ecosystem in the lower Tarim region. A National Nature Reserve of 390,000 hectares of populus euphratica forests in Tarim River Basin was established in 2006. The three-year restoration plan will cover a larger area including 11 cities and counties along the trunk and four branches of the Tarim River.</div><div><a href="http://www.china.org.cn/china/2019-03/08/content_74545679.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.china.org.cn/china/2019-03/08/content_74545679.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>06.03.19 By SUN XIAOCHEN</div><div><b>Cross-country skiing's urban renewal</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/201903/06/5c7f231fa3106c65fffda945.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="534" data-original-width="800" height="155" src="http://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/201903/06/5c7f231fa3106c65fffda945.jpeg" width="233" /></a></div>Dinigeer Yilamujiang, a teenager from Xinjiang Uygur autonomous region, competes en route to finishing second in the women's 1.57km cross-country race during the FIS three-leg sprint series at Beijing's Bird's Nest stadium on Friday. Traditionally rural event rips up rulebook with Beijing showcase. From a former Summer Olympics venue to an abandoned steel mill, cross-country skiing was showcased in some unorthodox places in Beijing last Friday, Saturday and Monday. Perhaps more impressively, it managed to do so under the glare of a warm spring sun. With the International Ski Federation (FIS) keen to promote the Nordic sport among Chinese urbanites in the run-up to the 2022 Winter Olympics, a three-leg sprint series visited the capital, where competitors raced on tracks of artificial snow.</div><div><a href="http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/a/201903/06/WS5c7f231fa3106c65c34ed054.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/a/201903/06/WS5c7f231fa3106c65c34ed054.html</a></div><div><br /></div><div>06.03.19</div><div><b>High-speed railway speeds up Xinjiang development</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d514e7859544d33457a6333566d54/img/c1edd3eac4e6455bb760f96168744d96/c1edd3eac4e6455bb760f96168744d96.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="178" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d514e7859544d33457a6333566d54/img/c1edd3eac4e6455bb760f96168744d96/c1edd3eac4e6455bb760f96168744d96.jpg" width="317" /></a></div>The Lanzhou-Xinjiang high-speed railway, stretching through the high-altitude Qilian Mountain range, an ancient section of the Great Wall and five strong-wind zones, began operating in 2014. It is the first long-distance high-speed line in China's western region connecting Lanzhou, the capital city of northwest China's Gansu Province, with Urumqi, the capital of the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. It has brought increased travel possibilities to residents along the line. Construction work began on November 4, 2009 and the 1,77l km long high-speed rail took four years to complete. Due to the special geographical environment and climate that the line passes through, railway engineers had to overcome multiple technical challenges during the construction. The Lanzhou-Xinjiang High-speed Railway runs through an expansive windy area at a length of 580 km, which is divided into five wind zones. To address the impact of windstorms, a total of 462 km long windproof walls was built and the high-speed electric multiple unit (EMU) trains on the line are wind-resistant and sand-proof. The engineers also designed a set of emergency management system for the command and dispatch console in response to emergency. The line can travel at normal speed in the wind below the rank of category 10. The highest traveling speed in wind zones can reach 210km/h. At such a high speed, Lanzhou-Xinjiang High-speed Railway is the only known line in the world that can travel against such strong winds.</div><div><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d514e7859544d33457a6333566d54/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d514e7859544d33457a6333566d54/index.html</a></div><div><br /></div><div>01.03.19 By Shi Yinglun</div><div><b>Ski lovers slide on fur snowboards in Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-03/01/137860808_15514367694661n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="496" data-original-width="800" height="170" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-03/01/137860808_15514367694661n.jpg" width="274" /></a></div>Photo taken on Jan. 16, 2019 shows pieces of horsehide soaked in hot water at Silanbek Sahshi's workshop in Altay, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. Silanbek Sahshi, a 65-year-old man of Kazak ethnic group, is an inheritor of traditional fur-snowboard-making in Xinjiang. As the fourth-generation inheritor of his family's craft, Silanbek has been engaged in the handicraft for almost 50 years.The fur snowboards are made of pine or birch wood and covered with horsehide. The horsehide can provide friction when skiers go uphill, as the graining of the horsehide provides friction to help to climb mountains, while also helping to slide down the mountain smoothly. It takes Silanbek about half a month to make one pair of snowboards by hand. At present, he is imparting his skills to his son Huanshbek Silanbek. An ancient rock painting that depicted people hunting with skis, dating back more than 12,000 years, was found in Altay Prefecture. This discovery has provided solid evidence of the area's long tradition and culture of skiing. By now, three ski fields have been built in Altay, where the snow season lasts for more than half a year, attracting tourists from home and abroad. The fur snowboards, which have evolved from the travel tools for hunting into sports equipments, enriched the winter tourism projects. The vigorous development of winter sports has brought the ancient craftmanship "back to life".</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-03/01/c_137860808_2.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-03/01/c_137860808_2.htm</a></div><div><br /></div></div><div><div>28.02.19</div><div><b>China Focus: Ethnic harmony, economic progress in Xinjiang impress foreign political parties</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-02/28/137858081_15513984683931n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="532" data-original-width="800" height="157" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-02/28/137858081_15513984683931n.jpg" width="236" /></a></div>Representatives of foreign political parties visit the Xinjiang International Grand Bazaar in Urumqi, capital of northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, Feb. 25, 2019. Around 200 representatives of 50 political parties from nearly 30 countries attended a meeting held here on Wednesday aiming to showcase China's ethnic policy in Xinjiang. Before the meeting, through visiting the grand bazaar downtown, an Islamic institute, mosques, neighborhood committees, and enterprises under the Belt and Road Initiative, they were able to observe the landlocked region more directly. Alsayed Mahmoud Al-Sharif, first deputy speaker of Egypt's House of Representatives, meticulously wrote down his mobile phone number and gave it to the CEO of a company based in Urumqi, the capital city of northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. "Please remember to contact me," said Al-Sharif. Al-Sharif is not the only one astonished by the fully automated operation of the private company focusing on plastic foil production. Around 200 representatives of 50 political parties from nearly 30 countries attended a meeting held here on Wednesday aiming to showcase China's ethnic policy in Xinjiang.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-02/28/c_137858081.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-02/28/c_137858081.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>28.02.19</div><div><b>China Focus: Indonesian, Malaysian journalists visit Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-02/28/137858202_15514844777061n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="517" data-original-width="800" height="119" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-02/28/137858202_15514844777061n.jpg" width="183" /></a></div>Journalists from Indonesia and Malaysia visit TBEA Co., Ltd., a Chinese power transformer and electrical equipment manufacturer, in northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, Feb. 23, 2019. A group of journalists from Indonesia and Malaysia visited the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region from Feb. 22 to 27 to interview the local people and find out about the region's development and how it implements policies on de-extremism. The visit by 11 journalists, as part of the ASEAN Elites China Tour 2019, followed a series of tours by overseas media and foreign diplomats to Xinjiang. </div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-02/28/c_137858202_2.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-02/28/c_137858202_2.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>22.02.19</div><div><b>China y Kirguistán prometen fortalecer la cooperación</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/NMediaFile/2019/0222/FOREIGN201902220848000455806946236.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="637" data-original-width="800" height="195" src="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/NMediaFile/2019/0222/FOREIGN201902220848000455806946236.jpg" width="245" /></a></div>El consejero de Estado chino y ministro de Relaciones Exteriores, Wang Yi, mantuvo hoy jueves conversaciones con el canciller de Kirguistán, Chyngyz Aidarbekov, en Beijing en las que prometieron expandir la cooperación recíproca. Wang indicó que China y Kirguistán disfrutan de una confianza mutua y base política sólidas, y ninguna interferencia exterior puede afectar el desarrollo de los lazos bilaterales. El canciller chino señaló que trabajarán con Kirguistán para implementar el consenso alcanzado por los líderes de los dos países, promover la sinergia de sus estrategias de desarrollo, facilitar la cooperación económica y comercial e impulsar de forma estable la cooperación en capacidad, así como la elevación de las relaciones bilaterales a un nuevo nivel. Wang expresó la esperanza de que ellos continúen explorando la cooperación mutuamente beneficiosa mediante la construcción de la Franja y la Ruta. Aidarbekov resaltó que el gobierno kirguís apoya firmemente la posición legítima de China en los asuntos nacionales, incluidos los relacionados con Xinjiang, y se adherirá firmemente a la política de una sola China y no ahorrará ningún esfuerzo para salvaguardar la amistad.</div><div><a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2019/0222/c31621-9548761.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2019/0222/c31621-9548761.html</a></div><div><br /></div><div>20.02.19</div><div><b>Tianchi scenic area attracts visitors in NW China's Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d414f7749444f32457a6333566d54/img/0f6c8e97d72d4b7e86c0399778212781/0f6c8e97d72d4b7e86c0399778212781.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="97" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d414f7749444f32457a6333566d54/img/0f6c8e97d72d4b7e86c0399778212781/0f6c8e97d72d4b7e86c0399778212781.jpg" width="173" /></a></div>Tianchi Lake, "Heavenly Lake" in Chinese, is located about 100 kilometers east of Urumqi City in NW China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. Known for its stunning views, this scenic spot has been classified as a highest level scenic area by the China National Tourism Administration.</div><div>The area received 230,000 winter tourists up to Sunday, generating an income of 225 million yuan (33.25 million U.S. dollars). </div><div><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d414f7749444f32457a6333566d54/index.html " rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d414f7749444f32457a6333566d54/index.html </a></div><div><br /></div><div>19.02.19</div><div><b>Tianchi scenic area attracts visitors in northwest China's Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-02/19/137833687_15505550083671n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="800" data-original-width="573" height="40" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-02/19/137833687_15505550083671n.jpg" width="28" /></a></div>Tourists ride bicycle on ice in the Tianchi scenic spot in northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region Feb. 17, 2019. In the winter up till Sunday, the Tianchi scenic spot received 230,000 tourists, generating an income of 225 million yuan (33.25 million U.S. dollars).</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-02/19/c_137833687_2.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-02/19/c_137833687_2.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>18.02.19</div><div><b>Xinjiang's ancient fur skis amaze European tourists on modern skis</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://image.cns.com.cn/ecns_editor/transform/20190218/Vr7Z-fzercpn9766571.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="367" data-original-width="550" height="163" src="http://image.cns.com.cn/ecns_editor/transform/20190218/Vr7Z-fzercpn9766571.jpg" width="245" /></a></div>When Bruno arrived in northwest China's Xinjiang with his modern, sleek snowsports equipment, he didn't expect to become amazed by local villagers' ancient fur skis. Fur skis, made of pine wood and horsehide, have a long history dating back more than 12,000 years. The graining of the horsehide on such skis provides friction to help skiers climb mountains while enabling them to still glide smoothly downhill. One of Bruno's 10 fellow ski lovers has seen fur skis and snowboards in Siberia, which makes him wonder whether Xinjiang and Siberian ancestors exchanged traditions at some point in history. Bruno, a 59-year-old French man, has been skiing for decades. He and his fellows have set down their skis in more than 20 countries and regions. But this was the first time Bruno and his team had skied in China. They stayed in Hemu, a village in Xinjiang, for 10 days for their winter holiday. Skiing for more than two decades, most of them came from France and Switzerland, with the powder snow in Hemu attracting them to China.</div><div><a href="http://www.ecns.cn/news/culture/2019-02-18/detail-ifzeratr8870477.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.ecns.cn/news/culture/2019-02-18/detail-ifzeratr8870477.shtml</a></div><div><br /></div><div>18.02.19</div><div><b>Naan - a booming industry in Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/201902/18/5c6a75b7a3106c65fffa77e3.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="395" data-original-width="600" height="156" src="http://img2.chinadaily.com.cn/images/201902/18/5c6a75b7a3106c65fffa77e3.jpeg" width="237" /></a></div>Chef Abdu Salam's everyday job is to make impeccable naan dough with his rolling pin and hands, a skill he has honed over the last four years working with a village naan master. Salam, 22, made naan in his home village in Yengisar county of Kashgar before his new job brought him to Urumqi, capital of Xinjiang Uygur autonomous region. Fulaimeida Specialty Food Company, Salam's employer, is located in a 37,100-square-meter area set aside for naan-making businesses a month ago in Urumqi. Now it is home to 19 naan makers who sell over 100 varieties of naan ranging from nine-grain, spicy, to rose fillings and yogurt. Naan is a type of leavened flat-bread and a staple food for people of ethnic groups in Xinjiang. A dozen years ago, almost every family had a naan stove made of clay and fueled by wooden charcoal. Now, the use of charcoal is diminishing in Urumqi due to air quality concern. Though Salam learned to bake naan in charcoal stoves, his workplace uses electric ones. Some stoves are powered by gas. Salam wears white chef apparel from head to toe and has stainless steel kitchen counters, which means he does not worry about getting his face stained by soot. "Naan cooked in an electric oven tastes different from naan cooked in clay ovens. But no matter what, freshly baked naan is good naan," he said. Salam and his co-workers make 6,000 to 7,000 naan a day. At the price of 3 yuan (about 45 US cents) to 6 yuan apiece, the disc-shaped bread is sold to restaurants, hotels, supermarkets and shops across the city, home to over 2 million people.</div><div><a href="http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/a/201902/18/WS5c6a75b7a3106c65c34e9ef0.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/a/201902/18/WS5c6a75b7a3106c65c34e9ef0.html</a></div><div><br /></div><div>15.02.19</div><div><b>Second Hetian night market attracts visitors in NW China's Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-02/15/137824868_15502275175181n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="534" data-original-width="800" height="67" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-02/15/137824868_15502275175181n.jpg" width="101" /></a></div>A vendor toasts the eggs at the second Hetian night market in Hetian, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, Feb. 14, 2019. The second Hetian night market in Hetian opened on Jan. 9, 2019. It provides various local dishes and stages attractive performances for the visitors. Meanwhile, it offers job opportunities for locals and serves as a platform for small businesses. </div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-02/15/c_137824868.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-02/15/c_137824868.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>14.02.19</div><div><b>Xinjiang center brings Przewalski’s horse back from brink of extinction</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2019/2019-02-14/9d2c87bb-c7f3-4076-8e56-22afe9893527.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="300" data-original-width="500" height="187" src="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2019/2019-02-14/9d2c87bb-c7f3-4076-8e56-22afe9893527.jpeg" width="311" /></a></div>A wild horse protection center in Northwest China's Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region has seen success in its efforts to breed and release the Przewalski's horse, which was once near extinction, into the wild. Located in Jimsar county in the Changji Hui Autonomous Prefecture, the Wild Horse Breeding Center in Xinjiang has successfully bred six generations of the Przewalski's horse and achieved an 85 percent survival rate, the highest in this field in the world. There are about 2,000 Przewalski's horses in the world, making its population smaller than that of the panda. They previously lived in the Junggar Basin and the desert grassland of the Mongolian Plateau. Przewalski's horse is the only surviving wild horse in the world, and possesses the animal's original genes. The protection of the Przewalski's horse is key to preserving the genetic diversity of the species. The main responsibility of the Wild Horse Breeding Center in Xinjiang is to breed Przewalski's horses and to conduct experiments on releasing them into the wild, according to the center. Releasing them into the wild is key to optimizing the population of wild horses, Chu Hongjun, director of the Cara Hill Natural Conservation center, was quoted by ts.cm as saying. However, it is not easy to release the Przewalski's horse into the wild, since they have mostly been raised by humans after birth. Once released, these horses have to learn to adapt to the food, water and weather in the wild. They also need to fight with their natural enemies and compete for limited resources, and breed their offspring in harsh conditions, Chu said. In August 2001, the Wild Horse Breeding Center released 27 Przewalski's horses into the Cara Hill natural preservation zone for the first time, marking a successful first step in the release plan. </div><div><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1138870.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1138870.shtml</a></div><div><br /></div><div>11.02.19</div></div></div><div><div><b>China defends Xinjiang's vocational centers after 'false' report of Uygur man's death</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://image.cns.com.cn/ecns_editor/transform/20190211/p0Qf-fzekwye7534365.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="309" data-original-width="550" height="126" src="http://image.cns.com.cn/ecns_editor/transform/20190211/p0Qf-fzekwye7534365.jpg" width="225" /></a></div>China's embassy to Turkey said on Sunday that the vocational education program in China's remote northwestern Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region is part of the government efforts to combat terrorism and extremism and dismissed as "false" the claims that it had set up a re-education labor camp to purge the area's ethnic minority. The vocational education center is teaching people living in remote areas about the country's common language and law and is aimed at preventing the spread of terrorism and extremism, the embassy said in a statement. The Chinese embassy's response followed the Turkish Foreign Ministry's allegation of the death of a Uygur man in a vocational center. On Saturday, Turkish Foreign Ministry spokesman Hami Aksoy said the man, named Abdurehim Heyit, died during his detention and cast the vocational programs as "torture and political brainwashing camps and prisons." The Chinese embassy in Ankara responded quickly saying both accusations were false and urged the Turkish government to retract them. "Allegations that the Chinese government is attempting to 'eliminate' the ethnic, religious and cultural identity of Uygurs and other Muslims are completely groundless," it said. On Sunday, the embassy reiterated that the vocational programs strictly abide by China's constitution and law in protecting human rights, and that China respects citizens' freedom of religious belief and protects their normal religious activities. It also said 57-year-old Abdurehim Heyit is alive and in good health. He was an actor working for a troupe in Xinjiang and later arrested for endangering national security, according to the embassy's statement. </div><div><a href="http://www.ecns.cn/news/politics/2019-02-11/detail-ifzekwei6640208.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.ecns.cn/news/politics/2019-02-11/detail-ifzekwei6640208.shtml</a></div><div><br /></div></div><div><div>08.02.19</div><div><b>2,200-yr-old turquoise mining site unearthed in Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://images.china.cn/site1007/2019-02/09/a196bddf-e426-4b88-8e37-67a188c5db50.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="364" data-original-width="550" height="135" src="http://images.china.cn/site1007/2019-02/09/a196bddf-e426-4b88-8e37-67a188c5db50.jpg" width="204" /></a></div>Chinese archaeologists said they have discovered the largest ancient turquoise mining site so far in northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. The Heishanling turquoise mining relic site, which covers an area of 8 sq km, is in an uninhabited area at the junction of Yizhou District, Hami City and Ruoqiang County in the Mongolian Autonomous Prefecture of Bayingolin in eastern Xinjiang. More than 1,200 turquoise items have been unearthed in the area during the excavation work from September to November last year, according to the Xinjiang Cultural Relics and Archaeology Institute. Archaeologists found the relic site was comprised of separate function zones for processing of tools, mining, mineral separation and living. A large amount of pottery and bronze items, stone and bone implements, textile and animal skin product relics were excavated. The relic site, also close to the ancient Silk Road route, was discovered in 1981. Its first archaeological survey began in 2016. Archaeologists from the regional archaeology institute, Northwest University in Xi'an City, Shaanxi Province and Beijing Science and Technology University, participated in the excavation work. Based on the dating studies of the relic items, archaeologists believe mining activity took place here between the Spring and Autumn Period (770-476 B.C) and the Warring States period (475-221 B.C.). The discovery of the turquoise mining relic cluster gave clues to the ancient industrial exchange between Xinjiang and other parts of China, said Xian Yiheng from Northwest University. The mining and living relics showcased the ancient industrial process and enriched the sources of China's turquoise production, he added. The excavation of the mining relic will continue this year.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-02/08/c_137807347.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-02/08/c_137807347.htm</a></div><div><br /></div></div><div><span style="text-align: left;">02.02.19</span></div></div></div></span></span></div><div><span style="color: black; font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small; text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><b style="color: #444444;">Medios egipcios recorren la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang </b></div></span><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: medium; text-align: center;"><a href="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/knmx_59TNdM/hqdefault.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="360" data-original-width="480" height="41" src="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/knmx_59TNdM/hqdefault.jpg" width="55" /></span></a></div><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small; text-align: left;"><div style="color: black; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">Una delegación de medios egipcios visitó esta semana la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China. La delegación de medios egipcios finalizó su visita de 6 días a Xinjiang este jueves, 31 de enero. Durante el viaje, dialogaron con residentes locales para conocer la situación en la zona.</span></div><div style="color: black; text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=knmx_59TNdM" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=knmx_59TNdM</span></a></div><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div>30.01.19</div><div><b>Rainbow beach, masterpiece of Yardang landform in Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d514d7a637a4d32457a6333566d54/img/93a049bdf3b0421d9d31c89df1a1fb1b/93a049bdf3b0421d9d31c89df1a1fb1b.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="50" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d514d7a637a4d32457a6333566d54/img/93a049bdf3b0421d9d31c89df1a1fb1b/93a049bdf3b0421d9d31c89df1a1fb1b.jpg" width="90" /></a></div>Rainbow beach, also known as Wucaitan, is situated in Altay Prefecture, Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region in northwestern China. The marriage of multiple colors caused by different minerals in rocks and a large area of poorly consolidated rock surfaces grooved by wind erosion has created the unique beauty of Yardang terrain in Xinjiang.</div><div><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d514d7a637a4d32457a6333566d54/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://news.cgtn.com/news/3d3d514d7a637a4d32457a6333566d54/index.html</a></div><div><br /></div></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div>25.01.19</div><div><b>Investigadores inician investigación de capa de nieve en montañas Tianshan en Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-01/25/137773526_15484133565091n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="137" src="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-01/25/137773526_15484133565091n.jpg" width="205" /></a></div>Imagen del 19 de enero de 2019, del investigador Yang Tao recolectando datos de la capa de nieve en el condado de Zhaosu, en la Región Autónoma Uygur de Xinjiang, en el noreste de China. Un equipo de investigación de nueve integrantes con una edad promedio por debajo de los 30 del Instituto de Ecología y Geografía de Xinjiang bajo la Academia de las Ciencias China inició una investigación de la capa de nieve en las montañas Tianshan en la Región Autónoma Uygur de Xinjiang. La nieve de las montañas Tianshan es una importante fuente de recursos hídricos. El deshielo proporciona un abundante aporte al caudal de los ríos locales y afecta también al sistema ecológico de la producción agrícola y ganadera en el oasis río abajo.</div><div><a href="http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-01/25/c_137773526.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.xinhuanet.com/photo/2019-01/25/c_137773526.htm</a></div><div><br /></div></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div>22.01.19</div><div><b>Vista del paisaje invernal en Altay, Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/NMediaFile/2019/0122/FOREIGN201901221027000078764761911.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="33" src="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/NMediaFile/2019/0122/FOREIGN201901221027000078764761911.jpg" width="49" /></a></div>Imagen del 19 de enero de 2019 de una vista del paisaje invernal en el punto escénico Keketuohai en Altay, en la Región Autónoma Uygur de Xinjiang, en el noroeste de China. </div><div><a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2019/0122/c31614-9540228.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2019/0122/c31614-9540228.html</a></div><div><br /></div><div><div>18.01.19 by Xinhua writers Lou Chen, Bai Jiali, and Wang Fei</div><div><b>Feature: Naan -- a booming industry in Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/proxy/AVvXsEgdYvZvh_PW9GAvm9LBlOOSFJAA8oRfB0psdNoFETGXUkoWb9jRxDiS1J8ql6Nr89zr6KkU67HFcqF5HXWKYZilU_tXxjVgR8GO8r4XCVRGvFDU6P1XWjXPUGUuQrpvAYKAhmay2EY77iEZR8TcLVC5P7MYP_goq2vTXresS8wgiGGvrkvQnNIrCA=s512" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="342" data-original-width="512" height="155" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/proxy/AVvXsEgdYvZvh_PW9GAvm9LBlOOSFJAA8oRfB0psdNoFETGXUkoWb9jRxDiS1J8ql6Nr89zr6KkU67HFcqF5HXWKYZilU_tXxjVgR8GO8r4XCVRGvFDU6P1XWjXPUGUuQrpvAYKAhmay2EY77iEZR8TcLVC5P7MYP_goq2vTXresS8wgiGGvrkvQnNIrCA=w232-h155" width="232" /></a></div>Chef Abdu Salam's everyday job is to make impeccable naan dough with his rolling pin and hands, a skill he has honed over the last four years working with a village naan master. Salam, 22, made naan in his home village in Yengisar county of Kashgar before his new job brought him to Urumqi, capital of Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. Fulaimeida Specialty Food Company, Salam's employer, is located in a 37,100-square-meter area set aside for naan-making businesses a month ago in Urumqi. Now it is home to 19 naan makers who sell over 100 varieties of naan ranging from nine-grain, spicy, to rose fillings and yogurt. Naan is a type of leavened flatbread and a staple food for people of ethnic groups in Xinjiang. A dozen years ago, almost every family had a naan stove made of clay and fueled by wooden charcoal. Now, the use of charcoal is diminishing in Urumqi due to air quality concern. Though Salam learned to bake naan in charcoal stoves, his workplace uses electric ones. Some stoves are powered by gas. "Using electric stoves is a lot easier since it keeps a steady temperature. Using a traditional stove, I had to constantly check the charcoal and the temperature to make sure each piece of dough was cooked evenly," said Salam.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-01/18/c_137755165.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-01/18/c_137755165.htm</a></div><div><br /></div></div><div>16.01.19</div><div><b>China Focus: Foreign media praise Xinjiang's development, stability</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-01/16/137749201_15476936249461n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="600" data-original-width="800" height="155" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-01/16/137749201_15476936249461n.jpg" width="206" /></a></div>Media representatives of the Silk Road Celebrity China Tour attend a ceremony to enter the ancient city of Kashgar, northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, Jan. 13, 2019. A media group consisting of people from six countries praised the development and stability of Xinjiang after visiting the region. The Silk Road Celebrity China Tour was held from Jan. 9 to 16 in Xinjiang, with 12 media representatives from Egypt, Turkey, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka visiting locals and a vocational training center. A media group consisting of people from six countries praised the development and stability of northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region after visiting the area. The Silk Road Celebrity China Tour was held from Jan. 9 to 16 in Xinjiang, with 12 media representatives from Egypt, Turkey, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka visiting Xinjiang locals as well as a vocational training center. The media group said that the Chinese government's successful experience in governing Xinjiang deserves praise. The group visited a transportation hub where China-Europe freight trains converge in Urumqi, the regional capital, and conducted live coverage of the trains. Shiabur Rahman, an editor with Bangladesh's Daily Sun, said that the China-Europe freight trains brought Xinjiang closer to the rest of the world. As the front gate of China's opening-up westward, Xinjiang's economic development will become increasingly better. Abdul Matin Amiri, with a weekly publication from Afghanistan, said the display of unity and joy from the locals is completely different from what some media in the West describe, adding that Xinjiang is developing well under the leadership of the Chinese government -- cities in the region are thriving and people are living prosperous lives.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-01/16/c_137749201.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-01/16/c_137749201.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>14.01.19</div><div><b>Big support funds for Xinjiang's development in 2018</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://image.cns.com.cn/ecns_editor/transform/20201115/M7tY-hacwmzu3792449.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="366" data-original-width="550" height="143" src="http://image.cns.com.cn/ecns_editor/transform/20201115/M7tY-hacwmzu3792449.jpg" width="214" /></a></div>Support funds totaling about 16 billion yuan (2.37 billion U.S. dollars) were allocated to northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region in 2018, an official said. The funds, from 19 provinces and cities, were allocated to help locals rise out of poverty and improve their livelihoods, Shohrat Zakir, chairman of the regional government of Xinjiang, said in his government work report. Last year, authorities with these provinces and cities also helped train talent for Xinjiang, offered jobs to ethnic groups in developed areas and enhanced communication, Shohrat said. Xinjiang will continue to learn from other provinces and cities and allocate support funds to improve people's livelihoods and to grassroots areas, he said.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-01/14/c_137742816.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-01/14/c_137742816.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>09.01.19</div><div><b>Xinjiang reduces farming damage by weather modification</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2019/2019-04-22/7146cf9e-ee97-470e-b95c-b1e480e4e270.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="281" data-original-width="500" height="136" src="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2019/2019-04-22/7146cf9e-ee97-470e-b95c-b1e480e4e270.jpeg" width="243" /></a></div>Northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region has adopted weather modification practices to protect its vast farmland from natural disasters, like hailstorms and drought. Weather modification practices helped reduce 70 percent of hail damage every year in the region, usually by firing silver iodine-packed shells into the sky to disrupt unfavorable weather fronts with hail cannons, officials said Tuesday at a conference on weather modification in Xinjiang airspace. It also increased 900 million to 1.2 billion cubic meters of precipitation in drought-hit areas annually, said Jin Lyusheng, director of the weather modification office of the regional government.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-01/09/c_137731274.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-01/09/c_137731274.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>09.01.19</div><div><b>Kids experience "Nang" making in Urumqi, NW China's Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-01/09/137729620_15469902545841n.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="534" data-original-width="800" height="25" src="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-01/09/137729620_15469902545841n.jpg" width="37" /></a></div>Kids experience the making of "Nang", a kind of crusty flatbread, in Urumqi, capital of northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, Jan. 8, 2019. </div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-01/09/c_137729620.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-01/09/c_137729620.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div>08.01.19</div><div><b>Diplomatic envoys from 12 countries visit Xinjiang</b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2019/2019-12-03/25fa3f65-ce9d-4d7a-bd72-89858714f8dc.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="300" data-original-width="500" height="147" src="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2019/2019-12-03/25fa3f65-ce9d-4d7a-bd72-89858714f8dc.jpeg" width="245" /></a></div>Diplomatic envoys from 12 countries witnessed the social and economic progress in northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region on a tour from Dec. 28 to 30 in 2018. The regional government invited diplomatic envoys as well as representatives of diplomatic envoys from Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, India, Pakistan, Indonesia, Malaysia, Afghanistan, Thailand, and Kuwait. The diplomatic envoys visited local markets, farmers, educational institutes, mosques, factories, as well as vocational education and training centers. Throughout the trip, they interacted with local vendors, students, and workers in Xinjiang and learned about the region's progress in maintaining social stability, improving people's livelihood and developing local economy. They said they expected to cooperate with China's Xinjiang in the fields of culture, tourism, economy and trade. At the Grand Bazaar in the regional capital Urumqi, Mumtaz Zahra Baloch, Charge d'Affaires of the Pakistani Embassy in China, said Xinjiang's cultural vitality and people's hospitality had impressed her deeply. A Pakistani businessman at the Bazaar told Baloch that he married a local Uygur woman and is happy with his life and work in Urumqi. At the Xinjiang Islamic Institute, which offers three-year bachelor programs and religious training, Ambassador of Kuwait to China Sameeh Johar Hayat encouraged the students to learn more and contribute what they learn to the development of their country. In Kashgar, the diplomatic envoys also visited a local economic development zone. Upon seeing the wide variety of imported products from Europe, Central Asia, and Southeast Asia in the zone, Piriya Khempon, ambassador of Thailand to China, said the trip had deepened his understanding of the Belt and Road Initiative, which he said is very important to Kashgar's development.</div><div><a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-01/08/c_137729175.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-01/08/c_137729175.htm</a></div><div><br /></div><div><div>05.01.19 By Liu Xin</div><div><b>1.12 million officials paired with local households in Xinjiang </b></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2019/2019-01-04/39814ae9-ef33-40fe-a499-2e68cbf12ccf.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="300" data-original-width="500" height="189" src="http://www.globaltimes.cn/Portals/0/attachment/2019/2019-01-04/39814ae9-ef33-40fe-a499-2e68cbf12ccf.jpeg" width="315" /></a></div>The moment Yan Xuning said goodbye to Abdunebi Abdurexit's family in Qianjin village and stepped out of their house, he was ambushed by the warm hug of two little Uyghur girls, who told him they just finished school. As the Party chief of Nazerbag, Kashi, Northwest China's Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, Yan goes to the village frequently and the two little girls are his friends who often talk to him about their school. Yan is among hundreds of thousands of officials in Xinjiang deployed to pair with local families. With the aim of enhancing ethnic unity and acilitating poverty alleviation, Xinjiang has launched a campaign to encourage officials from government departments to station in villages and undertake activities among different ethnic groups since October 2016. By the end of 2018, more than 1.12 million officials and government employees in Xinjiang have paired with 1.69 million local households as "relatives." Officials stationed in villages are working hard and many of them don't get to rest even during holidays and festivals. Their efforts have paid off as their work has been recognized by residents, and poverty alleviation has received a boost, some Xinjiang officials reached by the Global Times said Friday. However, those efforts and achievements are ignored by some Western media outlets, who accuse Beijing of forcing Uyghur people in Xinjiang to "forsake their religion" and labeled local governments' efforts to improve residents' professional skills as "mass persecution" of Uyghur people. Pairing with ethnic groups and deploying officials to villages are part of Xinjiang's de-extremism efforts, an official from Xinjiang's publicity department, who requested anonymity, told the Global Times. It is strange that the West only criticizes Xinjiang without giving useful advice, he said. The region is seeking its own solution to eradicate extremism. Though there may be problems, it will figure them out and fix them in a timely manner, said the official. Shohrat Zakir, chairman of the regional government of Xinjiang, said in an October interview with the Xinhua News Agency that Xinjiang set up vocational training and education centers for "people influenced by terrorism and extremism." "Officials stationed in villages would also take care of families when some members are sentenced for taking part in extremist activities or are admitted to vocational training and education centers for being influenced by extremism," said the anonymous official from the publicity department of Xinjiang.</div><div><a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1134634.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1134634.shtml</a></div><div><br /></div></div></div></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">0</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">4.01.19</span></div></span><b style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>El turismo de invierno llena de vida el pueblo de Hemu en Xinjiang</b></div></b></span><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: medium; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/346b544e32676a4e31456a4d7755444f78676a4e31457a6333566d54/img/962c306ba3fb48059f430d104a19a84b/962c306ba3fb48059f430d104a19a84b.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="534" data-original-width="800" height="77" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/346b544e32676a4e31456a4d7755444f78676a4e31457a6333566d54/img/962c306ba3fb48059f430d104a19a84b/962c306ba3fb48059f430d104a19a84b.jpg" width="116" /></span></a></div><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small; text-align: left;"><div style="color: black; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">El habitualmente tranquilo pueblo de Hemu, en la región autónoma uigur de Xinjiang, se llena de gente estos días con motivo del Festival de la Nevada. En Hemu, la nieve es un regalo de la naturaleza y un motivo de celebración para sus habitantes. Las actividades invernales tradicionales, como las carreras de caballos o las competiciones de tiro con arco, impresionan a los turistas, especialmente a aquellos provenientes del sur de China.</span></div><div style="color: black; text-align: justify;"><a href="https://newses.cgtn.com/news/3d3d774d664e544f31677a6333566d54/p.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span>https://newses.cgtn.com/news/3d3d774d664e544f31677a6333566d54/p.html</span></a></div><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;">02.01.19</div></span><b style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><b>Xinjiang entra en una nueva era</b></div></b></span><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: medium; text-align: center;"><a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/30636a4e796b544f78676a4e7a556a4d796b6a4e31457a6333566d54/img/fea3b7c1d7494ee6ad062f781fed9d21/fea3b7c1d7494ee6ad062f781fed9d21.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="534" data-original-width="800" height="76" src="https://news.cgtn.com/news/30636a4e796b544f78676a4e7a556a4d796b6a4e31457a6333566d54/img/fea3b7c1d7494ee6ad062f781fed9d21/fea3b7c1d7494ee6ad062f781fed9d21.jpg" width="114" /></span></a></div><span style="color: black; font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small; text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;">Después de la reforma y apertura, hace 40 años, Xinjiang, ubicada en la región fronteriza de China, ha entrado en una nueva era de desarrollo económico y social rápido y sostenible. ¿Conoce el vino de Xinjiang? ¿Sabe que Xinjiang ya cuenta con la línea de tren de alta velocidad? En esta edición del programa “Documental”, vamos a conocer los cambios ocurridos en Xinjiang durante estos últimos 40 años. </span></div><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><a href="https://newses.cgtn.com/news/3d3d774d664e444e31677a6333566d54/p.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://newses.cgtn.com/news/3d3d774d664e444e31677a6333566d54/p.html</a></div></span></span></div></span></div>
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Pablo Pallashttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02676986163926451532noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8368737022377042313.post-39135119169746014162020-02-16T16:59:00.036-03:002022-10-26T12:53:21.081-03:00De la didascálica transexual<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="color: #444444; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 150%;">De la
didascálica transexual </span></b><br />
<span style="color: #444444;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 14pt; line-height: 150%;">O de cómo la </span></b><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 14pt; line-height: 150%;">|</span></b><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 14pt; line-height: 150%;">ortopedia</span></b><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 14pt; line-height: 150%;">|</span></b><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 14pt; line-height: 150%;">
sexual es objeto político de civilización, </span></b></span><br />
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 14pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;">de una antropología política</span><o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #3d85c6;">Tesela
ontosemiótica, para el ensayo posible de un <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">problema
moral</i> «vuelto» asunto de aula (o de una identificación de categorías pedagógicas
relativas a su traducción)</span></span><br />
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<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;">Pablo PALLAS </span></span><br />
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://www.dropbox.com/s/u9yh50wsie93u5k/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.pdf?dl=0" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Versión en PDF</a></span><span style="color: #6fa8dc;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">§</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">1.</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> </span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;">La
concepción reduccionista de la mujer</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
<span style="color: #444444;">que es propia de cierta teología medioeval que la consideró simplemente un <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">varón frustrado</i>, penosamente se
aplicaría, a su vez, y mediante un desplazamiento precario, también a la interpretación
de la </span></span><span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">personalidad
transexual</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">».
Trataría ese ensayo del «biopoder» acerca de</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;">
un relato desordenado o anantrópico. Su problema de orientación y función,
visto, esto, en sus aspectos generalísimos, remite a cómo se interpreta <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">el derecho civil de identificación de la
persona</i> aunque sin sujeción al sólo sexo <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">con que se nace</i>.</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span style="color: #444444;">La
ley integral para personas transexuales</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span style="color: #444444;">(o
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">ley transexual</i>) <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></span><span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">—</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">resuelta durante la legislatura XLVIII
de la República Oriental del Uruguay</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">—</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;"> es doctrinalmente radicalizada
(además de destacar en sus aspectos de capacidad), sobre todo en un plano de cierre
relacional que es propio de la antropología política. A esta ley renovadora del
ejercicio de civilidad de la persona transexual, se opuso cierto discurso
evangelista, vulgarmente sectario y reaccionario, completamente disociado de la
Federación de Iglesias Evangélicas del Uruguay</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[4]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(verdaderamente ajena, además, a ese otro relato senequista), y concretado mediante
algunos referentes religiosos facciosos que los hubo y que intentarían actuar
como una célula totipotente, (aparecen estrepitosamente como agentes de
propagandismo antilaicista</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn5;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[5]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span style="color: #444444;">y
con anhelos partidistas, en general soliviantados a su vez por algún aparato
noticioso antimarxista), acompañados, asimismo, de legisladores ultraconservadores
o partidarios del ultrana-cionalismo que en el caso Uruguay se hallan
históricamente asociados al falangismo</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn6" name="_ftnref6" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn6;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[6]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>. <span style="color: #444444;">Y
su relato reaccionario —e.g. distinto de ejercerse, acaso, al menos
inicialmente, en una analítica de la «estimativa jurídica»— sólo se sustentó de
recurrencias discursivas alternadas entre la mordacidad homofóbica y las falacias
utópicas, resueltas además en la retahíla facinerosa de una iconografía del
miedo. Eso, fracasó.</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn7" name="_ftnref7" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn7;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[7]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="color: #444444;">Trató acerca del clásico discurso reaccionario
que colinda entre el disparatorio y el crimen, habitual además en toda aquella
narratología política y moralina sexual que se especificara supeditada a
coordenadas geopolíticas panamericanistas (vale sobre todo reconocerlo como un «discurso
del pundonor», subsumido en aquellas creencias del honor que son propias de un militarismo
fascista que tuteló ilegítimamente a las poblaciones suramericanas
neocoloniales de siglo XX, imbricándose por condescendencia en desbordamientos escatológicos;
esa aparatosidad falazmente moral resultó tácticamente suministrada en la forma
de la neocristiandad, otrora, a partir de la administración estadounidense R</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="color: #444444;">EAGAN</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn8" name="_ftnref8" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn8;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[8]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="color: #444444; font-size: 12pt;">y es enserida <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">a sangre y fuego</i> en la
América Latina y el Caribe de las elites oligárquicas y para detrimento continental
de una «justicia social» exigida en sus sociedades y contra una posición antiimperialista
que es inherente a distintos movimientos adeptos a un ideario de emancipación).
Y refluye, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">de facto</i>, a su vez, esta
oposición, acérrima a la mera formulación de derechos de tercera generación, de
un discurrir discursivo <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">teogeopolítico</i>
que pertenece a los evangelistas sionistas, también denominados sionistas
cristianos, definitivamente asociados e.g. en la </span><span style="color: black;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: 12pt;">geopolítica
intervencionista al ideario imperial de una plutocracia estadounidense</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn9" name="_ftnref9" style="font-size: 12pt;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="color: #3d85c6; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[9]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
<span style="color: #444444;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">que además enfrenta su propio caso contra una mujer transexual heroica como <a href="http://www.cubaweb.cu/es/publication/show/el-largo-y-solitario-camino-de-chelsea-manning/detail" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Chelsea MANNING</a></span></span></span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;"> <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">—y son quienes, sin lograrlo</span></span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn10" name="_ftnref10" style="font-size: 12pt; mso-footnote-id: ftn10;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[10]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span style="color: #444444; font-size: 12pt;">, intentaron
que la sociedad de electores laicistas de siglo XXI, en el caso Uruguay, se ciñese
a una moralina que es propia de la orientación cosmogónica supremacista y que
hace de la exégesis genesíaca una literalidad—.</span><o:p style="font-size: 12pt;"></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="color: #444444; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">§2</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;">.
Si bien en el caso Uruguay, esa facción de pastores, denominada como evangélica,
aliada al ultranacionalismo y al pregón del militarismo reaccionario, no logró
el porcentaje requerido para deducir el recurso</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn11" name="_ftnref11" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn11;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[11]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
<span style="color: #444444;">contra la ley de protección integral a la persona transexual, igualmente
ejercen la prolepsis utópica de confirmar su propósito neonazifascista a
instancias de una derogación parlamentaria. Y para esto, claro, esa moralina
reaccionaria requiere objetivamente de la preponderancia política de un cuerpo
legislativo neoliberal, i.e. de regresión de una institucionalidad de derechos
humanos que se consolida (e.g. a la manera operada en el parlamento del
Brasil). Estos corpúsculos neonazifascistas, verdaderos despojadores de
derechos civiles, económicos y políticos, asimismo, han sido identificados
internacionalmente por el periodismo crítico; y se los clasificó en relación a
su explícito conservadurismo ideológico.</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn12" name="_ftnref12" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn12;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[12]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span style="color: #444444;">Podría
agregarse a esto, no obstante, a otro periodismo —dado entre ideólogos
supremacistas y logógrafos— adunado a un aparato noticioso oligárquico que no
logró orientar hacia el <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">trastorno
homofóbico</i> a las religiones del Uruguay (ese repliegue neonazifascista fue
un fracaso estratégico; hasta se constató en la posición apostólica explicitada
por una Iglesia Católica que a pesar de enfrentar matices antropológicos entre sus
obispos</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn13" name="_ftnref13" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn13;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[13]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
<span style="color: #444444;">igualmente se declaró comprensiva, a causa de la pertinencia social que posee la
normativa transexual promulgada por el gobierno uruguayo). <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>El propio campo activista sexual
cristiano celebró la vanguardista legislación uruguaya que se aprobó, durante
la segunda administración V</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">ÁZQUEZ</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;">,
para favorecer el reconocimiento de derechos de la persona transexual.</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn14" name="_ftnref14" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn14;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[14]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span style="color: #444444;">Además,
resultó que en un estado laico como el uruguayo su eminencia el cardenal D. S</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="color: #444444;">TURLA</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">,
incluso disintiendo con algún artículo de la norma promulgada, declaró y podría
conjeturarse que con un claro sentido paulino que no firmó para derogar la ley
n.</span><sup><span style="font-size: xx-small;">0</span></sup><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> 19 684 </span><i style="font-size: 12pt;">porque la Iglesia
Católica tiene que estar del lado de quienes sufren y han sufrido</i><span style="font-size: 12pt;">.</span></span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn15" name="_ftnref15" style="font-size: 12pt;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[15]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span style="color: #444444; font-size: 12pt;">Y
es que esa legislación relativa al mundo transexual especializa el cuidado de
la persona en los planos sanitario, educativo, laboral, habitacional y
reparativo contra la violencia institucional injusta </span></span><span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">—</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">históricamente
padecida como comunidad</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">—</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;">.</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn16" name="_ftnref16" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn16;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[16]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span style="color: #444444;">Incluso
así, el propio activismo transexual en el caso Uruguay advierte la potencia de
un movimiento reaccionario que es contestatario a todo marco normativo que no
se ciña doctrinalmente a la supremacía racista que los rige: </span></span><span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">Ante el fracaso de la
iniciativa para derogar la ley, Delfina Martínez [una activista destacada de la
Unión Trans del Uruguay] sabe que vendrán otros intentos. Y lo que más le
preocupa es que en octubre en Uruguay (así como en Bolivia y Argentina) hay
elecciones presidenciales. El Partido Nacional (desde donde surgió esta
iniciativa) tiene buenas chances en la competición. "Somos muy conscientes
de que no escapamos a la oleada conservadora de Latinoamérica", opinó</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">»</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;">.</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn17" name="_ftnref17" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn17;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[17]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span style="color: #444444;">Y
esta sentencia fue cumplida; el parlamento uruguayo a partir del año de 2020
retomaría una mayoría ultraconservadora.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">§3</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">.
Si se reconoce una moral sexual necesariamente preocupada, a la manera de ítem
metodológico, es para especificar que esta tesela no se instituye acaso teóricamente
en el elogio a una analgesia culpógena. E igualmente, tampoco refiere a su
superlación institucional: los mundos del transexualismo o del travestismo no
se resuelven a partir de una supuesta clínica que los reduzca a la epicrisis.
Porque incluso es antropológicamente absurdo el intento de resolver clínicamente
aquello que remite a un plano moral. Asimismo, otro plano de sindéresis como el
relativo a la relación ética tampoco es que acaso se correspondiese de manera
epicíclica con la relación moral (tales mundos, entre sí tensionados, incluso
discordantes, requieren, necesariamente, de una razonable </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">coordinación política</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">»</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">). Tampoco es una
proposición lábil que relativice el valor moral y teológico del penitente, i.e.
de quien efectivamente se arrepiente por obrar con malevolencia. No trata
incluso acerca de un feminismo históricamente comprimido a infantilismo
discursivo, o a infantilismo de izquierda, acaso vuelto disruptivo: el recolado
idiomático que algún propagandismo idealista opera con artilugios designativos
tales como </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">«las/los»,
«l@s», «lxs», etc., parecería prescindir, en su argot, de formas económicamente
institucionales que permiten e.g. la expresión de designativos neutros, o de
usos acusativos, o de nombres epicenos, etc., entre otras formas gramáticas desarrolladas
posibles de apreciar (la onomasiología que resultara aplicada, además, nunca se
subsumiría al sólo pregón de una tenacidad discursiva dada entre intelectuales
selectos o selectas). </span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;">Es, sí, este rasguño analítico, un
discurrir pedagógico</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn18" name="_ftnref18" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn18;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[18]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span style="color: #444444;">que
trata acerca de la conveniencia sintáctica del estar-y-ser <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">en la civilización</i> (donde efectivamente existen instituciones entre
sí tensionadas), incluso en cuanto es referido a un estar-y-ser que no remite
por reducción al canon heterosexualista y procreacionista —aunque históricamente
radica en su relación de tipos y desplazamientos—. </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">§4</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">.</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> </span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;">Hay
mujeres teólogas que incluso se han abocado al análisis del canon de los libros
de la Sagrada Escritura. Y su exegética refuta las exactitudes sempiternas de
un misticismo preclaramente misógino.</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn19" name="_ftnref19" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn19;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[19]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
<span style="color: #444444;">En el relato genesíaco <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">lo último en
existir lo fue la mujer</i>: la Eva del mundo, su mancomunidad, es quien corona
la complejidad del cosmos. Luego de su símbolo, nada más hubo que fuera capaz —o
más capaz, si se atiende una <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">teoría de la
persona</i>— de radicalizar tanto, y tanto, una existencia noética. De las
analectas marianas, destaca un lema que resuelve a Dios anonadado en la Mujer Invocada
para volverse epifanía: <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Maria, Domus Dei et
Porta cœli</i>. Hay casos en los que admirar lo más complejo del mundo resulta —por
qué no— en una compenetración plena (claro que no sólo se discute en un nivel</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn20" name="_ftnref20" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn20;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[20]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
<span style="color: #444444;">noético, también hay inquietud y discernimiento acerca de las cosas del mundo
en lo relativo a otros niveles como el pneumático, el psíquico, o el
hílico-sárquico). Implica incluso el sacrificio del decidir estar-y-ser mujer —y
por anamorfosis— en un mundo en el que se es y se está viva, luego de nacido y
conocido como varón. No se trata de una <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">profanación
del cuerpo</i>, más propiamente del dialelo corpóreo-viviente que sí se es, y objetivamente
tal como se existe, sino de resolver una personalidad condigna a un mundo moral
que se especifica terciogenéricamente, no idealmente ni espectralmente, sino, a
su vez, mediante una coordinación política con su mundo ético (</span></span><span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">§</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">1.</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">).
¿Podría haber, no obstante, algún acto más </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">imperdonable</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">»</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;"> que el de la
renuncia a ser varón? Esta cuestión dudosa consignada, verdaderamente utópica
(envuelta propiamente en un cuerpo administrativo nematológico), es incluso
superada en su irracionalidad mediante otra falacia: la de conjeturar que la
mujer, en lo relativo a su personalidad, no tiene alternativa moral de ser
varón. En el mundo (discursivo-social) de la misoginia</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn21" name="_ftnref21" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn21;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[21]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span style="color: #444444;">,
claro, resultaría verdaderamente imperdo-nable que una nacida mujer pretendiese
presentarse como persona que está-y-es varón, aunque la historia demuestra que
es una forma institucional aplicada como solución política efectiva de las
relaciones asimétricas.</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn22" name="_ftnref22" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn22;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[22]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="color: #444444; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">§5</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;">.
El mundo transexual, la mujer que se resuelve varón, el varón que se resuelve
mujer, o incluso la propia composición de la persona intersexual, y, sin que su
mundo se resuelva acaso en la mera clasificación, se enfrenta a sesgos de erotofobia</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn23" name="_ftnref23" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn23;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[23]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span style="color: #444444;">, relativa
a una vanidad varonil que es envuelta normativamente en el pundonor argumentativo.
La transexualidad se hilvana asimismo con un problema político que trata acerca <i>de la vida orgánica gestionada por el ser humano</i>; y refiere a una versión bioética que minusvalora a aquella personalidad dada en el <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">desarraigo </i>o<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">
desnaturalizada </i>del arquetipo varonil (angularmente relativa a su vez al
problema de una teología afianzada en el <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">cristomorfismo
del varón</i></span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn24" name="_ftnref24" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn24;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[24]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
<span style="color: #444444;">que resultó justamente refutada y discutida en el Uruguay por L. P</span></span><span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">ÉREZ</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
A</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">GUIRRE</span></span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn25" name="_ftnref25" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn25;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[25]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;">en
sus ensayos informales). Valga reiterar por transcripción alguna tratativa
ensayada, en una anterior tesis, acerca del <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">activismo
gai</i> uruguayo y que es relativa a estas mismas cuestiones: la multiplicidad
de soluciones sexuales desborda la sola conformidad del heterosexualismo; los
términos de una relación no convergen en el binarismo de lo sexuado. Esto
claramente se constata en los casos de feminidad masculina, o de masculinidad
femenina</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn26" name="_ftnref26" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn26;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[26]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span style="color: #444444;">,
entre otras expresiones de vínculo posibles de identificar y definir, siendo a
su vez que tales formas no refluyen —de manera fija o predeterminada— a partir
de una <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">orientación sexual </i>en sí.</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn27" name="_ftnref27" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn27;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[27]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span style="color: #444444;">Estas
formas de los términos, si se emparentan antecedencias, hasta pueden resolverse
como moral manifiesta, en las propias condiciones del matrimonio que superficialmente
contrarrestan: uno de los casos destacables lo es el de la «mujer varonil» o <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">mujer de valor</i>, como una idea de
personalidad ensayada por el fray Luis de L</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="color: #444444;">EÓN</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn28" name="_ftnref28" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn28;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[28]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
<span style="color: #444444;">(teólogo y poeta salamantino que la Inquisición de Valladolid encarceló en el
año de 1572 por haber traducido el <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Cantar
de los Cantares</i> a lengua española, labor que realizara a solicitud de la
monja Isabel O</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="color: #444444;">SORIO</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn29" name="_ftnref29" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn29;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[29]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">)<span style="color: #444444;">,
otro caso relativo a la actitud de la mujer, a su vez, lo es el propuesto anteriormente
por san Jerónimo</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn30" name="_ftnref30" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn30;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[30]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(año de 347 a 419), al suponerse la posibilidad de convertirse una hembra en
«varón» </span></span><span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">—sólo </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">luego
de procrear a sus hijos</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">—</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;">
mediante la abstención sexual. No obstante, si de antecedencias se trata, el
Sínodo de Gangra (del año de 325 a 381), capaz de prevalecer con sus anatemas
en el <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Corpus Iuris Canonici</i> hasta el
año de 1917, condenó a las mujeres de la secta de Eustatio (siglo IV) porque vestían
como varones y motilaban sus cabellos para simbolizar la independencia que
conquistaban <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">en el vivir</i>, respecto de
sus maridos.</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn31" name="_ftnref31" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn31;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[31]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">§6</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">.
Esta observancia se expresa justamente para evitar un reduccionismo obtuso
(donde no habría parvedad de materia en lo sexual, como si acaso fuesen lo
mismo </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">«el asesinato»</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">
que </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">«la </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">lujuria</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;">»</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn32" name="_ftnref32" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn32;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[32]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a></span><span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">),
y se especifica a su vez para deshilvanar cierto medioevalismo moral </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">—</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">y no por lo relativo
a su patrimonio histórico-institucional, innegable en cuanto concierne aquella
escolástica a la propia componenda atributiva de las transacciones a las que
incluso remite la sexualidad, sino, en lo referido propiamente al fijismo de su
razón natural y el <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">fomes pecatti</i> y
reato de culpa al que se ciñen, así, y por conmixtión, indistintamente, las
vivencias de los <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">deleites del mundo</i></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">—</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;">. Esto se formula
para efectivamente resolver la consideración de una didascálica de la
sexualidad que no se confunda en una fenomenología del objeto aprehendido, como
si el carácter del objeto se resolviese acaso en sí mismo (a la manera de una
incursión eidética). Tampoco hay que confirmarlo en un discurso mítico, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">animándolo</i> (o retrotrayéndose al
hilozoísmo). Si el «análisis entre sexualidades» se <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">envasa</i> en capacidades puritanas se vuelve totemismo; y no se
resuelve finalmente una necesaria definición teórica de la persona. Porque se
pretende ser-pura-idea y a lo sumo, claro, se innova, aunque para reducirse el
propio entorno a meras <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">suposiciones
sexuales</i></span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn33" name="_ftnref33" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn33;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[33]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(a semiosis que se instituye finalmente como perversión hermenéutica) y se desatiende,
así, el mundo del estar y ser que es especialmente relativo —y de manera codeterminada—
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">a ese</i> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">otro que no yo</i>.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="color: #444444; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">§7</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;">.
La revisión incluso lisológica de la problemática transexual requiere de
coordenadas geopolíticas lati-noamericanas para su análisis, dada la
preocupación internacional que provocaría</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn34" name="_ftnref34" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn34;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[34]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span style="color: #444444;">, al
menos si trata acerca del caso Uruguay (relativo aproximadamente a unas
novecientas treinta y tres personas), y, en tanto refiera a un escopo institucional
de emancipación (de densificación doctrinal). Valga conjugar esta premisa con
el propio criterio de relación que formulara una docente argentina transexual
que se presenta como <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Susy Shock</i> a
partir del mundo actoral en el que se ejerce: «¿Desde dónde nos pensamos? Y
desde lo político, existe un pensamiento [sic.] trava que es de este Sur. (...)
Más allá de todos los derechos adquiridos seguimos siendo [en el Río de la
Plata] una población vulnerable, que vive en extrema pobreza, con todas las
estigmatizaciones, seguimos muriendo paradas en la calle, nos matan por travas </span></span><span style="color: #444444; font-size: 16px;">[(sic.)]</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;">».</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn35" name="_ftnref35" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn35;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[35]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
<span style="color: #444444;">Es un requerimiento pedagógico por tanto que la «razón semiótica», en relación
a un saber-hacer material y formal de lo sexual, se resuelva institucionalmente
por prevalencia arqueológica (la relación racionalizada con la cosa, como
propiedad de la razón, no trata acerca de un mero símil de <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">la cosa relatada</i> sino objeto basal a partir del que se comprende
una narratología de definiciones expresivas).</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn36" name="_ftnref36" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn36;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[36]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span style="color: #444444;">Por
esto, la </span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="color: #444444; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">|ortopedia|
(imbricada, en los «inicios» mismos de su arqueología necesaria, en la propia
historiografía que objetiva su relación de partes), en general, o en lo
particular de aquella sexualidad que sea relativa e.g. al ejercicio transexual,
remite tanto a las partes materiales ortopédicas —o de conexión de tecnologías—
como a la cuestión transaccional de partes formales asociadas al artilugio de
la forma —o de conexión de cadencias—. No es igualmente el <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">mundo de lo ortopédico</i> una mera operación estética (o para el caso,
de una <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">sexualización estética</i>); es,
sobre todo, una expresión de supervivencia que se conforma limitada, porque
trata acerca del sujeto-lógico que ante problemas se <a href="https://www.mapeosociedadcivil.uy/organizaciones/derechos-de-personas-lgbt/?page=1" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">organiza socialmente</a>
(relaciona cosas, interpreta vivencias, objetiva definiciones), y progresa como
parte misma de realidades mundanas. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">§8</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">.
El análisis de la transexualidad como problema sintáctico </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">—</span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">para
la civilización</span></i><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">, asociada necesariamente al
atributo alotético de los actos</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">—</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;"> se imbrica con la relación antrópica
que lo humano mantiene con las cosas del mundo. La supervivencia de lo
humano-político es intrínsecamente posible de resolver en tanto se comprenda
como objeto de civilización (aunque la más de las veces, o la politología de la
opinión, meramente demoscópica, o la pedagogía positivista y lexicográfica,
reducen este asunto a un problema de <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">ciudadanía</i></span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn37" name="_ftnref37" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn37;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[37]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span style="color: #444444;"> o
se aplican a algún otro término sincategoremático). La civilización de lo
humano-político </span></span><span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">—</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">en
lo complejo de su historicidad</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">—</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"> trata acerca de asociaciones
ortopédicas. El proceso de transformación de las especies Homo a mundo-</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">máquina</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">» —o más precisamente, como derivaciones
homínidas, para la <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">conformación de su máquina
racional</i>—</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"> se registra estimativamente como dado
hace veinte mil años atrás ante la invención de la cifra con los primeros
huesos hechos instrumento y, posteriormente, hace diez mil años con la
resolución de una teletécnica fundamental como lo es la escritura cuneiforme
(aunque la invención del </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">lápiz</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">», como herramienta estética, o incluso de la
«diadema» sin ornamento para el acto de acicalarse, resultan a su vez de una
datación anterior, </span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;">de hace cincuenta mil años</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn38" name="_ftnref38" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn38;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[38]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span style="color: #444444;">,
o ciertas herramientas multifuncionales</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn39" name="_ftnref39" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn39;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[39]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span style="color: #444444;">para
procesamiento de pieles, de hace sesenta mil años, etc.). Valga conjeturar por
tanto que no se logra estar-y-ser civilizado sin una dominancia de ortopedias
(no por la mera manipulación de herramientas, algo que incluso un sujeto
operatorio en su raciomorfismo podría hacer inferiormente a partir del
ecofacto, sino porque constituiría al sujeto lógico como herramienta de sí
mismo; es transformado y potenciado el dominio de sus actos como e.g. ocurrió con
la oralidad por intervención de la escritura). Y si fuese acaso posible con
esto alguna licencia poética, podría afirmarse que un esqueleto civilizatorio
resulta en <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">ortopedia pura</i> —y la
principalísima ortopedia reconocida, aquella que es expresada universalmente,
en su traducción a trama de realidades materiales, como mundo de cosas, lo es, claro,
«la lucha de clases»—. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="color: #444444; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">§9</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;">.
La propia antropología institucional (siendo unos de sus últimos objetos
históricos en el plano de las relaciones esponsalicias</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn40" name="_ftnref40" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn40;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[40]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
<span style="color: #444444;">el <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">matrimonio igualitario</i>) es
fundamento de la existencia ortopédica del sujeto-de-civilización. Y claro que
sí, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">la naturaleza </i></span></span><span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">—objetivada como relación dialéctica y resultante
a su vez de una <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Physis</i> clásica,
aunque luego tergiversada por el pensamiento medioeval latinista—</span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"> se degenera</span></i></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;">.
Civilizarse, i.e. verdaderamente supervivir a partir de una materialidad
terciogenérica, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">es dejar de ser de esa
naturaleza </i>(la revolución neolítica</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn41" name="_ftnref41" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn41;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[41]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
<span style="color: #444444;">trataría acerca de una paleoeconomía de lo humano que justamente se desplaza
del mero depredador hacia las condiciones de la producción y el inicio mismo,
acaso, de la expansión marítima</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn42" name="_ftnref42" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn42;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[42]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span style="color: #444444;">y
su tecnología náutica). Incluso el ecologista obtuso no-es de su imaginaria
naturaleza (lo mismo corresponde respecto de su otra derivación irracional, el
animalista, etc.). Tanto el <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">zoon
politikon</i> aristotélico (el animal que vive en ciudades) como el <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">zoon koinonikon</i> estoico (el surgido de
la confluencia de los hombres) no son <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">de una
naturaleza</i> sino de relaciones políticas que resuelven una sintáctica de
intereses. Y la mentada transexualidad es un problema transaccional dado en
este plano de tensión de instituciones, siendo que se la puede discutir
circularmente (i.e. en lo relativo a la condición de existencia del sujeto que
se compromete a saber de sí mismo), aunque mediante una necesaria coordinación
política, puesto que remite su composición, no a un ensimismamiento, sino, a una
relación de múltiples objetos de sindéresis (éticos, si se corresponden
distributivamente; o incluso morales, si son atributivos, puesto que la persona,
aunque sea su microcosmos una mónada relativa a sí misma, requiere a su vez y de
manera no-alternativa de múltiples mundos).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="color: #444444; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">§10</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;">.
En el campo de la bioética, siendo que su cierre no logra resolverse metodológicamente (en cuanto a consideraciones anantrópicas que orientan la más de las veces su acervo doctrinal), se ha solido asumir la cuestión del |cuerpo| de manera genesíaca, propiamente</span><span style="color: #3d85c6;">[43]</span><span style="color: #444444;">, para reducirse absolutamente a la aceptación de la naturaleza. Esto, además, se refractó coherentemente en la sintáctica transaccional del discurso reaccionario que discutió los derechos civiles de la República, en el caso Uruguay, a partir de una moralina presentada como supuesto prurito moral.</span><span style="color: #3d85c6;">[44]</span> <span style="color: #444444;">A su vez, aunque el discurso cardenalicio, en este asunto de legislación nacional acerca del derecho de la persona transexual, en una posición políticamente paulina, se separó del movimiento evangélico reaccionario que promovió abrogar la ley </span></span><span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="line-height: 150%;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">n.</span><sup><span style="font-size: xx-small;">0</span></sup><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> 19 684,
igualmente prosiguió alineado al problema moral general, puesto que hay una
pastoral católica que finalmente comprende como a un oxímoron doctrinario toda
formulación relativa al reconocimiento antropológico de la persona-transexual</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , sans-serif" style="font-size: 12pt;">:</span></span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 24px; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-indent: 35.4pt;"><span face=""arial narrow" , sans-serif"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: 13.3333px;"><br /> «“No se puede violar la integridad física de una persona para el tratamiento de un mal de origen psíquico o espiritual. En estas circunstancias no se presentan órganos enfermos o funcionando mal; así que su manipulación medicoquirúrgica es una alteración arbitraria de la integridad física de la persona. </span></span><span style="color: #444444; text-indent: 35.4pt;"><span face=""arial narrow" , sans-serif" style="font-size: 13.3333px; text-indent: 35.4pt;">No es lícito sacrificar al todo, mutilándola, modificándola o extirpándola, una parte que no se relaciona patológicamente con el todo. Es por esto que no se puede correctamente asumir el principio de totalidad como criterio de legitimación de la esterilización antiprocreativa, del aborto terapéutico y de la medicina y cirugía transexual. Diverso es el caso de sufrimientos psíquicos y malestar espiritual de base orgánica, originados por un defecto o por una enfermedad física, sobre el cual, en cambio, es legítimo intervenir terapéuticamente” (Pontificio Consejo para la Pastoral de los Agentes Sanitarios, Carta de los agentes sanitarios, Ciudad del Vaticano 1995, n. º 66, nota 128)». </span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , sans-serif" style="text-indent: 35.4pt;"><span style="color: #3d85c6;">[45]</span></span></div>
<br />
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;">No se trata de comprender el problema de la personalidad en las condiciones de la sola ablación médica, de la mutilación, o de un tribalismo sacrificial. La personalidad civilizada trata acerca de realidades construidas ortopédicamente, no sólo a partir de una base orgánica sino, y sobre todo, mediante una conformación política de su estilo. Y esto, a su vez, debe discutirse sin reducir la cuestión ortopédica de lo civilizado a mero artilugio tribal o una operatoria médica quirúrgico-estética resuelta, acaso, sólo como <i>moda capitalista</i>. ¿Qué debería decidirse, así, ante un problema de labioplastia reductora, o de restitución de turgencia de los labios mayores, o del conducto vaginal estrechado? ¿Y qué hacer a su vez, pues, en lo referido al grosor o tamaño del pene? Etc. Y ante esto, en general, ¿hay algo más que hacer doctrinalmente en lo relativo a la autonomía de la voluntad? ¿Acaso no es necesario deslindar —e.g., en lo relativo al derecho civil— la medicina curativa de la medicina voluntaria, revisándose asimismo la pertinencia social de ambos estadios de clínica?</span><span style="color: #6fa8dc;">[46]</span> </span><br />
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<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="color: #444444; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">§11. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;">El problema político de esta arqueología sexual</span><span style="color: #3d85c6;">[47] </span><span style="color: #444444;">no se reduce a operaciones de mutilación o laceraciones, modificaciones, o extirpaciones relativas a la cirugía transexual. Y, además, el problema de la integridad física de la persona —y las expresiones de su integridad moral así como su psicología transexual— no se debe reducir a las condiciones medicoquirúrgicas de un campo de personalidad. La transexualidad no se reduce a una nosografía psiquiátrica que comprende su operatoria en la «disforia de género» (donde el problema se asocia más a la fobia del sitio asignado</span><span style="color: #3d85c6;">[48]</span> <span style="color: #444444;">al proceso vincular, antes que a la sola realización actitudinal y latitudinal del sujeto de decisiones). Esta observancia, claro, no desestima la </span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;">identificación de un «síndrome transexual» o de un estado transexual, de un
síndrome de disforia sexual (como el reconocido como Síndrome de Harry
Benjamin), o de aquella evaluación endocrinológica que competa para la
anamnesis de un caso, o de revisión de antecedencias patológicos, de hábitos
psicobiológicos y toxicológicos, de exámenes paraclínicos, etc.</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn49" name="_ftnref49" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn49;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[49]</span></span></span></span></a>
<span style="color: #444444;">No se trata de prescindir de la medicina como cierre categorial, ni de los
conceptos médicos. Por otra parte, aquella teología que configura la transexualidad en las condiciones de la moral sexual debe complicar la díada del dominio de la sindéresis en que envuelve sus abducciones, puesto que tanto la TEO-<i>logía</i> como la <i>teo</i>-LOGÍA, incluso, han sido recluidas en planos administrativos patéticamente funcionales al mundo de las conflagraciones y a su aberrante manipulación de poblaciones en situación de crisis social.</span><span style="color: #3d85c6;">[50] </span><span style="color: #444444;">Decidir estar-y-ser, estando vivo hasta que dejo de estarlo, no remite al estar y ser en la naturaleza sino a construcciones histórico-institucionales de desbordamiento material y formal (claro que en condiciones ortopédicas), y, de cada relación de lo verdadero con las realidades de un estado del mundo. Este reconocimiento del «mundo transexual» como estado del mundo transexual, a su vez, se implicaría en el problema teorético y metodológico de la definición de su historia y de aquella definición de la historiografía con que se relata su relación de intereses. La historia del estilo (en un plano de anamorfosis) se complica metodológicamente ante la historiografía del estilo (en un plano de reducción). Hay toda una historia del daño y de la perversidad e.g. que es reducida injustamente a operatoria sensacionalista, o, incluso, a un plano formalmente vil o amarillista. ¿Para qué menospreciar (moralmente) la vida transexual, en sí, asumiéndola sólo como si tratara acerca de un objeto de sordidez, a partir de un mundo de moda podrida? ¿Por qué así, solamente? Esto mismo es identificado por D. MARTÍNEZ, de la Unión Trans del Uruguay: «La gente se piensa que nosotras caemos en la prostitución porque queremos o porque vivimos deseosas de tener sexo. Se piensa que las personas trans prácticamente salimos de una película porno, pero la realidad es muy lejana».</span><span style="color: #3d85c6;">[51]</span> <span style="color: #444444;">Esta tipificación se confirma incluso en la propia historia de una educación sexual permanentemente renegada por el pensamiento conservador, durante casi una centuria en la República Oriental del Uruguay; hay una discriminación injusta padecida por la persona travesti o transexual, y, no sólo en el vasto mundo transaccional, sino, morfológicamente, a su vez, como sujeto educando.</span><span style="color: #3d85c6;">[52]</span> <span style="color: #444444;">Hay un vicio de prejuzgamiento, se supone absurdamente que una mera condición posible de su forma sea, acaso, a la manera taxonómica, el criterio de relación con que se resuelve una identificación. </span></span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">§12. No trata la discusión de
existencia de la personalidad transexual, en tanto escopo antropológico radial, </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">y sobre todo como objeto institucional, de una mera reducción superlativa a <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">personaje transformista </i>o a mero <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">objeto de extravagancia</i> (menoscabándose, incluso, un necesario </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">marco
de derecho a la integridad personal, donde la cirugía transexual, lo
farmacológico y lo quirúrgico, debe hallarse mediada sólo y específicamente por
consentimiento válido)</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">.
No se trata de un mero deseo de no ser varón, o de no ser mujer. O de serlo (respecto
de un <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">sexo específico</i> genético,
gonadal, genital y fenotípico con que se nace, no siendo coincidente con el<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"> sexo cerebral</i>). Su complejidad es ya
harto reconocida en distintos planos, como el relativo a los derechos de
tercera generación, o el de la nosografía psiquiátrica que revisara su disforia
(<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">vid</i>. DSM V), o el de una moral
sexual reflexionada teológicamente en sus relaciones de sentido. Su problemática
pedagógica, cartográficamente no se corresponde con una </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">reducción</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">»</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">, puesto que la
problemática de revisión de la persona, de cada totalidad holótica, es propia
de una anamorfosis. Es absurdo que por aserción el naturalismo asuma la
comprensión de todo acto histórico-institucional que es —en su valor, además—
relativo a alguna interpretación de las identificaciones relacionales del hecho
social (la propia economía de la valoración, mediante sus vías política y
negativa, permitirá e.g. advertir que acerca de la Esclavitud, o de otras
cuestiones, la interpretación histórica del esclavócrata y su historiografía,
relativas a un plano <i>β</i>-operatorio, no coincidirán con la del propio sujeto de
emancipación puesto que para librarse de esa explotación opera políticamente
como su contradictorio). Es concomitante al problema de la institucionalización
de la persona no sólo la escolarización de quien se resuelve como transexual,
sino, a su vez, de quien se realiza </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">—</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">y con derecho objetivo, al menos para
la República Oriental del Uruguay</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">—</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;"> en el travestismo (asunto que no debe
reducirse a una teatrología del transformismo, ni a una bacanal del disfraz, o
a una lúdicra del mero reconocimiento cognitivo).</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn53" name="_ftnref53" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn53;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[53]</span></span></span></span></a>
<span style="color: #444444;">La persona travesti no es que no exista en los institutos educativos; no se
resuelve en una cartografía pedagógica con categorías necesarias que acaso
comprenda su radialidad vincular. Y es que metodológicamente hay que resolver
la categorización, para que el sujeto de derechos no quede meramente
estupefacto ante la sola condición superlativa de su ética, de una ética
posible aunque insuficiente (objeto propio, en todo caso, del particularismo
filosófico), para que efectivamente se construya universalmente, y, no
reduciéndose su identificación a relato seudoetnográfico (donde la experiencia
no es categórica, puesto que sólo es experiencia-personal o referencialmente
autobiográfica).</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn54" name="_ftnref54" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn54;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[54]</span></span></span></span></a>
<span style="color: #444444;">Y es que la pedagogía de la personalidad no debe comprender la transexualidad
como a una mera Hetería apropiada por un mundo vincular. Esta falencia
pedagógica no sólo es dada en el plano educativo, sino a su vez en otros que
también intervienen el estadio prelógico del ser humano como lo es el
pediátrico. En la situación pública, siendo, esto, un sesgo de banalidad
temeraria, se reduce la problemática semiótica de la semejanza de los actos en la
niñez a una cuestión de personificaciones (incluso inmerso en el relato imaginario,
objetivamente el párvulo está-y-es, y por sus realidades, reconociéndose).</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn55" name="_ftnref55" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn55;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[55]</span></span></span></span></a></span></div>
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<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="color: #444444; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">§13</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;">.
Y en esta insistente complicación de linde metodológico y categorial —donde los
flujos económicos de la física social resultan persistentemente sutiles al
exponerse, claro— hay que discutir el proceso de «estilo»</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn56" name="_ftnref56" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn56;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[56]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
<span style="color: #444444;">del sujeto de decisiones también como un problema moral de confrontación de
clases y de apropiación de clase (al menos en lo relativo al estilo político,
para resolver, sobre todo, cómo identificarse mediante la condición radial de
transacciones dadas como mundo de ortopedias). No es que acaso el estilo de
sí-mismo pudiese resolverse sólo en la mónada propia del acto ético. El sujeto
de decisiones <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">para defenderse </i>(para
verdaderamente ejercerse en la retórica política), incluso en un plano de
realización estética, intervenido por lo tecnológico y lo nosológico, y de
valores estéticos, debe resolverse y explicitarse (aunque parecería, y es,
harto trivial observarlo) en un dominio transaccional de actos codeterminados.
Es posible advertirlo, aparte, en casos teatrológicos relativos al «transformismo»
o al «travestismo» (no para discutirlo estrictamente a partir del plano de la personalidad,
sino en el del sujeto-actante</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn57" name="_ftnref57" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn57;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[57]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
<span style="color: #444444;">que tratara acerca de un personaje necesariamente definido en la
interpretación): el de la <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">mama vieja</i></span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn58" name="_ftnref58" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn58;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[58]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"> </i><span style="color: #444444;">(encarnada por varones, entre las
décadas de 1900 a 1930) durante la <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">llamada
colonial</i> de negros, dedicada a san Baltasar, en el Sur o Palermo de
Montevideo, o el de la modelo <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">drag</i>
del <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">voguing</i></span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn59" name="_ftnref59" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn59;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[59]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"> </i><span style="color: #444444;">en el Harlem de New York (de la década
de 1960), etc., donde se parodian en general los ademanes y amaneramientos
relativos, entre tantos otros múltiples escopos de caracterización, a la
feminidad blanca pudiente y al señor burgués —y siendo que esa <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">mujer blanca</i> y su <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">señor burgués</i> resultan defendidos a partir de su propia hegemonía,
e.g. mediante la institucionalidad de una «moda» que omite, o exorna aunque con
eufemismos, una y otra vez, en la explicitud de su diseño, incluso
mecánicamente, las causas del explotado—. Incluso respecto del propio «mundo de
las formas», parecería no apreciarse que a esta arqueología (de lo ortopédico)
se le instituye una función y un ordenamiento con que se define el sentido de
su campo de expresión —siendo que podría absorber como ítem, esto mismo, en su
generalidad, al propio problema de estilo—. Los casos de la exposición SAT</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn60" name="_ftnref60" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn60;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[60]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
<span style="color: #444444;">de Montevideo, o de la fundación de una historieta <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">manga</i> de relato transexual</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn61" name="_ftnref61" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn61;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[61]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span style="color: #444444;">habida
en Montevideo, etc., aluden a un campo de expresión, (o campo de valores),
donde aquellas relaciones que funcionan como <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">propaganda de atracción</i> no eluden la necesaria coordinación
política que requiere la defensa de aquellas «identificaciones civiles»</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn62" name="_ftnref62" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn62;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[62]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span style="color: #444444;">que
habilitaran a una doctrina positiva del estar-vivo que también sea-y-<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">signifique</i> una vida moral y una moral
sexual que no me sean ajenas.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">§14</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">.
La transexualidad —especialmente, su identificación moral— se asume
verdaderamente como problema político sobre todo a instancias de una virilidad
que es apropiada por todo aquel sujeto de decisiones que el heterosexualismo no
asume como varón, siendo así otra-virilidad; y desplaza toda otra alternativa
posible de reconocimiento de una personalidad a un plano bioético de la degeneración
(alguna similitud hay en esto a cómo operaba la nosografía psiquiátrica de
siglo XIX). Fija en la naturaleza toda condición institucional para la
definición de la personalidad sana, como si acaso el heterosexualismo pudiese
comprenderse a la manera de un decreto foral; <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">y sin embargo se mueve</i> ese mundo transaccional que condiciona y
codetermina eso que es el arte de reconocerse a sí mismo —un acto propiamente nimio,
aunque no trivial, para la sociedad política, y que no es, además, condición
suficiente para resolver la enajenación de sí mismo—. Además, a pesar de las
abjuraciones sexuales, otra vez, la historiografía —y no sólo a partir del
relato etnográfico, aunque su discusión se nutre de la multiplicidad empírica—
muestra la existencia de nobles varones nacidos mujer (incluso referida a casos
que no finalizan su travestismo en el transexualismo, o que no finalizan su
transexualismo en un plano ajeno a la «relación heterosexual», o que no
circunscriben su personalidad sexual a la alternativa de emparentarse si acaso
su propósito remitiese al celibato, etc.). Y es que la raíz institucional del
tema Transexualismo radica, al menos su identificación ortopédica, en el
vientre de un problema que hace crujir las relaciones económicas: la mujer,
como «mundo político», se potencia. Adquiere esta radicación múltiples formas,
tanto si refiere a la persona varón-reconocida-mujer como si trata de la
persona mujer-reconocida-varón, o de varones o mujeres que por <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">obra del estilo</i> interpelan un arquetipo
natural de virilidad o a aquella feminidad que le sea meramente funcional. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Nada de lo afirmado es nuevo, ni aun es
original. Es de siglos anteriores que proviene la cuestión de hacerse la mujer
de una personalidad varonil, (es un problema transaccional incluso anterior a
la época moderna). Y ha resultado en un objeto moral de emulación hasta para
personas nacidas varón, como e.g. se expresa en aquella geografía humana que es
relativa a casos de personas nacidas mujer y reconocidas varones en la
tradición afgana</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn63" name="_ftnref63" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn63;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[63]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
<span style="color: #444444;">o también en la albana</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn64" name="_ftnref64" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn64;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[64]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span style="color: #444444;">. Igualmente,
a pesar de estas antecedencias de estilo, verdaderamente estructurales, y no
leves o meramente degeneradas, se insiste en renegar del transexualismo en lo
relativo a un valor institucional que acreciente la potencia pública de la
mujer y de su mundo político. Ninguna emancipación —contraria al feudalismo, a
instituciones esclavócratas, al taylorismo, al fordismo, al burocratismo, al
neoliberalismo, finalmente al imperialismo— resultará socialmente pertinente,
incluso en un campo de revolución económica, si no se descubre su definición
teórica como verdadero contradictorio histórico de ese <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span>ser de pacotilla</span></i><span> intertextual que es aquel prototipo de moral natural que se
sustenta del mito de la virilidad. A partir de la época moderna, hay una
afirmación económica que se ha vuelto cada vez más explícita: la transformación
de la mujer como sujeto de derechos es fundamento de toda verdadera nueva
república. Un mundo civilizado donde la mujer como forma política de no-servidumbre
no se halle oprimida es, definitivamente, un mundo incontrolable para el
criterio reaccionario y su supremacía racial. Esto subyace en aquella moralina
que se irrita ante la mujer que discrimina la necesaria moral de un fijismo que
le es innecesario como eslabón a sus problemas, en relación a estados del mundo
que los manifiesta; es una mujer política que no se doblega a una mera actitud
receptiva. Irrita <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">que la mujer sea
verdaderamente varón</i>. Y también irrita que la realidad del varón devenga
intersecada por una sociedad política de mujeres en emancipación, sobre todo, si
es a partir de <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">una posición económica de
clase explotada</i>. Irrita el reco-nocimiento moral de saberse que es trivial
toda diferencia confirmada en el sólo ciclo de la naturaleza, </span>aunque,
acerca de esa soberanía de la personalidad, la reflexión teológico-pastoral,
orientada por el Vaticano, indicará que <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">remite
a una época de pecado contra Dios</i>.</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn65" name="_ftnref65" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn65;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[65]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span><span style="color: #444444;">Negar el valor institucional del transexualismo conlleva el
problema de la desubicación moral de la propia multiplicidad de la mujer como
mundo político.</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftn66" name="_ftnref66" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">[66]</span></span></span><span style="color: black;"><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a> <span style="color: #444444;">Es como lo formulara un
antiquísimo adagio chino:</span></span><span style="color: #444444;"> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">las
mujeres sostienen la mitad del cielo</i>. O acaso un poco más de la mitad, si
se piensa bien —en vez de mal—.</span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="color: #444444; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">FUENTE<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">B</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">OTERO</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">, S.; Hacia una
antropología teológica de la sexualidad. En búsqueda de una nueva comprensión;
(1.ª ed.) San Pablo; Bogotá, 2012 </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">C</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ARBAJAL</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;">,
M. 2019, septiembre 15. «“Quiero que el cuerpo travesti y trans esté en la
escuela”» en URL: </span><a href="https://www.pagina12.com.ar/218304-quiero-que-el-cuerpo-travesti-y-trans-este-en-la-escuela">https://www.pagina12.com.ar/218304-quiero-que-el-cuerpo-travesti-y-trans-este-en-la-escuela</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2019, septiembre 18)</span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">C</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ARBAJAL</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444;">, M. 2014, mayo 18. «Yo
nena, yo princesa» en URL: </span><a href="https://www.pagina12.com.ar/diario/sociedad/3-246481-2014-05-18.html">https://www.pagina12.com.ar/diario/sociedad/3-246481-2014-05-18.html</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2019, septiembre 18)</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">C</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ARBAJAL</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;">,
M. 2013, julio 28. «Lo que devuelve el espejo» en URL: </span><a href="https://www.pagina12.com.ar/218304-quiero-que-el-cuerpo-travesti-y-trans-este-en-la-escuela">https://www.pagina12.com.ar/218304-quiero-que-el-cuerpo-travesti-y-trans-este-en-la-escuela</a><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2019, septiembre 18)</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444;">CCE.
2019, abril 02. «Exposición SAT 2019/ Semana de Arte Trans» en URL: </span><a href="http://cce.org.uy/evento/exposicion-sat-2019-semana-de-arte-trans/">http://cce.org.uy/evento/exposicion-sat-2019-semana-de-arte-trans/</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2019, diciembre 24)</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">Cristianos
Gays. 2018, octubre 23. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">Uruguay
aprueba una histórica ley integral que coloca a ese país a la vanguardia
mundial en materia de protección a las personas trans</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">»</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444;"> en URL: </span><a href="https://www.cristianosgays.com/2018/10/23/uruguay-aprueba-una-historica-ley-integral-que-coloca-a-ese-pais-a-la-vanguardia-mundial-en-materia-de-proteccion-a-las-personas-trans/">https://www.cristianosgays.com/2018/10/23/uruguay-aprueba-una-historica-ley-integral-que-coloca-a-ese-pais-a-la-vanguardia-mundial-en-materia-de-proteccion-a-las-personas-trans/</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2019, agosto 31)</span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">D</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">OMINZAIN</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">, J. M. 2019, agosto
06. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">Fracasa
el intento de un grupo conservador que buscaba derogar la Ley Trans en Uruguay</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">»</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444;">
en URL: </span><a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/323373-fracaso-intento-derogar-ley-trans-uruguay">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/323373-fracaso-intento-derogar-ley-trans-uruguay</a><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2019, agosto 06)</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">E</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">CHAVARREN</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">, R. Arte andrógino.
Estilo versus moda en un siglo corto; Ediciones COLIHUE SRL; Buenos Aires, 1998
<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444;">FEDERACIÓN
DE IGLESIAS EVANGÉLICAS DEL URUGUAY. 2019, agosto 31. «DECLARACIÓN SOBRE LA
DIVERSIDAD DE PENSAMIENTO EN LAS IGLESIAS EVANGÉLICAS» en URL:</span> <a href="https://www.nev.it/nev/wp-content/uploads/2019/08/Declaraci%C3%B3n-FIEU-sobre-diversidad-de-pensamiento-en-las-iglesias-evang%C3%A9licas-20190731.pdf">https://www.nev.it/nev/wp-content/uploads/2019/08/Declaraci%C3%B3n-FIEU-sobre-diversidad-de-pensamiento-en-las-iglesias-evang%C3%A9licas-20190731.pdf</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2019, agosto 31)</span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">G</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">REIF</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">, M. 2019, agosto 05. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">No
alcanzaron los votos para someter a referéndum la ley integral trans</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">»</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444;">
en URL: </span><a href="https://ladiaria.com.uy/articulo/2019/8/no-alcanzaron-los-votos-para-someter-a-referendum-la-ley-integral-trans/">https://ladiaria.com.uy/articulo/2019/8/no-alcanzaron-los-votos-para-someter-a-referendum-la-ley-integral-trans/</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2019, agosto 31)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">H</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ALBERSTAM</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">, Judith (traducc. S</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ÁEZ</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">, J.); Masculinidad
femenina; E</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">GALES</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> SL; Madrid, 2008: <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>«<u>Una introducción a la masculinidad
femenina. Masculinidad sin hombres</u>»<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">H</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ERMOSA</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">
L</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ORENCI</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;">,
M. de la. S.a. «Repensando los orígenes de la disforia de género» en URL: </span><a href="http://www.injuve.es/sites/default/files/3%20Repensando%20los%20or%C3%ADgenes%20de%250la%20disforia%20de%20g%C3%A9nero.pdf">http://www.injuve.es/sites/default/files/3%20Repensando%20los%20or%C3%ADgenes%20de%0la%20disforia%20de%20g%C3%A9nero.pdf</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2020, febrero 09)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">I</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">SGLEAS</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">, D. 2018, AGOSTO 14. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">Casi
40</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 6pt; line-height: 150%;"> </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">000
firmas contra ley de derechos "trans"</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">»</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444;"> en URL: </span><a href="https://www.elpais.com.uy/informacion/politica/firmas-ley-derechos-trans.html">https://www.elpais.com.uy/informacion/politica/firmas-ley-derechos-trans.html</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2018, diciembre 29)</span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444;">LaRed21.
2019, abril 19. «Cardenal Daniel Sturla se pronunció en contra de derogar la
Ley Trans» en URL: </span><a href="http://www.lr21.com.uy/politica/1398268-cardenal-daniel-sturla-ley-trans">http://www.lr21.com.uy/politica/1398268-cardenal-daniel-sturla-ley-trans</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2019, agosto 31)</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="color: #444444; mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">LaRed21. 2019, agosto 05. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">El pre-referendo de
la Ley Trans en los medios del mundo</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">»</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;"> en URL: </span><a href="http://www.lr21.com.uy/comunidad/1407389-pre-referendo-ley-trans-uruguay-medios-del-mundo-noticias-internacionales">http://www.lr21.com.uy/comunidad/1407389-pre-referendo-ley-trans-uruguay-medios-del-mundo-noticias-internacionales</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2019, agosto 31)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">L</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ARRONDA</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444;">, A. 2019, julio 29. «El
prerreferéndum por la ley trans genera matices en Iglesia Católica» en URL: </span><a href="https://www.elpais.com.uy/informacion/politica/prereferendum-ley-trans-genera-matices-iglesia-catolica.html">https://www.elpais.com.uy/informacion/politica/prereferendum-ley-trans-genera-matices-iglesia-catolica.html</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2019, agosto 31)</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="color: #444444; mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">M</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ORAL</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444;">, J. S.a . «SOBRE LA
HISTORIA DE LA MISOGINIA» en URL:</span> <a href="https://www.joseguadalajara.com/bf-xi-sobre-la-historia-de-la-misoginia/">https://www.joseguadalajara.com/bf-xi-sobre-la-historia-de-la-misoginia/</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2019, noviembre 30)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></span><br />
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"><span style="color: #444444;">PASCUAL, F. S.a. «Una reflexión sobre la transexualidad» en URL: </span><a href="http://es.catholic.net/op/articulos/20247/cat/1182/una-reflexion-sobre-la-transexualidad.html#modal">http://es.catholic.net/op/articulos/20247/cat/1182/una-reflexion-sobre-la-transexualidad.html#modal</a> <span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2018, diciembre 23) </span></span></span><br />
<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">P</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ARRADO</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444;">, M. 2018, noviembre
12. «Ser trans en Uruguay, la historia de Delfina Martínez» en URL: </span><a href="http://www.ipsnoticias.net/2018/11/trans-uruguay-la-historia-delfina-martinez/">http://www.ipsnoticias.net/2018/11/trans-uruguay-la-historia-delfina-martinez/</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2020, febrero 01)</span></span></div>
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<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444;">Poder
Legislativo de la ROU. 2018, noviembre 07. «LEY INTEGRAL PARA PERSONAS TRANS»
en URL: </span><a href="https://legislativo.parlamento.gub.uy/temporales/docu9303367778930.htm">https://legislativo.parlamento.gub.uy/temporales/docu9303367778930.htm</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2020, febrero 16)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">Presidencia
de la República Oriental del Uruguay. 2019, mayo 02. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">Ley Trans incluye
componentes de salud, educación, vivienda, inclusión laboral y reparación de
violencia institucional</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">»</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444;">
en URL: </span><a href="https://www.presidencia.gub.uy/comunicacion/comunicacionnoticias/ley-trans-reglamentacion">https://www.presidencia.gub.uy/comunicacion/comunicacionnoticias/ley-trans-reglamentacion</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2019, agosto 31)</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="color: #444444; mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;">RT. 2015, mayo 19. «Suecia: las
locuras del género» en URL: </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6_ib1Kt2O28">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6_ib1Kt2O28</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2019, octubre 14)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;">RT. 2016. «Ella es mi hijo» en
URL: </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ICU38pI_mNs">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ICU38pI_mNs</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2020, enero 13).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;">RT. 2016. «Vírgenes juradas,
hombres por necesidad» en URL:</span> <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AnAycO4YRag&feature=youtu.be">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AnAycO4YRag&feature=youtu.be</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2020, enero 13)</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="color: #444444;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">RT. 2018, noviembre 28. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">Las mujeres reescriben la Biblia: Editan una provocadora versión
feminista del libro sagrado</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">»</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><span style="color: #444444;"> en
URL:</span> <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/297117-biblia-escrita-mujeres">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/297117-biblia-escrita-mujeres</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2018, noviembre 28) <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">G</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ÓMEZ</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"> de L</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">IAÑO</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">, I.; La variedad del mundo; Biblioteca de ensayo 68
(Serie Mayor) Ediciones Siruela; España, 2009 <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444;">RT.
2019, noviembre 27. «¿El ascenso de grupos religiosos marca la agenda política
en América Latina?» en URL:</span> <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/334232-ascenso-grupos-religiosos-marca-agenda-politica">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/334232-ascenso-grupos-religiosos-marca-agenda-politica</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2019, noviembre 28)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="color: #444444;">Sin
autor en Friendlymap Magazine; Gráfica Mosca; Año 10; N.º 33; Montevideo, enero
de 2018: «<u>Susy Shock. Artista trans trava sudaca</u>»<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">SPUTNIK. 2019, julio 31. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">Preocupa a ONU en
Uruguay el pre-referéndum para derogar la ley para transexuales</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">»</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;"> en URL: </span><a href="https://mundo.sputniknews.com/america-latina/201907311088209006-preocupa-a-onu-en-uruguay-el-pre-referendum-para-derogar-la-ley-para-transexuales/">https://mundo.sputniknews.com/america-latina/201907311088209006-preocupa-a-onu-en-uruguay-el-pre-referendum-para-derogar-la-ley-para-transexuales/</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2019, agosto 10)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">SPUTNIK.
2019, agosto 05. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">"Derrota
de iniciativa contra Ley Trans muestra que Uruguay es ejemplo en América
Latina"</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">»</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444;">
en URL:</span> <a href="https://mundo.sputniknews.com/america-latina/201908051088271181-derrota-de-iniciativa-contra-ley-trans-muestra-que-uruguay-es-ejemplo-en-america-latina/">https://mundo.sputniknews.com/america-latina/201908051088271181-derrota-de-iniciativa-contra-ley-trans-muestra-que-uruguay-es-ejemplo-en-america-latina/</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2019, agosto 10)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">T</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ALENS</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">,
J. A.-G</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ARCÍA</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"> M</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ULET</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">,
Ó. en A</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ZNAR</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">, J. (coord.);
TRANSEXUALIDAD. VALORACIÓN PLURIDISCIPLINAR DEL FENÓMENO Y SU REGULACIÓN LEGAL;
Observatorio de Bioética, Universidad Católica de Valencia San Vicente Mártir;
España, 2017: «<u>Reflexiones teológico-pastorales a propósito de las leyes de
género. La Iglesia acompaña hoy a sus hijos más queridos en la maduración de la
masculinidad y la feminidad</u>» <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;">TELE. 2018, abril 18. «“Teen
Trans”, el primer manga transgénero de Latinoamérica: un proyecto uruguayo que
busca defender la diversidad» en URL:</span> <a href="https://www.teledoce.com/especiales/de-la-mancha-macondo-y-otros-sitios/teen-trans-el-primer-manga-transgenero-de-latinoamerica-un-proyecto-uruguayo-que-busca-defender-la-diversidad/">https://www.teledoce.com/especiales/de-la-mancha-macondo-y-otros-sitios/teen-trans-el-primer-manga-transgenero-de-latinoamerica-un-proyecto-uruguayo-que-busca-defender-la-diversidad/</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2019, mayo 01)</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="color: #444444;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
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ESPECÍFICA<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">B</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">UENO</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">, G. 2009. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">Educación
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<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2018, noviembre 28)</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="color: #444444; mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">B</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">UENO</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><span style="color: #444444;">, G.
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<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2020, enero 27)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">J</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ALIFE</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">-R</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">AHME</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">, A. 2019, enero 04. </span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444;">«Netanyahu, gran aliado de
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<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2020, enero 06)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">Poder
Legislativo de la ROU. 2000, julio 06. Ley Nº 17 244. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">RECURSO DE REFERENDUM
CONTRA LAS LEYES. INSTITUIDO POR EL INCISO SEGUNDO DEL ARTÍCULO 79 DE LA
CONSTITUCIÓN DE LA REPÚBLICA</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">»: </span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444;">«<u>CAPÍTULO
IV</u>» en URL:</span> <a href="https://legislativo.parlamento.gub.uy/temporales/leytemp2843349.htm">https://legislativo.parlamento.gub.uy/temporales/leytemp2843349.htm</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2019, agosto 31)</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="color: #444444; mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">RT.
2019, marzo 14. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">Filtran
que el Reino Unido recluta filósofos, psicólogos y teólogos para sus planes de
guerra psicológica</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">»</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444;">
en URL:</span> <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/308510-ejercito-humanidades-reino-unido-guerra">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/308510-ejercito-humanidades-reino-unido-guerra</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2019, marzo 14)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">RT.
2020, enero 31. «VÍDEO: Descubren una 'navaja suiza' en una cueva de Siberia de
hace 60</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 6pt; line-height: 150%;"> </span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444;">000
años» en URL:</span> <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/341604-descubren-navaja-suiza-cueva-siberia">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/341604-descubren-navaja-suiza-cueva-siberia</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2020, enero 31)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">S</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">CHIJEN</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444;">, S. 2019, junio 22.
«De las salas de Harlem al estrellato: 40 años de historia del 'voguing'» en
URL: </span><a href="https://www.vogue.es/living/articulos/voguing-estilo-baile-40-anos-historia">https://www.vogue.es/living/articulos/voguing-estilo-baile-40-anos-historia</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2019, diciembre 16)</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="color: #444444; mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><span style="color: #444444;">UAB. S.a. «SAPPO. Seminario de Arqueología
Prehistorica del Próximo Oriente. Tell Halula» en URL: </span><a href="http://grupsderecerca.uab.cat/sappo/es/content/tell-halula">http://grupsderecerca.uab.cat/sappo/es/content/tell-halula</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2018, diciembre 19) </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<div style="mso-element: footnote-list;">
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<br />
<div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Cfr</i>. B</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">OTERO</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">, S.; Hacia una antropología
teológica de la sexualidad. En búsqueda de una nueva comprensión; (1.ª ed.) San
Pablo; Bogotá, 2012 (pág. 12).</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn2" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> Este problema
terciogenérico de <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">identificación de sí
mismo</i>, si se discute, no como cuestión existencialista, sino, para
confirmar un objeto metodológico propiamente refiere a la sindéresis, y a sus
ramificaciones atributiva y distributiva, y a un problema de relación de
géneros de materialidad donde aquello que me-resuelve para ser y estar no trata
acerca de un mero plano de potencia volitiva.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn3" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444; mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444;"> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. Poder Legislativo de la ROU. 2018, noviembre 07. «LEY INTEGRAL
PARA PERSONAS TRANS» en URL:</span> <a href="https://legislativo.parlamento.gub.uy/temporales/docu9303367778930.htm">https://legislativo.parlamento.gub.uy/temporales/docu9303367778930.htm</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2020, febrero 16).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn4" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444; mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[4]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444;"> La Federación de
Iglesias Evangélicas del Uruguay lamentó y denunció la noticia equívoca del
periódico uruguayo El País que afirmó falazmente el apoyo <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">in toto</i> de la comunidad evangélica al movimiento reaccionario
contrario a la ley transexual; tituló en el mes de julio de 2019 esa prensa que
«Las iglesias evangélicas se movilizan contra la ley trans en Uruguay». La
federación evangélica calificó de aviesa la generalización que ese periodismo
opera respecto de temas y asuntos relativos a la vida y la dignidad de las
personas. Valdría agregar a su vez que ese procedimiento de tergiversación del
hecho es, claro, un patrón de esa prensa y no acaso una mera equivocación
sistática de su interpretación del mundo<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">.
Vid</i>. FEDERACIÓN DE IGLESIAS EVANGÉLICAS DEL URUGUAY. 2019, agosto 31.
«DECLARACIÓN SOBRE LA DIVERSIDAD DE PENSAMIENTO EN LAS IGLESIAS EVANGÉLICAS» en
URL: </span><a href="https://www.nev.it/nev/wp-content/uploads/2019/08/Declaraci%C3%B3n-FIEU-sobre-diversidad-de-pensamiento-en-las-iglesias-evang%C3%A9licas-20190731.pdf">https://www.nev.it/nev/wp-content/uploads/2019/08/Declaraci%C3%B3n-FIEU-sobre-diversidad-de-pensamiento-en-las-iglesias-evang%C3%A9licas-20190731.pdf</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2019, agosto 31).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn5" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref5" name="_ftn5" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn5;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444; mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[5]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444;"> Ese propagandismo
antilaicista del caso Uruguay bien podría confirmarse como dispositivo imperial,
abocado a una forma religiosa de reacción anticomunista sistemática. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. RT. 2019, noviembre 27. «¿El
ascenso de grupos religiosos marca la agenda política en América Latina?» en
URL: </span><a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/334232-ascenso-grupos-religiosos-marca-agenda-politica">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/334232-ascenso-grupos-religiosos-marca-agenda-politica</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2019, noviembre 28).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn6" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref6" name="_ftn6" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn6;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[6]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> Se tiene el caso
paradigmático de Luis Alberto de H</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ERRERA</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">, quien integra el
padrón de afiliados a Falange Española (siendo el falangismo una de las formas
de fascismo que confirmarían el anticomunismo europeo). Debe atenderse a su vez
que el alzamiento franquista, y su cruzada, se despliega contra la República
Española, la segunda república, incluso apoyada con recaudación de fondos en el
Uruguay, y el herrerismo incipiente participa a favor de aquel Ejército
Nacionalista, entre otros movimientos ultraconservadores y ultranacionalistas, mediante
la Unión Nacional Española. El relato falangista en el Uruguay a su vez hizo
mixtión ostentosa de lo sacro y de lo político.<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><sup>*</sup></i></b> En el
herrerismo esa fórmula discursiva ha perdurado durante siglo XXI, sobre todo en
aquellas relaciones partidistas orientadas a la consecución de alianzas
electorales que le permitieron vencer en el balotaje presidencial de 2019.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><sup><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">*
</span></sup></i></b><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">Cfr</span></i><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">. Z</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">UBILLAGA</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">, C.; Una historia
silenciada. Presencia y acción del falangismo en Uruguay (1936-1955); (1.<sup>a</sup>
ed.) Ediciones Cruz del Sur; Montevideo, 2015 (págs. 41 y ss., 221, 234 y ss.).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn7" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref7" name="_ftn7" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn7;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 107%;">[7]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>SPUTNIK. 2019, agosto 05.
</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">"Derrota
de iniciativa contra Ley Trans muestra que Uruguay es ejemplo en América
Latina"</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">»</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444;">
en URL:</span> <a href="https://mundo.sputniknews.com/america-latina/201908051088271181-derrota-de-iniciativa-contra-ley-trans-muestra-que-uruguay-es-ejemplo-en-america-latina/">https://mundo.sputniknews.com/america-latina/201908051088271181-derrota-de-iniciativa-contra-ley-trans-muestra-que-uruguay-es-ejemplo-en-america-latina/</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2019, agosto 10).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn8" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref8" name="_ftn8" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn8;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[8]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Cfr</i>. «<u>El neoconservadurismo y el “Instituto sobre Religión y
Democracia”</u>» en E</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ZCURRA</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">, A.M.; El Vaticano y la
administración Reagan; Editorial Fundamentos; Madrid, 1986 (pág. 50 y ss.).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn9" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref9" name="_ftn9" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn9;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[9]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. J</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ALIFE</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">-R</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">AHME</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444;">, A. 2019, enero 04.
«Netanyahu, gran aliado de Bolsonaro y los 'evangelistas sionistas'» en URL:</span> <a href="https://mundo.sputniknews.com/firmas/201901041084547384-que-significa-alianza-entre-bolsonaro-y-netanyahu/">https://mundo.sputniknews.com/firmas/201901041084547384-que-significa-alianza-entre-bolsonaro-y-netanyahu/</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2020, enero 06).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn10" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref10" name="_ftn10" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn10;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 107%;">[10]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> </span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">Vid</span></i><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>G</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">REIF</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">,
M. 2019, agosto 05. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">No
alcanzaron los votos para someter a referéndum la ley integral trans</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">»</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;"> en URL: </span><a href="https://ladiaria.com.uy/articulo/2019/8/no-alcanzaron-los-votos-para-someter-a-referendum-la-ley-integral-trans/">https://ladiaria.com.uy/articulo/2019/8/no-alcanzaron-los-votos-para-someter-a-referendum-la-ley-integral-trans/</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2019, agosto 31).</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="color: #444444;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn11" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref11" name="_ftn11" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn11;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[11]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. «<u>CAPÍTULO IV</u>» en Poder Legislativo de la ROU. 2000,
julio 06. Ley Nº 17 244. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">RECURSO
DE REFERENDUM CONTRA LAS LEYES. INSTITUIDO POR EL INCISO SEGUNDO DEL ARTÍCULO
79 DE LA CONSTITUCIÓN DE LA REPÚBLICA</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">»</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444;"> en URL:</span> <a href="https://legislativo.parlamento.gub.uy/temporales/leytemp2843349.htm">https://legislativo.parlamento.gub.uy/temporales/leytemp2843349.htm</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2019, agosto 31).</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="color: #444444; mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn12" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref12" name="_ftn12" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn12;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[12]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. LaRed21. 2019, agosto 05. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">El pre-referendo de
la Ley Trans en los medios del mundo</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">»</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;"> en URL: </span><a href="http://www.lr21.com.uy/comunidad/1407389-pre-referendo-ley-trans-uruguay-medios-del-mundo-noticias-internacionales">http://www.lr21.com.uy/comunidad/1407389-pre-referendo-ley-trans-uruguay-medios-del-mundo-noticias-internacionales</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2019, agosto 31).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn13" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref13" name="_ftn13" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn13;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[13]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. L</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ARRONDA</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444;">, A. 2019, julio 29. «El
prerreferéndum por la ley trans genera matices en Iglesia Católica» en URL:</span> <a href="https://www.elpais.com.uy/informacion/politica/prereferendum-ley-trans-genera-matices-iglesia-catolica.html">https://www.elpais.com.uy/informacion/politica/prereferendum-ley-trans-genera-matices-iglesia-catolica.html</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2019, agosto 31).</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="color: #444444; mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn14" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref14" name="_ftn14" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn14;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[14]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. Cristianos Gays. 2018, octubre 23. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">Uruguay aprueba una
histórica ley integral que coloca a ese país a la vanguardia mundial en materia
de protección a las personas trans</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">»</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444;">
en URL: </span><a href="https://www.cristianosgays.com/2018/10/23/uruguay-aprueba-una-historica-ley-integral-que-coloca-a-ese-pais-a-la-vanguardia-mundial-en-materia-de-proteccion-a-las-personas-trans/">https://www.cristianosgays.com/2018/10/23/uruguay-aprueba-una-historica-ley-integral-que-coloca-a-ese-pais-a-la-vanguardia-mundial-en-materia-de-proteccion-a-las-personas-trans/</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2019, agosto 31).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn15" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref15" name="_ftn15" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn15;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444; mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[15]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444;"> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. LaRed21. 2019, abril 19. «Cardenal Daniel Sturla se pronunció
en contra de derogar la Ley Trans» en URL: </span><a href="http://www.lr21.com.uy/politica/1398268-cardenal-daniel-sturla-ley-trans">http://www.lr21.com.uy/politica/1398268-cardenal-daniel-sturla-ley-trans</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2019, agosto 31).</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="color: #444444; mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn16" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref16" name="_ftn16" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn16;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[16]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. Presidencia de la República Oriental del Uruguay. 2019, mayo
02. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">Ley
Trans incluye componentes de salud, educación, vivienda, inclusión laboral y
reparación de violencia institucional</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">»</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444;"> en URL: </span><a href="https://www.presidencia.gub.uy/comunicacion/comunicacionnoticias/ley-trans-reglamentacion">https://www.presidencia.gub.uy/comunicacion/comunicacionnoticias/ley-trans-reglamentacion</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2019, agosto 31).</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="color: #444444; mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn17" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref17" name="_ftn17" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn17;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[17]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. D</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">OMINZAIN</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">, J. M. 2019, agosto 06. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">Fracasa
el intento de un grupo conservador que buscaba derogar la Ley Trans en Uruguay</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">»</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444;">
en URL:</span> <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/323373-fracaso-intento-derogar-ley-trans-uruguay">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/323373-fracaso-intento-derogar-ley-trans-uruguay</a><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2019, agosto 06).</span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn18" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref18" name="_ftn18" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn18;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[18]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> Es, sintácticamente,
una pedagogía materialista de la verdad; se halla notoriamente imbricada en una
radicalidad antifascista </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">—propiamente de </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">constitución ajorismática, sobre
todo en lo relativo a esa vía </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">α</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">-operatoria
que trata acerca de cómo constituir traducciones de aula respecto de un estado
del mundo</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">—. Y </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">es por antonomasia la Pedagogía, la forma
leninista de resolver aquel antiimperialismo con que se es capaz de superar
políticamente relaciones (de clase) de servilismo.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn19" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref19" name="_ftn19" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn19;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[19]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">Su
obra, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Une bible des femmes</i> se publicó
por la editorial helvética Labor et fides. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>.
RT. 2018, noviembre 28. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">Las
mujeres reescriben la Biblia: Editan una provocadora versión feminista del
libro sagrado</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">»</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><span style="color: #444444;"> en
URL: </span><a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/297117-biblia-escrita-mujeres">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/297117-biblia-escrita-mujeres</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2018, noviembre 28). <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn20" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref20" name="_ftn20" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn20;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[20]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> Estos </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">niveles
son remedados por la teología de Paraíso, relativos a una tradición religiosa y
filosófica. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Cfr</i>.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>G</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ÓMEZ</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"> de L</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">IAÑO</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">, I.;
La variedad del mundo; Biblioteca de ensayo 68 (Serie Mayor) Ediciones Siruela;
España, 2009 (pág. 38).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn21" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref21" name="_ftn21" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn21;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[21]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> No es que con esto se
omita acaso el problema político de la misandria o la necesidad académica de
que sus escopos sean efectivamente cribados para su reconocimiento
antropológico, u otros asuntos relativos. Sólo indica aceptar que la </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">misoginia
beligerante</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">»</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">
posee de por sí valor histórico-institucional debido a su entronizada propagación
literaria. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. M</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ORAL</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444;">, J. S.a . «SOBRE LA HISTORIA
DE LA MISOGINIA» en URL: </span><a href="https://www.joseguadalajara.com/bf-xi-sobre-la-historia-de-la-misoginia/">https://www.joseguadalajara.com/bf-xi-sobre-la-historia-de-la-misoginia/</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2019, noviembre 30).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn22" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref22" name="_ftn22" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn22;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[22]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> Hay toda una
arqueología relativa al valor político de comportarse como varón siendo nacida mujer,
como el relativo al caso Hatshepsut. Renunció a actuar oficialmente como fémina
para, en toda circunstancia, ser faraón. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Cfr</i>.
D</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ESROCHES</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> N</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">OBLECOURT</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">, Ch. (trad. P</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ARRA</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">, J. M.); La mujer en
tiempos de los faraones; (2.<sup>a</sup> ed.) Editorial Complutense; Madrid,
2004 (pág. 140).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn23" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref23" name="_ftn23" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn23;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[23]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Cfr</i>. «<u>Atitude liberal aberta</u>» en L</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ÓPEZ</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">, F. – F</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">UERTES</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">, A.; Para entender a
sexualidade; Ediçoes Loyola; São Paulo, 1992 (pág. 31).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn24" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref24" name="_ftn24" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn24;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[24]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> El cristomorfismo del
varón —como rémora segregacionista que perdura incluso en la antropología
cristiana de siglo XXI— trata acerca de un problema político intervenido por el
plano de las nematologías religiosas; sobresalen antecedencias como la del mismísimo Ambrosiastro (siglo IV), quien —amparándose en Corintios 14.34— afirmaría que una mujer no puede ser testigo en una corte, ni ejercer ciudadanía, ni ser juez, ni puede enseñar, puesto que se halla sujeta al dominio del varón, dado que ella no es imagen de Dios (siendo esto retomado a su vez en el <i>Decretum Gratiani</i> del año de 1140 y asumido en el <i>Corpus Iuris Canonici</i> hasta el año de 1917). <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Cfr</i>. K</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">RAMER</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">, H. – S</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">PRENGER</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">, J. (prologado por T</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ANGIR</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">, O.); Malleus
Maleficarum. El martillo de los brujos. El libro infame de la inquisición; (1.ª
ed.) Editorial Círculo Latino, SL; Barcelona, 2005 (págs. 33 y 34).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn25" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref25" name="_ftn25" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn25;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[25]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> La teología informal
de alguna manera también discute ese esquematismo natural cuando objeta la
promoción del cristomorfismo del varón, porque tamaña conjetura acrecienta la
inaccesibilidad de la mujer (por su condición de hembra) a los propios sistemas
ético-morales.* <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Cfr</i>. P</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ÉREZ</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> A</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">GUIRRE</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">, L.; La Iglesia
Increíble; (1.ª ed.) Ediciones Trilce; Montevideo, 1993 (págs. 138 y 142).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div><div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm;">* Negar el cristomorfismo del varón, incluso aunque se tratara de un varón venerable, no remite al Jesucristo adorado y adorable en la admiración, no refiere a una clásica actitud ebionita, sino al problema político de la sola valoración del varón por sobre las multiplicadas especificidades sexuales (como si acaso resultara en el entimema que interseca la definición de los tipos de relación). </div></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn26" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref26" name="_ftn26" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn26;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[26]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Cfr</i>. «<u>Una introducción a la masculinidad femenina. Masculinidad
sin hombres</u>» de H</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ALBERSTAM</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">, Judith (traducc. S</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ÁEZ</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">, J.); Masculinidad
femenina; E</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">GALES</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> SL; Madrid, 2008 (pág. 23):
«(…) las masculinidades femeninas [<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Female
masculinity</i>] se consideran las sobras despreciables de la masculinidad
dominante, con el fin de que la masculinidad de los hombres pueda aparecer como
lo verdadero. Pero lo que entendemos por masculinidad heroica ha sido producido
por medio de los cuerpos tanto de hombres como de mujeres». <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn27" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref27" name="_ftn27" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn27;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444; mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[27]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;">
Tesis de maestría aceptada; página de ensayo 134 en PDF (versión electrónica en
URL: </span><a href="http://prometheuschannel.blogspot.com/2015/02/ciencias-humanas-ensayo-de-maestria_74.html">http://prometheuschannel.blogspot.com/2015/02/ciencias-humanas-ensayo-de-maestria_74.html</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">de 24 de febrero de 2015). </span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="color: #444444;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn28" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref28" name="_ftn28" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn28;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[28]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Cfr</i>. L</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">EÓN</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">, Luis de (fray); La perfecta
casada; (6.ª ed.) ESPASA – CALPE SA; Buenos Aires, 1950 (Cap. II, pág. 25).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn29" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref29" name="_ftn29" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn29;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[29]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Cfr</i>. V</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">OSSLER</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">, C.; Fray Luis de León; (2.ª
ed.) ESPASA – CALPE SA; Buenos Aires, 1946 (págs. 13-14).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn30" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref30" name="_ftn30" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn30;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[30]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Cfr</i>. K</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">RAMER</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">, H. – S</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">PRENGER</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">, J. (prologado por T</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ANGIR</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">, O.); <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Op</i>. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Cit</i>.;
(1.ª ed.) Editorial Círculo Latino, SL; Barcelona, 2005<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(pág. 32).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn31" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref31" name="_ftn31" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn31;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[31]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Cfr</i>. Ídem, (pág. 33).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn32" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref32" name="_ftn32" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn32;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[32]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">Ya en
la didáctica católica tratante del sexto mandamiento se especificaba que los
deshonestos <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">no tienen la lujuria por
pecado</i>, o la comprenden <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">sólo por cosa
tenue</i>. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Cfr</i>. L</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ARRAGA</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">, F.; Prontuario de la teología moral; (5.ª ed.)
Librería Religiosa – Imprenta de Pablo Riera; Barcelona, 1860 (pág. 44 y
ss.).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn33" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref33" name="_ftn33" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn33;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444; mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[33]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. RT. 2015, mayo 19. «Suecia: las
locuras del género» en URL:</span> <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6_ib1Kt2O28">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6_ib1Kt2O28</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2019, octubre 14).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn34" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref34" name="_ftn34" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn34;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[34]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>SPUTNIK. 2019, julio 31. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">Preocupa a ONU en Uruguay el pre-referéndum
para derogar la ley para transexuales</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">»</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;"> en URL: </span><a href="https://mundo.sputniknews.com/america-latina/201907311088209006-preocupa-a-onu-en-uruguay-el-pre-referendum-para-derogar-la-ley-para-transexuales/">https://mundo.sputniknews.com/america-latina/201907311088209006-preocupa-a-onu-en-uruguay-el-pre-referendum-para-derogar-la-ley-para-transexuales/</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2019, agosto 10).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn35" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref35" name="_ftn35" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn35;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[35]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Cfr.</i> «<u>Susy Shock. Artista trans trava sudaca</u>» de sin autor
en Friendlymap Magazine; Gráfica Mosca; Año 10; N.º 33; Montevideo, enero de
2018 (pág. 20).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn36" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref36" name="_ftn36" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn36;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[36]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> La razón, su objeto
terciogenérico, incluso para resolver una categoricidad moral, deviene de la
tensión con las «cosas del mundo» que traduce a <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">mundo de cosas</i>. Y esa traducción, como escopo de una sintaxis de
totalidades relacionadas (clásicamente la competencia semiótica, al menos como <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">discusión socrática</i>, se imbrica de logos,
de érgon y de palinodia), es relativa a la identificación, la definición y el
ordenamiento de un objeto de valor (atinente a un sistema de valor y
contra-valor que es universalmente expuesto a las vías negativa y política).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn37" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref37" name="_ftn37" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn37;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[37]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">El propio término «ciudadano» es resuelto discursivamente en la catacresis. No es jurídicamente un concepto unívoco, tampoco es equívoco, sino análogo dada su polisemia (tal como lo reconoce G. BUENO). Además, el ciudadano refiere a su vez al <i>to polisma</i> griego, i.e. al conjunto de personas, al conciudadano. El problema es que ese to polisma es en el que el pensamiento reaccionario sustentó otrora el pangermanismo: la convivencia ciudadana, las personas que son de una ciudad, existirían a partir del idioma común. Por esto el pensamiento revolucionario (y clasificatorio) trata acerca de liberación de pueblos, e.g. deslindándose del panamericanismo o del panlatinismo, etc. Este problema sería revisado entre el pensamiento aristotélico y el estoico, respecto de la distinción hombre/ciudadano: i. el <i>zoon politikon</i> como animal que vive en ciudades o animal político, donde se tiene la confrontación de los ciudadanos de distintas ciudades-estado, o ii. el <i>zoon koinonikon</i> que refiere a la idea de que los ciudadanos surgen de la confluencia de los hombres. <i>Vid</i>. B</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">UENO</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">, G. 2009. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">Educación
para la Ciudadanía, una crítica desde la izquierda</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">»</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444;"> en URL: </span><a href="http://www.nodulo.org/ec/2009/n085p02.htm">http://www.nodulo.org/ec/2009/n085p02.htm</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2018, noviembre 28).</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="color: #444444; mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn38" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref38" name="_ftn38" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn38;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[38]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> Es destacable e.g. la
clasificación de fragmentos desarrollada a partir del año de 2008 por la
Academia de Ciencias de Rusia (Instituto de Arqueología y Etnografía de la
sección siberiana), siendo que sus avances de investigación publicados tratan
acerca de hallazgos de piezas homínidas en la cueva Denísova de la República de
Altái.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn39" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref39" name="_ftn39" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn39;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[39]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> Hay registro
arqueológico e.g. de construcción paleolítica de herramientas multifuncionales
resueltas por el Homo sapiens neanderthalensis que data de hace unos sesenta
mil años, en los montes altaicos (cueva de Chagýrskaya), similar a su vez a la
previamente descubierta en la cueva bávara de Sesselfelsgrotte. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. RT. 2020, enero 31. «VÍDEO:
Descubren una 'navaja suiza' en una cueva de Siberia de hace 60</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 6pt; line-height: 150%;">
</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444;">000 años»
en URL: </span><a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/341604-descubren-navaja-suiza-cueva-siberia">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/341604-descubren-navaja-suiza-cueva-siberia</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2020, enero 31).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn40" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref40" name="_ftn40" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn40;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[40]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">El </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">matrimonio</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">»</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"> como
objeto de arqueología institucional, y hasta como objeto de refutación
deontológica (entendida como «estimativa jurídica»), remite a su vez a
problemáticas semánticas que podrían tratarse mediante su correspondiente
cambio semasiológico o como escopo de un campo onomasiológico; y si bien trata
su concepto acerca de un problema de terminología y de nomenclatura
fundamental, aunque resulte tangente a la tesela, es a su vez necesariamente
derivable, y por desbordamiento, a otro campo: el de la <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">idea de matrimonio</i>.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn41" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref41" name="_ftn41" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn41;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[41]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> </span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><span style="color: #444444;">Destaca
especialmente el yacimiento de Tell Halula en territorio sirio, debido a la
documentación obtenida acerca de primeros testimonios de arquitectura
monumental y de capacidad investigativa para reseguir la diacronía de los
procesos de domesticación. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. UAB.
S.a. «SAPPO. Seminario de Arqueología Prehistorica del Próximo Oriente. Tell
Halula» en URL:</span> <a href="http://grupsderecerca.uab.cat/sappo/es/content/tell-halula">http://grupsderecerca.uab.cat/sappo/es/content/tell-halula</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2018, diciembre 19). <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn42" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref42" name="_ftn42" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn42;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[42]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> Se halla en el
territorio español de Cádiz —en el abrigo rupestre de </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">Laja Alta</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">»,</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">
de la Jimena de la Frontera— un bloque de pigmentos ocres, componentes y
aglutinantes rupestres de tipo esquemático que tratan de temas náuticos y en
los que se hallan figuradas embarcaciones o con uso de remo o de velamen. Y
según Antonio M</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ORGADO</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">, experto en prehistoria y
arqueología, ese registro posee una datación anterior a los fenicios (a quienes
primariamente se relacionaron, durante cuatro décadas, aquellas representaciones).</span></span><br />
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref43" name="_ftn43" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn43;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 20px;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 14.2667px;">[43] </span></span></span></span></span></a><i>Vid</i>. PASCUAL, F. S.a. «Una reflexión sobre la transexualidad» en URL: </span><a href="http://es.catholic.net/op/articulos/20247/cat/1182/una-reflexion-sobre-la-transexualidad.html#modal">http://es.catholic.net/op/articulos/20247/cat/1182/una-reflexion-sobre-la-transexualidad.html#modal</a> <span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2018, diciembre 23). </span></span><br />
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref44" name="_ftn44" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn44;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[44]</span></span></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. I</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">SGLEAS</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">, D. 2018, AGOSTO 14. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">Casi
40</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 6pt; line-height: 150%;"> </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">000
firmas contra ley de derechos "trans"</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">»</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444;"> en URL: </span><a href="https://www.elpais.com.uy/informacion/politica/firmas-ley-derechos-trans.html">https://www.elpais.com.uy/informacion/politica/firmas-ley-derechos-trans.html</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2018, diciembre 29).</span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn45" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref45" name="_ftn45" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn45;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[45]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Idem</i> a cita n.º 28. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="background: white; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn46" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref46" name="_ftn46" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn46;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[46]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">
Cfr. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">A</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">RBESÚ</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"> G</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ONZÁLEZ</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">, Vanesa; La responsabilidad civil en el ámbito de la
cirugía estética; Dykinson SL; Madrid, 2016 (pág. 54).</span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn47" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref47" name="_ftn47" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn47;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[47]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> Lo sexual, en un plano
ortopédico, remite a una arqueología sexual. La sexualidad, i.e. las cosas
sexuales y su sexualidad operada, trata acerca de ortopedias sexuales que son orientadas
a un mundo sexual. Se cumple esta simplicidad incluso para la confirmación del
onanismo (tanto en su sentido lexicográfico, como en el exegético bíblico). <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn48" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref48" name="_ftn48" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn48;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[48]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. H</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ERMOSA</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">
L</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ORENCI</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;">,
M. de la. S.a. «Repensando los orígenes de la disforia de género» en URL: </span><a href="http://www.injuve.es/sites/default/files/3%20Repensando%20los%20or%C3%ADgenes%20de%250la%20disforia%20de%20g%C3%A9nero.pdf">http://www.injuve.es/sites/default/files/3%20Repensando%20los%20or%C3%ADgenes%20de%0la%20disforia%20de%20g%C3%A9nero.pdf</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2020, febrero 09).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn49" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref49" name="_ftn49" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn49;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[49]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Cfr</i>. B</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ARRIOS</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">,
M. C.-H</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">UNG</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">, S.-S</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ILVESTRE</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">,
R.-R</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">AMÍREZ</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">, M.-Z</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ERPA</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">,
Y.; «TRANSEXUALIDAD Y SÍNDROME DE KLINEFELTER. ¿CARIOTIPO, IMPRESCINDIBLE EN EL
PROTOCOLO DE REASIGNACIÓN DE SEXO? A PROPÓSITO DE UN CASO»; Revista Venezolana
de Endocrinología y Metabolismo; Volumen 15, Número 1; Venezuela, febrero de
2017 (pág. 61 y ss.).</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn50" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref50" name="_ftn50" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn50;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[50]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> RT. 2019, marzo 14. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">Filtran
que el Reino Unido recluta filósofos, psicólogos y teólogos para sus planes de
guerra psicológica</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">»</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444;">
en URL:</span> <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/308510-ejercito-humanidades-reino-unido-guerra">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/308510-ejercito-humanidades-reino-unido-guerra</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2019, marzo 14).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn51" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref51" name="_ftn51" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn51;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[51]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. P</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ARRADO</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444;">, M. 2018, noviembre 12. «Ser
trans en Uruguay, la historia de Delfina Martínez» en URL: </span><a href="http://www.ipsnoticias.net/2018/11/trans-uruguay-la-historia-delfina-martinez/">http://www.ipsnoticias.net/2018/11/trans-uruguay-la-historia-delfina-martinez/</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2020, febrero 01).</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="color: #444444; mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn52" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref52" name="_ftn52" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn52;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[52]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> Valga destacar para su
antecedencia, la investigación de S. D</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ARRÉ</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> acerca de la educación
sexual como campo de indagación pedagógica. De su análisis es posible
distinguir tres planos de interés: i. cómo se definiría la educación sexual;
ii. la <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">circulación de la información</i>
que sobrepasaría el ámbito de la enseñanza; iii. los referentes especializados
que se legitimarían. En el estudio de programas desarrollado, especifica que la
educación sexual debió esperar hasta el año de 1990 para que integrara a sus
temas, además del mundo vegetal o animal, a la propia persona humana.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Comienza su estudio programático nada menos
que con P. L</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">UISI</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>y su objeto de enseñanza sexual o biológico
eugenésica que proponía a principios de siglo XX. Y se detiene especialmente en
el Programa Nacional de Educación de la Sexualidad que abarca el arco histórico
1990-1995 de la Administración Nacional de la Educación Pública (Uruguay),
siendo que el plan que lo comprendió fue finalmente caducado porque <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">la heterosexualidad se enfocaba como un
hecho indiferente</i>. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Cfr</i>. D</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ARRÉ</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">, Silvana; Políticas de
género y discurso pedagógico. La educación sexual en el Uruguay del siglo XX;
Ediciones TRILCE • Universidad Nacional de Rosario, Argentina: maestría <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Poder y Sociedad desde la problemática de
género</i>; Montevideo, 2005 (págs. 14, 55, 60 y 131).</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn53" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref53" name="_ftn53" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn53;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[53]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. C</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ARBAJAL</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;">,
M. 2019, septiembre 15. «“Quiero que el cuerpo travesti y trans esté en la
escuela”» en URL: </span><a href="https://www.pagina12.com.ar/218304-quiero-que-el-cuerpo-travesti-y-trans-este-en-la-escuela">https://www.pagina12.com.ar/218304-quiero-que-el-cuerpo-travesti-y-trans-este-en-la-escuela</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2019, septiembre 18).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn54" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref54" name="_ftn54" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn54;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[54]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. C</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ARBAJAL</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444;">, M. 2014, mayo 18. «Yo nena,
yo princesa» en URL: </span><a href="https://www.pagina12.com.ar/diario/sociedad/3-246481-2014-05-18.html">https://www.pagina12.com.ar/diario/sociedad/3-246481-2014-05-18.html</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2019, septiembre 18).</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="color: #444444; mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn55" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref55" name="_ftn55" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn55;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[55]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. C</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ARBAJAL</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;">,
M. 2013, julio 28. «Lo que devuelve el espejo» en URL: </span><a href="https://www.pagina12.com.ar/218304-quiero-que-el-cuerpo-travesti-y-trans-este-en-la-escuela">https://www.pagina12.com.ar/218304-quiero-que-el-cuerpo-travesti-y-trans-este-en-la-escuela</a><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2019, septiembre 18).</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="color: #444444;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn56" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref56" name="_ftn56" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn56;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[56]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> En <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Arte andrógino</i> de R. E</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">CHAVARREN</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> se ensayan las
«contraconductas», en tanto se comprendan como objeto de estilo, al menos
aquellas que siendo entre sí aditivas construyen estratégicamente alternativas
para contraponerse a las tautologías de la moda. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Cfr</i>. E</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">CHAVARREN</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">, R. Arte andrógino. Estilo
versus moda en un siglo corto; Ediciones COLIHUE SRL; Buenos Aires, 1998 (pág.
73 y ss.).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn57" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref57" name="_ftn57" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn57;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[57]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> En el plano semiótico,
Lucien T</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ESNIÈRE</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> designa al participante
—animal, cosa, persona— en un programa narrativo para que se resuelva el
actante. Según Algirdas J. G</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">REIMAS</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">, refiere el actante a
la relación del actor con el personaje, donde su figuración implica un
trasvasado de la forma sintáctica o la semántica que en la operatoria se
vierten. O se halla Nikolái G</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">OGOL</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> quien afirmará
—orientado al realismo— la posibilidad de tratar lo actante como paisaje, como cosa
personificada.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn58" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref58" name="_ftn58" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn58;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[58]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Cfr</i>. «<u>Recordando África al inventar a Uruguay. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Sociedades de negros</i> en el carnaval de
Montevideo (1865-1930)</u>» de R</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">EID</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">, G. en L</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">EAL</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">, C. - L</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ANGEBAEK</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES">, C. (comp.); HISTORIAS
DE RAZA Y NACIÓN en América Latina; (1. ª ed.) Ediciones Uniandes; Bogotá DC,
2010 (pág. 258).</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn59" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref59" name="_ftn59" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn59;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[59]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. S</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">CHIJEN</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444;">, S. 2019, junio 22. «De las
salas de Harlem al estrellato: 40 años de historia del 'voguing'» en URL:</span> <a href="https://www.vogue.es/living/articulos/voguing-estilo-baile-40-anos-historia">https://www.vogue.es/living/articulos/voguing-estilo-baile-40-anos-historia</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2019, diciembre 16).</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="color: #444444; mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn60" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref60" name="_ftn60" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn60;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444; mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[60]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="color: #444444;"> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. CCE. 2019, abril 02. «Exposición SAT 2019/ Semana de Arte
Trans» en URL: </span><a href="http://cce.org.uy/evento/exposicion-sat-2019-semana-de-arte-trans/">http://cce.org.uy/evento/exposicion-sat-2019-semana-de-arte-trans/</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2019, diciembre 24).</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="color: #444444; mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn61" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref61" name="_ftn61" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn61;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444; mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[61]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. TELE. 2018, abril 18. «“Teen
Trans”, el primer manga transgénero de Latinoamérica: un proyecto uruguayo que
busca defender la diversidad» en URL:</span> <a href="https://www.teledoce.com/especiales/de-la-mancha-macondo-y-otros-sitios/teen-trans-el-primer-manga-transgenero-de-latinoamerica-un-proyecto-uruguayo-que-busca-defender-la-diversidad/">https://www.teledoce.com/especiales/de-la-mancha-macondo-y-otros-sitios/teen-trans-el-primer-manga-transgenero-de-latinoamerica-un-proyecto-uruguayo-que-busca-defender-la-diversidad/</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2019, mayo 01).</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="color: #444444;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn62" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref62" name="_ftn62" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn62;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[62]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">No se
contrapone en este postulado la idea de sociedad civil a la de sociedad
política, simplemente se advierte posible la <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">disociación</i> </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">—</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">en
abstracto</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">—</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"> de lo
civil y lo político en cuanto a expresiones políticas concretas (e.g. en lo
relativo a arcos históricos) y, a la vez, se afirma la imposibilidad de
separación real de la relación civil respecto de la propia sociedad política,
puesto que sencillamente no existe la una al margen de la otra. Y es que por
dialéctica —y en la expresión de una época— toda formación civil es política. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. B</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">UENO</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;"><span style="color: #444444;">, G. 2014. «La idea de sociedad civil» en URL:</span> <a href="http://nodulo.org/ec/2014/n145p02.htm">http://nodulo.org/ec/2014/n145p02.htm</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2020, enero 27).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn63" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref63" name="_ftn63" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn63;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444; mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[63]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. RT. 2016. «Ella es mi hijo» en
URL:</span> <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ICU38pI_mNs">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ICU38pI_mNs</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2020, enero 13).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn64" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref64" name="_ftn64" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn64;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444; mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[64]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="color: #444444;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vid</i>. RT. 2016. «Vírgenes juradas,
hombres por necesidad» en URL:</span> <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AnAycO4YRag&feature=youtu.be">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AnAycO4YRag&feature=youtu.be</a>
<span style="color: #444444;">(Acceso 2020, enero 13).</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="color: #444444;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn65" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref65" name="_ftn65" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn65;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[65]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Cfr.</i> «<u>Reflexiones
teológico-pastorales a propósito de las leyes de género. La Iglesia acompaña
hoy a sus hijos más queridos en la maduración de la masculinidad y la feminidad</u>»
de T</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ALENS</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">, J. A.-G</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ARCÍA</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">
M</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ULET</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">,
Ó. en A</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">ZNAR</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 150%;">, J. (coord.);
TRANSEXUALIDAD. VALORACIÓN PLURIDISCIPLINAR DEL FENÓMENO Y SU REGULACIÓN LEGAL;
Observatorio de Bioética, Universidad Católica de Valencia San Vicente Mártir;
España, 2017 (pág. 271).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn66" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444;"><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/De%20la%20didasc%C3%A1lica%20transexual.doc#_ftnref66" name="_ftn66" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn66;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">[66]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="ES"> </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">Esta
multiplicidad de la mujer como mundo político es propuesta como expresión de
una unidad de <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">sinexión</i>, relativa a
distintos planos de emancipación civil que concreta una sociedad política y que
no necesariamente remiten a términos entre sí equivalentes o concordantes, sino
a relaciones de contraposición. Es un mecanismo de análisis que podría permitir
e.g. el ensayo gremial del transexualismo en relación a distintos feminismos
ideológicos. La idea de <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">sinexión</i> ha
sido configurada por la filosofía materialista, a partir de un destacadísimo
ovetense como G. B</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt; line-height: 150%;">UENO</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-UY;">.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></span></div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
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<a href="https://i1.wp.com/elretohistorico.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/10130093.jpg?resize=700%2C349&ssl=1" style="clear: left; display: inline; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: center;"><img border="0" data-original-height="349" data-original-width="450" height="318" src="https://i1.wp.com/elretohistorico.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/10130093.jpg?resize=700%2C349&ssl=1" width="440" /></a><span style="font-size: x-large;"><b style="text-align: justify;"><i><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: medium;">LAWFARE</span></i></b><b style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: medium;">.
Del tecnicismo al reconocimiento pedagógico de una forma del discurso
diplomático. O de su eficacia como dispositivo propagandista del relato
increíble</span></b></span><br />
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<br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #3d85c6; font-size: x-small;">¿Cómo es acaso posible tipificar, para un escopo pedagógico, la retrogradación discursiva de un mundo diplomático panamericanista al influjo de la <i>lawfare</i>, i.e. de una <i>lawfare</i> imperial, y en relación a un estado del mundo latinoamericano y caribeño que se halla orientado a una forma radical de historicidad de sus independentismos: el antipanamericanismo? </span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #3d85c6; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">Lawfare in the Backyard|Director: L. M. CARVALHO|País: Argentina|Año: 2019|Duración: 64 min.</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #3d85c6; font-size: x-small;"> </span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #3d85c6; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span>
<iframe allow="accelerometer; autoplay; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" br="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/Oi5fEkK77ok" width="419">
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><span style="line-height: 115%;">Discurso magistral de </span></span></span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://cfkargentina.com/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Cristina FERNÁNDEZ de KIRCHNER</a></span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: x-small;">acerca de la <i>lawfare</i> como problema geopolítico</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="color: #444444;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: x-small;">CASO ARGENTINA</span></span></div>
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<iframe allow="accelerometer; autoplay; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/Cbc0kUSUUZg" width="419"></iframe></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">Análisis de la <i>lawfare</i> en los casos de Argentina y de Perú, en el programa veinticuatro </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="color: #444444;">de <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TpnoFO9FBTg&list=PLN4d4esxFCWpanlcdFXGb0_qjjznTDXjP" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">MACONDO</a> </span><span style="color: #444444;">donde se postula la cuestión geopolítica de la intervención </span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="color: #444444;">de la inteligencia estadounidense y el interés </span><span style="color: #444444;">corporativo empresario </span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="color: #444444;">con el que se compone el argot denominado </span><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">«</span>poder real<span style="font-family: verdana;">» </span></span><span style="color: #444444;">(o propiamente la forma</span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">de relaciones políticas que adquiere el poder oligopólico mediante sus relaciones financieras)</span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">así como el problema institucional del neoliberalismo que descompone los poderes del estado</span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="400" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/TpnoFO9FBTg" width="481" youtube-src-id="TpnoFO9FBTg"></iframe></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">Disertación de vicepresidenta de República Argentina <a href="https://twitter.com/CFKArgentina" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Cristina FERNÁNDEZ de KIRCHNER</a> </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">en respuesta a la condena judicial que la proscribe, a la manera de un análisis</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">deontológico donde reformula su concepto doctrinal acerca de la <i>lawfare</i>, </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="color: #444444;">reorientándose al reconocmiento de un </span><span style="font-family: verdana;">«</span><span style="color: #444444;">partido judicial</span><span style="font-family: verdana;">»</span><span style="color: #444444;"> fundado, </span><span style="color: #444444;">denunciándose </span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="color: #444444;">la actuación mafiosa </span><span style="color: #444444;">a su vez </span><span style="color: #444444;">de un estado pararlelo integrado por jueces de casación, </span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="color: #444444;">de lo penal económico, </span><span style="color: #444444;">de lo penal, de lo contensioso administrativo, además de un ministro </span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="color: #444444;">de seguridad porteño, </span><span style="color: #444444;">de un jefe de fiscales, de </span><span style="color: #444444;">un multimillonario británico, de un empresario </span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="color: #444444;">oligopólico de la comunicación, </span><span style="color: #444444;">entre otros integrantes </span><span style="color: #444444;">de ese grupo criminógeno</span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="406" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/0u0Vzt7cKTs" width="487" youtube-src-id="0u0Vzt7cKTs"></iframe></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">Disertación de vicepresidenta de República Argentina <a href="https://twitter.com/CFKArgentina" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Cristina FERNÁNDEZ de KIRCHNER</a> </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">en ejercicio de su propia defensa respecto de la <i>lawfare</i> que se le aplicara</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">en el marco de la denominada </span><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">«</span><span style="color: #444444;">Causa Vialidad</span><span style="font-family: verdana;">»</span></span><span style="color: #444444; font-size: small;"> </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">(tomada de capítulo 11 del caso de <a href="https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PL6mPyx12rPhMJcsfPWMMYL3-UuHhhQdIV" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">alegato de defensa</a>, de videograbación n.° 30)</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="405" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/Wt1d61wYyhw" width="487" youtube-src-id="Wt1d61wYyhw"></iframe></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">Del alegato de defensa de <a href="https://twitter.com/CFKArgentina" rel="nofollow" style="text-align: justify;" target="_blank">Cristina FERNÁNDEZ de KIRCHNER</a><span style="color: #444444; text-align: justify;"> completo:</span></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DBvwlj2N8qA" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">1.1. La historia de la Causa Vialidad: cómo llegamos hasta acá. Período 2008-2015</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=haHCYax0S2E" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">1.2. La historia de la Causa Vialidad: cómo llegamos hasta acá. Período 2016-2022</span></a></div><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eo9oKMcsX9Y" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">2. Supuesta asignación fraudulenta de fondos públicos hacia la provincia de Santa Cruz</span></a></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hDycmJqtDak" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">3.1. La falsa asociación ilícita. Los proyectos de ley de presupuesto (la acusación original)</span></a></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CMVMEpOJ0os" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">3.2. La falsa asociación ilícita. Las leyes de presupuesto</span></a></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2dq7rI_APmg" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">3.3. La falsa asociación ilícita. Los Decretos de Necesidad y Urgencia</span></a></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1Q1NtXzfpC0" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">3.4. La falsa asociación ilícita. Fondos del fideicomiso del Decreto N° 976/2001</span></a></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yaNrx1CnThY" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">3.5. La falsa asociación ilícita. Decisiones administrativas de la Jefatura de Gabinete</span></a></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BeATsFRPINA" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">3.6. La falsa asociación ilícita. Otras reasignaciones presupuestarias</span></a></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dpIt-KcH8fM" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">4.1. El inexistente apagón informativo al Congreso Nacional</span></a></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7VSTA-VsxfA" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">4.2. El inexistente apagón informativo al Congreso Nacional. 34 obras mal informadas al Congreso</span></a></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5GNbEatplnQ" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">4.3. El inexistente apagón informativo al Congreso. 17 obras que nunca fueron informadas al Congreso</span></a></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SAaCxOh-8Vs" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">4.4. El inexistente apagón informativo al Congreso. El control de la ejecución presupuestaria</span></a></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JDeteJRsL8o" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">4.5. El inexistente apagón informativo al Congreso. Las cuentas de Inversión</span></a></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7noA7CzoHZ4" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">5. El falso plan "limpiar todo" y la reunión que nunca existió</span></a></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eEazLdDRzNg" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">6. El “móvil del delito”</span></a></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=45xOEy-SaA8" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">7.1. Las supuestas irregularidades advertidas en Santa Cruz. Competencias de la Presidencia</span></a></div><div><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qA-O0nLdi14" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">7.2. Las supuestas irregularidades advertidas en la provincia de Santa Cruz. Imputación alternativa</span></a></div><div><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=T1ipjqo5XH4" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">7.3. Las supuestas irregularidades advertidas en la provincia de Santa Cruz. Las órdenes ilegales</span></a></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Syi0UK3vJMU" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">7.4. Las supuestas irregularidades advertidas en la provincia de Santa Cruz. Las omisiones ilegales</span></a></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XUVcwrjrZ_k" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">8.1. Concentración de la obra pública vial de Santa Cruz y supuestos sobreprecios</span></a></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IWKwjooSxrA" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">8.2. Concentración de la obra pública de Santa Cruz y supuestos sobreprecios en obras investigadas</span></a></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RdM1hsMRoB8" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">8.3. Concentración de la obra pública vial de Santa Cruz. La selección del perito oficial</span></a></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=W3Ir7_WURqk" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">8.4. Concentración de la obra pública vial de Santa Cruz y los supuestos sobreprecios. La pericia</span></a></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7ZYGvH2V2eE" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">9.1. Irregularidades en la ejecución y pago de las obras</span></a></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bFmM2Mjpmnk" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">9.2. Irregularidades en la ejecución y pago de las obras. Demoras en las obras</span></a></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kwSas7Onw2k" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">9.3. Irregularidades en la ejecución y pago de las obras. Obras inexistentes y deficiencias</a> </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vBhT4ESvkkY" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">9.4. Irregularidades en la ejecución y pago de las obras. Certificación de obra no ejecutada</span></a></div><div><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lYXIHHvwp9M" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">10. El perjuicio. La cuantificación del perjuicio</span></a></div><div><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Wt1d61wYyhw" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">11. Vialidad: una causa contra la Constitución</span></a></div><div><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VZbIaL9QrMA" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">12. El Lawfare</span></a></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">Disertación de vicepresidenta de República Argentina <a href="https://twitter.com/CFKArgentina" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Cristina FERNÁNDEZ de KIRCHNER</a> </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">en que proclama su derecho de defensa que le negara el poder judicial, </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">provocándosele acaso el perjuicio de la indefensión, ante el caso denom</span><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="color: #444444;">inado </span><span style="font-family: verdana;">«</span><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://www.pagina12.com.ar/475541-la-declaracion-de-cristina-kirchner-sobre-la-causa-de-la-obr" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Causa vialidad</a></span><span style="font-family: verdana;">»</span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<div class="MsoNormal"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal"><span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="404" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/aNtbi1tSiWo" width="487" youtube-src-id="aNtbi1tSiWo"></iframe></div></span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal"><span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></span></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #444444; text-align: left;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="line-height: 115%;">Discurso magistral de vicepresidenta argentina </span></span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small; text-align: left;"><a href="https://cfkargentina.com/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Cristina FERNÁNDEZ de KIRCHNER</a>,</span></div></div></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;">y expresidenta de República Argentina, acerca de la <i>lawfare</i> como problema geopolítico</span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;">CASO ARGENTINA</span></span></div>
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<iframe allow="accelerometer; autoplay; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/Cbc0kUSUUZg" width="419"></iframe><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><iframe allow="autoplay; encrypted-media; fullscreen; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen="1" frameborder="0" height="355" src="https://vk.com/video_ext.php?oid=-211725988&id=456239258&hash=040e0d01e18d2202" width="469"></iframe></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">Caso de <i>lawfare</i> contra Milagro SALA y su movimiento emancipatorio</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><iframe allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/uWLe1TiAIv4" width="419"></iframe></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">Declaraciones de expresidente de Brasil <span style="text-align: left;">Luiz Inácio </span><span style="font-family: verdana;">«</span><span style="text-align: left;">Lula</span><span style="font-family: verdana;">»</span><span style="text-align: left;"> da SILVA</span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">en conferencia de prensa, luego de fallo del magistrado <a href="https://biblioteca.tse.jus.br/F/?func=direct&doc_number=000003478&local_base=MINISTROS" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Edson FACHIN</a> del STF</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">CASO BRASIL</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><iframe allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/S7mBgWMdBI0" width="419"></iframe></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>Vid</i>. RT. 2022, enero 05. «Sergio Moro, exjuez y exministro de Bolsonaro, admite que el caso Lava Jato fue un instrumento para luchar contra el Partido de los Trabajadores» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/415896-sergio-moro-lava-jato-instrumento-pt" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/415896-sergio-moro-lava-jato-instrumento-pt</a> (Acceso 2022, enero 05).</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">CASO NICARAGUA: reportaje de Alberto MORA, de <a href="https://www.canal4.com.ni/fabrizio-casari-revista-vivo-miercoles-16-junio-2021/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Revista en Vivo</a>, </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">al editor de <a href="https://www.altrenotizie.org/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">altrenotizie</a> Fabrizio CASARI</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><iframe allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/c5ECWIni_sM" title="YouTube video player" width="419"></iframe></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">Discurso magistral del presidente de República de Nicaragua Daniel ORTEGA </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">acerca de la geopolítica imperial y sus institutos de invasión,</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">a instancias del LXXXV Aniversario del natalicio de Carlos FONSECA AMADOR </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><iframe allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/WjM6Q3CJBW0" title="YouTube video player" width="419"></iframe></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;">26.06.21</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: medium; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><b>Canciller de Nicaragua a Sputnik: «Bachelet hace caso omiso a la información que le proporcionamos»</b></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://cdnmundo1.img.sputniknews.com/img/07e5/06/19/1113567535_0:0:3077:1731_1440x0_80_0_0_19297d40af92b6176d9fc42c12e3a588.jpg.webp" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="50" src="https://cdnmundo1.img.sputniknews.com/img/07e5/06/19/1113567535_0:0:3077:1731_1440x0_80_0_0_19297d40af92b6176d9fc42c12e3a588.jpg.webp" width="88" /></a></div>[Reportaje de K. MÉNDEZ LOFFREDO, corresponsal en España de revista Sputnik] El canciller de Nicaragua, Denis Moncada, conversa en exclusiva con Sputnik tras una ola de críticas por el arresto de una veintena de opositores. Moncada denuncia que, al igual que lo hicieron en los años 80, Estados Unidos coordina un plan para evitar que el sandinismo se mantenga en el poder.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://mundo.sputniknews.com/20210626/canciller-de-nicaragua-a-sputnik-bachelet-hace-caso-omiso-a-la-informacion-que-le-proporcionamos-1113565801.html " rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://mundo.sputniknews.com/20210626/canciller-de-nicaragua-a-sputnik-bachelet-hace-caso-omiso-a-la-informacion-que-le-proporcionamos-1113565801.html </a> </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;">29.10.21 GALLETTI HERNÁNDEZ, D.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b>Nicaragua: ¿en qué consiste la campaña de deslegitimación contra las elecciones de noviembre?</b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://cdnnmundo1.img.sputniknews.com/img/07e5/02/14/1108355464_0:129:3412:2048_1920x0_80_0_0_af936dc825cb3b3f6d3185ea735d8472.jpg.webp" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="103" src="https://cdnnmundo1.img.sputniknews.com/img/07e5/02/14/1108355464_0:129:3412:2048_1920x0_80_0_0_af936dc825cb3b3f6d3185ea735d8472.jpg.webp" width="182" /></a></div>El Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN) enfrenta, durante los procesos electorales en Nicaragua, no solo a una oposición local, sino también a los intereses extranjeros representados por la Embajada de Estados Unidos, la Unión Europea y mecanismos regionales como la Organización de Estados Americanos (OEA). Así expresó a Sputnik el académico Leonardo González, para quien el triunfo del FSLN en los comicios presidenciales de 2006 —en los cuales ganó Daniel Ortega—, demostró, frente a la sistemática campaña antisandinista y de terror mediada por la injerencia foránea, que sí podían volver al poder, transformar la realidad y asumir iniciativas públicas en tiempos de paz.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><a href="https://mundo.sputniknews.com/20211029/nicaragua-en-que-consiste-la-campana-de-deslegitimacion-contra-las-elecciones-de-noviembre-1117704024.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://mundo.sputniknews.com/20211029/nicaragua-en-que-consiste-la-campana-de-deslegitimacion-contra-las-elecciones-de-noviembre-1117704024.html</a></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></div></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: medium; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://www.hispantv.com/noticias/nicaragua/496960/canciller-denis-moncada-iran-entrevista-hispantv" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">HISPANTV Nexo Latino</a> entrevista a Denis MONCADA COLINDRES,</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: medium; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;">ministro de Asuntos Exteriores de República de Nicaragua,</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: medium; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;">quien analiza la política sancionatoria estadounidense</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: medium; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;">y su injerencia en procesos electivos de países antiimperialistas,</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: medium; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;">a instancias de su arribo a Teherán</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: medium; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;">para visitar a Seyed Ebrahim RAISI como presidente electo iraní</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: medium; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></div></span></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-family: arial; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="402" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/CqI5zJhzj9c" width="484" youtube-src-id="CqI5zJhzj9c"></iframe></div><br /><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: arial;">NICARAGUA. Guerra contra el Pueblo. Crónica del intento de Golpe de Estado|</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: arial;">Dirección: Marcio R. VARGAS|País: Nicaragua|Año: 2019|Duración: 74 min.</span></div></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: x-small;"><iframe allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/4JSR8pUNXYA" title="YouTube video player" width="419"></iframe></span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;">CASO NICARAGUA: la <a href="https://www.hispantv.com/noticias/ee-uu-/501711/biden-sanciona-elecciones-nicaragua" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">operación de derrocamiento del presidente Daniel ORTEGA</a> </div></span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;">se intensifica con la <a href="https://www.hispantv.com/noticias/nicaragua/501605/ley-sanciones-ortega-elecciones" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Ley Renacer de la Cámara Baja estadounidense </a></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;">que pretende reforzar el cumplimiento de condiciones para la reforma electoral </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;">de la república nicaragüense y en coordinación con el gobierno de Canadá, </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;">la Unión Europea y socios latinoamericanos y caribeños</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;">funcionales al aparato de <i>lawfare</i> imperial y de su intervencionismo</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://radionicaragua.com.ni/category/discurso/" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="340" data-original-width="533" height="253" src="https://www.telesurtv.net/__export/1478093220000/sites/telesur/img/multimedia/2016/10/28/danielortega.jpg_1718483347.jpg" width="397" /></a></div><br /><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #2b00fe;"><h1 class="page-title" style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; font-family: Montserrat, sans-serif; line-height: 1.2; margin-bottom: 0.5rem; margin-top: 0px; text-align: left;"><a href="https://canal6.com.ni/category/huacagolpista/" rel="nofollow" style="font-size: 2.5rem;" target="_blank">#HuacaGolpista</a></h1></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">Labor de seguimiento del <a href="https://ministeriopublico.gob.ni/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Ministerio Público de Nicaragua</a> </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">compilado mediante <i><a href="https://canal6.com.ni/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Canal 6 Nicaragüense por gracia de Dios</a></i></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">CASO NICARAGUA. Declaración de <a href="https://www.telesurtv.net/news/nicaragua-condena-resolucion-oea-elecciones-20211113-0004.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Michael CAMPBELL</a>, representante permanente alterno </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">de República de Nicaragua ante la OAS, en la sesión del Consejo Permanente, </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">donde se intentó operar a partir de la diplomacia canadiense </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">mediante un proyecto de resolución que condena posteriormente en su LI Asamblea </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">el proceso eleccionario nicaragüense desarrollado </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">por las autoridades de su Consejo Supremo Electoral </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">y donde no se padece de ningún candidato político partidario postulado a la presidencia </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">que se halle detenido a pesar de los falsos positivos que se difundieron </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">al influjo del conglomerado oligopólico de la comunicación </span><span style="font-size: medium;"> </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: medium; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: left;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-size: medium; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="404" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/YcCjVJtf4oM" width="485" youtube-src-id="YcCjVJtf4oM"></iframe></div><br /><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: x-small; text-align: justify;">NICARAGUA. Crónica periodística en <a href="https://www.youtube.com/c/JPmas/videos" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">canal JP</a> de Angélica ROCHA </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: x-small; text-align: justify;">acerca del proceso electoral nicaragüense de 2021</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="406" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/XR6_i4r1mV8" width="488" youtube-src-id="XR6_i4r1mV8"></iframe></div><br /><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">NICARAGUA. Crónica periodística en <a href="https://www.youtube.com/c/JPmas/videos" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">canal JP</a> de Roberto SALINAS</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">acerca de las corporaciones de comunicación funcionales </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">a los falsos positivos noticiosos proyectados por el <i>pentagonismo</i> estadounidense,</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">en oportunidad del proceso eleccionario nicaragüense de 2021 </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">que reitera su apoyo a la administración sandinista de ORTEGA</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="403" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/OF9imFyroIA" width="484" youtube-src-id="OF9imFyroIA"></iframe></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://jpmas.com.ni/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/nicasandinista.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="83" src="https://jpmas.com.ni/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/nicasandinista.jpg" width="146" /></a></div>15.11.21 Francisco Javier BAUTISTA LARA</span></div></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><b>Diez Claves en Elecciones Soberanas de Nicaragua que claman al mundo</b></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">“Nuestros sueños no caben en sus urnas solo en las nuestras de la dignidad patriótica”. Consigna de la lucha popular. “Washington apoya a dictadores y bloquea democracia y desarrollo, como hacen sus aliados”. Noam Chomsky.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><a href="https://www.el19digital.com/Elecciones2021/articulo/titulo:122791-diez-claves-en-elecciones-soberanas-de-nicaragua-que-claman-al-mundo" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">https://www.el19digital.com/Elecciones2021/articulo/titulo:122791-diez-claves-en-elecciones-soberanas-de-nicaragua-que-claman-al-mundo</span></a></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC5Pqox7d7Q2LpAagKq7dM2g/videos" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">CONFIANZA</>CON FILO</a>. Michel TORRES CORONA y Gabriela FERNÁNDEZ </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">de <a href="http://www.cubadebate.cu/especiales/2021/11/10/planes-manipulacion-y-premios-asi-sucede-contra-cuba-y-nicaragua-video/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">CUBADEBATE</a> analizan junto a sus entrevistados Edwin MADRIGAL, </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">miembro del Consejo Nacional de Comunicación de Nicaragua, </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">y Gustavo VEIGA, periodista argentino de Página 12, el mecanismo vertebrador </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">de un plan contrarrevolucionario para América Central que permita la legitimación </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">de «portavoces académicos» funcionales al aparato propagandista imperial </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">junto a sus falsos positivos mediante la tercerización de fondos federales destinados a agendas injerencistas contra el orden constitucional de repúblicas como la cubana o la nicaragüense</span></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: medium; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-size: medium; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="405" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/de9kk11P1Y4" width="487" youtube-src-id="de9kk11P1Y4"></iframe></div><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">CASO HAITÍ</span></div></span></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">Transmisión de <a href="https://ici.radio-canada.ca/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">RADIO-CANADA</a> Info: <i>Enquête </i>| <i>Peyi Lòk et Haiti sous influence</i>, </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">de Luc CHARTRAND, Étienne CÔTÉ-PALUCK <i>et al</i>. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">Identificación del <i><a href="https://rezonodwes.com/2021/04/09/le-core-group-a-ete-cree-en-2003-pour-discuter-de-lindependance-dhaiti-avoue-lex-depute-canadien-denis-paradis/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">CORE group</a></i> como instituto de invasión</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><iframe allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/xJcybBr7R98" title="YouTube video player" width="419"></iframe></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">CASO PERÚ</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">Sinopsis de operación neofascista para ejecutar golpe de estado </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">contra del presidente electo </span><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span>de República de Perú</span><span> <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nganbsqPnGY" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">J. P. CASTILLO TERRONES</a></span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><iframe allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/TkLw1fghlK4" title="YouTube video player" width="419"></iframe></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://caretas.pe/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/EDIC-2503-55-C-750x533.gif" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="750" height="178" src="https://caretas.pe/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/EDIC-2503-55-C-750x533.gif" width="251" /></a></div>09.12.22</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><b>Cuba: Destitución de Castillo en Perú subvierte la voluntad popular</b></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">El mandatario cubano, Miguel Díaz-Canel, critica la destitución del ya expresidente de Perú, Pedro Castillo, y culpa de la crisis a las “oligarquías dominantes”. “La situación en Perú es resultado de un proceso dirigido por las oligarquías dominantes para subvertir la voluntad popular que había elegido a su gobierno [de Castillo] de acuerdo con el ordenamiento legal peruano”, ha escrito este viernes Díaz-Canel en su cuenta de Twitter. El mandatario cubano ha defendido el principio de no injerencia en los asuntos internos de los Estados, para luego insistir en que corresponde al pueblo peruano hallar por sí mismo soluciones a sus desafíos, “en virtud de sus legítimos intereses”. “[Estas] decisiones deben ser respetadas”, ha resaltado.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://www.hispantv.com/noticias/cuba/556826/destitucion-pedro-castillo-congreso" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.hispantv.com/noticias/cuba/556826/destitucion-pedro-castillo-congreso</a></span></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">11.12.22</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><b>Ex primer ministro de Perú se declara en "clandestinidad" y expresa su "incólume lealtad" a Castillo</b></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">El ex primer ministro peruano, Aníbal Torres, anunció este sábado que pasa a "la clandestinidad", después de que la Fiscalía lo denunciara por presunto delito de rebelión. "La fiscal de la Nación, sin razón, me ha denunciado por formar parte de una organización criminal y perturbación a la Justicia. Ahora lo hace por rebelión y otros delitos, solo por oír el mensaje presidencial", tuiteó el político, refiriéndose a la alocución del pasado miércoles, en la que el exmandatario Pedro Castillo anunció la disolución del Congreso y el establecimiento de un Gobierno de excepción. Según explica, tomó la decisión de declararse en "la clandestinidad", porque —asegura— "los fiscales son operadores políticos".</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/451499-ex-primer-ministro-peru-clandestinidad" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/451499-ex-primer-ministro-peru-clandestinidad</a></span></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">CASO BOLIVIA</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">Documental de <a href="https://www.youtube.com/c/NexoLatinoCanal/videos" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">HISPANTV Nexo Latino</a>: <i>Fue Golpe</i> </span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">| <a href=" https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sdLQkLg_bf8" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Ep. 01</a> | <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=u7CO6eK9DWQ" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Ep. 02</a> | <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DFvtWAB3oj4" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Ep. 03</a> | <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nqG2C0aCi8Q" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Ep. 04</a> | <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tU7P1-K4A3k" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Ep. 05</a> |</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">Ejecución neofascista de golpe de estado de 2019 e intento de magnicidio</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">contra del presidente electo de República de Bolivia J. E. MORALES AYMA</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/sdLQkLg_bf8" title="YouTube video player" width="419"></iframe></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">CASO CUBA</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><a href="https://www.telesurtv.net/news/cuba-presidente-rechaza-campanas-desprestigio-bloqueo-pandemia-20210711-0017.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">Conferencia de prensa del presidente de República de Cuba M. M. DÍAZ-CANEL</span></a></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">acerca del ilegal bloqueo económico <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TRR-RL2Ae9I" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">denunciado en el año de 2021 en UN</a> </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">y de la <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LfpkI5tfBVk" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">GNC aplicada como operación imperial estadounidense</a> de desprestigio</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">contra de instituciones socialistas de la república antillana </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><iframe allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/9vPZWMXikRE" title="YouTube video player" width="419"></iframe>
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://twitter.com/JulianMaciasT/status/1414681678539378691" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">CUBA y su caso de pandemia digital analizado por J. MACÍAS TOVAR</a></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href=" https://www.pandemiadigital.net/" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="182" data-original-width="584" height="129" src="https://i0.wp.com/aldescubierto.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/1-8.jpg?resize=584%2C182&ssl=1" width="410" /></a></div><br /><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">13.07.21</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span style="font-size: x-small;">¿Qué hay detrás de la campaña internacional #SOSCuba?</span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://t.me/s/PandemiaDigital" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><img border="0" data-original-height="400" data-original-width="400" height="108" src="https://pbs.twimg.com/profile_images/1307344071376109569/0eDkRxBT.jpg" width="108" /></span></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">Un analista de redes detalla una campaña llevada a cabo en Twitter para amplificar a nivel internacional la situación de la isla. ¿Qué está pasando en Cuba? Macías intenta responder a esta pregunta analizando alrededor de dos millones de tuits en los que se usó el 'hashtag' #SOSCuba durante los pasados días 10 y 11 de julio. Así, relata que el operativo para amplificar a nivel internacional la situación de la isla comenzó con la petición de ayuda humanitaria y la implicación de conocidos artistas, muchos de los cuales accedieron a publicar el 'hashtag'. Además, incluyó la participación de miles de cuentas recién creadas y bots y la utilización de imágenes falsas sin contrastar, que recorrieron las redes sociales de varios países.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/397681-denuncian-campana-soscuba" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/397681-denuncian-campana-soscuba</span></a></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.granma.cu/fake-news?page=1" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="100" data-original-width="305" height="68" src="http://www.granma.cu/file/banner/banner_fake_news" width="147" /></a></div><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">Conferencia de prensa de B. E. RODRÍGUEZ PARRILLA,</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">ministro de exteriores de República de Cuba,</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">acerca del proceso telemático de propagandismo difamatorio y confusión social</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">avalado por el gobierno de la Florida y operadores privados estadounidenses </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">contra del gobierno cubano, a partir del caso <i>#</i>SOSCuba georreferenciado en New York</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><iframe allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/75Ty7lZQgD0" title="YouTube video player" width="419"></iframe></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">CASO CUBA: reportaje de Jorge GESTOSO, de <a href="https://www.youtube.com/results?search_query=Jorge+Gestodo+Notables" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Notables</a> para TeleSUR, </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span>al editor </span><a href="https://twitter.com/julianmaciast" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Julián MACÍAS TOVAR</a>,</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">de <a href="https://www.pandemiadigital.net/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Pandemia Digital|Observatorio contra la desinformación</a>, </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span>qu</span>ien analiza <i>Operación Cóndor 2.0</i></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><iframe allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/51K5GkmKnY0" title="YouTube video player" width="419"></iframe></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">Declaratoria de Montevideo de 20 de julio de 2021 </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">del embajador de República de Cuba en República Oriental del Uruguay </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://misiones.minrex.gob.cu/es/uruguay/embajada-de-cuba-en-uruguay" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Héctor FRAGINALS de la TORRE</a>,</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">ante <a href="https://www.carasycaretas.com.uy/solidaridad-con-cuba-desde-uruguay-iniciativa-para-colaborar-en-la-adquisicion-de-productos-medicos/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">convocatoria de donación de insumos médicos</a> </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">del <a href="https://www.prensa-latina.cu/index.php?o=rn&id=463638" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Comité uruguayo antiimperialista de solidaridad con Cuba y los pueblos del mundo</a> </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">y en asociación a la <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HshTs4_l7PM" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">campaña internacional contra del ilegítimo bloqueo estadounidense</a> </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><iframe allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/q5mELDiaGo0" title="YouTube video player" width="419"></iframe></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.nodal.am/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/Magdalena-Carlos-Caicedo.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="430" data-original-width="750" height="115" src="https://www.nodal.am/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/Magdalena-Carlos-Caicedo.jpg" width="201" /></a></div>CASO COLOMBIA. Persecución política a gobernador Carlos CAICEDO. [«La persecución en Colombia a gobiernos alternativos es evidente y la comunidad internacional lo reconoce, los planes en mi contra nacen de las mafias del establecimiento, su interés es debilitar la oposición y hacer trizas La Paz»] en URL: <a href="https://twitter.com/carlosecaicedo/status/1432837687569010691" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://twitter.com/carlosecaicedo/status/1432837687569010691</a> (Acceso 2021, septiembre 01)</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://cdnnmundo1.img.sputniknews.com/img/108384/00/1083840008_0:215:4125:2535_600x0_80_0_0_8e21ff4f1e11d42113d21c7c8866e3bc.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="337" data-original-width="600" height="142" src="https://cdnnmundo1.img.sputniknews.com/img/108384/00/1083840008_0:215:4125:2535_600x0_80_0_0_8e21ff4f1e11d42113d21c7c8866e3bc.jpg" width="252" /></a></div>CASO Gustavo PETRO. El jurista y periodista colombiano <a href="https://www.wradio.com.co/2022/05/30/la-denuncia-contra-gustavo-petro-no-tiene-calculo-politico-francois-roger-cavard/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">François Roger CAVARD</a> preparó durante cuatro años el auto de 19 de mayo de 2022 admitido por el juez Joaquín GADEA en sede de la Audiencia Nacional del Reino de España, donde se denuncia a Gustavo PETRO de <a href="https://twitter.com/PactoCol" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Pacto Histórico</a>, </span><span style="font-size: x-small;">a veinticuatro horas de haber ganado la primera vuelta electoral a la presidencia, por el presunto secuestro del periodista Fernando GONZÁLEZ PACHECO durante la época de operaciones guerrilleras del M-19 en URL <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/431380-justicia-espana-denunciar-petro-secuestro-periodista" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/431380-justicia-espana-denunciar-petro-secuestro-periodista</a> (Acceso 2022, mayo31) </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEih0d7Ues1FDai0OVMW11I4FI-jitRnrAXtF3nIAnfb9rPmmdriIpNy3RAiCUM9yuTNZXt-PhjPD22II-b_fl7jmzVG_OoRe00KcCfTHeU6SHupWLWnk32xP0ZgLf-0X5lKE2ZfJsifTiAIeflwfvRxbzQixzOMyThX8tbHiRJcXxznafZdIStrmSAP8Q/s178/Cosse.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="167" data-original-width="178" height="103" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEih0d7Ues1FDai0OVMW11I4FI-jitRnrAXtF3nIAnfb9rPmmdriIpNy3RAiCUM9yuTNZXt-PhjPD22II-b_fl7jmzVG_OoRe00KcCfTHeU6SHupWLWnk32xP0ZgLf-0X5lKE2ZfJsifTiAIeflwfvRxbzQixzOMyThX8tbHiRJcXxznafZdIStrmSAP8Q/w118-h103/Cosse.jpg" width="118" /></a></div><span style="font-size: x-small;">CASO de juicio político a Carolina COSSE, intendenta de la ciudad de Montevideo, promovido por ediles ultraconservadores de la Junta Departamental capitalina. Respuesta de la bancada senatorial de la representación de izquierda Frente Amplio contra ese procedimiento que se confirma como un «atropello republicano», en Palacio del Legislativo de la República Oriental del Uruguay, mediante conferencia a periodistas </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: small; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-size: small; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="406" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/8vPMgIziPng" width="488" youtube-src-id="8vPMgIziPng"></iframe></div><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">CASO Carolina COSSE. Declaratoria oficial de la intendenta de Montevideo, como gobernante de la ciudad capital de la República Oriental del Uruguay, en defensa de su gobierno comunal, donde formula crítica política al gobierno nacional ultraconservador debido a la cercenadura provocada a la institucionalidad democrático republicana</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: small; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="405" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/MXyxo9uTOmo" width="487" youtube-src-id="MXyxo9uTOmo"></iframe></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: small; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></div></span></div></div></div></div></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: x-small;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">Instituto de Investigaciones Gino Germani </span></span></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><a href="http://jornadasjovenesiigg.sociales.uba.ar/eje-2/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">X</span><span style="font-family: verdana;"> </span><span style="font-family: verdana;"><span>Jornadas de Jóvenes Investigadores 4, 5 y 6 de Noviembre de 2019 - Buenos Aires</span></span></span></a></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">UBA </span><span face=""Arial Narrow", sans-serif" style="color: #333333;">·</span><span style="font-family: verdana;"> </span><span style="font-family: verdana;">Estudios Sociales Latinoamericanos</span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">Disertación de Ornella Giselle Condori</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><i><a href="http://jornadasjovenesiigg.sociales.uba.ar/wp-content/uploads/sites/107/2020/09/Eje2_Condori-PON.docx" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Lawfare en América Latina: las relaciones de poder en los casos de Argentina y Brasil de 2014 a 2019 </a></i></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #0000ee; font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><i><u><br /></u></i></span><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><i><a href="http://jornadasjovenesiigg.sociales.uba.ar/wp-content/uploads/sites/107/2020/09/Eje2_Condori-PON.docx" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"></a><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://jornadasjovenesiigg.sociales.uba.ar/wp-content/uploads/sites/107/2020/09/Eje2_Condori-PON.docx" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"></a><a href="https://masspeaceaction.org/our-issues/latin-america/" rel="nofollow" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="225" data-original-width="225" height="252" src="https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcS7G0xyd6FlNVT0jveTAOsxWzXE2q02YVBu045O_05vQLiGAqneAPmlkPSrpsvMDtP-wRo&usqp=CAU" width="252" /></a></div></i></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">CASO VENEZUELA: denuncia de extradición a Estados Unidos de América </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">de embajador venezolano <a href="https://www.alexsaabnews.com/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Alex SAAB</a>, mediante detención y secuestro </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">en el archipiélago de República de Cabo Verde, siendo incumplido el derecho internacional </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">en la operación ejecutada, en lo relativo a la Convención de Naciones Unidas </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">contra la Delincuencia Organizada Transnacional por parte de los estados signatarios,</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">al no presentársele causa ni orden de arresto, ni tampoco una alerta roja emitida de INTERPOL,</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">y omitiéndose un fallo explícito de 15 de marzo de 2021</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">del <a href="http://www.courtecowas.org/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Tribunal de Justicia de la CEDEAO</a> (sentencia ECW/CCJ/JUD/07/21)</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">referido a la suspensión de todos los procedimientos </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="font-family: verdana;">y procesos de extradición, dada <a href="https://afgj.org/free-alex-saab" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">la </a></span><span style="font-family: verdana;"><a href="https://afgj.org/free-alex-saab" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">ilegalidad de la detención del diplomático</a></span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;">por ser violatoria del artículo 6 de la <a href="https://www.acnur.org/fileadmin/Documentos/BDL/2002/1297.pdf" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Carta Africana sobre los Derechos Humanos y de los Pueblos</a></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-size: small; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="404" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/rqWwEN4HXK4" width="487" youtube-src-id="rqWwEN4HXK4"></iframe></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-size: small; text-align: left;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://www.codepink.org/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">CODEPINK</a>. CASO <a href="https://www.alexsaabnews.com/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Alex SAAB</a>: análisis de sanciones estadounidenses </span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">contra América Latina y el Caribe y su alcance extrajudicial, </span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">mediante <a href="https://twitter.com/hey_ter" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Teri MATTSON</a> de CODEPINK, el jurista internacionalista <a href="https://twitter.com/philpot_john" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">John PHILPOT</a> </span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">y el articulista <a href="https://masspeaceaction.org/author/yoav-elinevsky/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Yoav ELINEVSKY</a> de la <a href="https://masspeaceaction.org/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Massachusetts Peace Action</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-size: small; text-align: left;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-size: small; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="405" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/chq7ewQ2r2M" width="487" youtube-src-id="chq7ewQ2r2M"></iframe></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><i style="text-align: justify;">Vid</i><span style="font-family: verdana; text-align: justify;">. ROMANO, S. </span><i style="text-align: justify;">et al</i><span style="font-family: verdana; text-align: justify;">. 2018, enero 23. «Lawfare: la vía “justa” al neoliberalismo» en URL: <a href="https://www.celag.org/lawfare-la-via-legal-al-neoliberalismo/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.celag.org/lawfare-la-via-legal-al-neoliberalismo/</a> (Acceso 2021, enero 29)</span></span></div></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><i>Vid</i>. ROMANO, S. - VOLLENWEIDER, C. 2020, marzo 16. «¿Lawfare o lawfear? La guerra judicial y el miedo» en URL: <a href="https://www.celag.org/lawfare-o-lawfear-la-guerra-judicial-y-el-miedo/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.celag.org/lawfare-o-lawfear-la-guerra-judicial-y-el-miedo/</a> (Acceso 2021, enero 29)</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><i style="font-family: verdana;">Vid</i><span style="font-family: verdana;">. ROMANO, S. 2020, diciembre 21. «El 'lawfare' en América Latina, ¿puro cuento?» en URL: </span><a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/377606-lawfare-america-latina-puro-cuento" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: verdana;" target="_blank">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/377606-lawfare-america-latina-puro-cuento</a><span style="font-family: verdana;"> (Acceso 2020, diciembre 21)</span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span><span style="font-family: verdana;"><i>Vid</i>. CASARI, F. 2021, junio 13. </span></span><span style="font-family: verdana;">«Nicaragua, la colonna infame</span><span style="font-family: verdana;">» en URL: </span><span style="font-family: verdana;"><a href="https://www.altrenotizie.org/rubriche/analisi/9309-nicaragua-la-colonna-infame.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.altrenotizie.org/rubriche/analisi/9309-nicaragua-la-colonna-infame.html</a> (Acceso 2021, junio 16)</span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><i>Vid</i>. BRIGNONI, M. en ZOOM REVISTA. 2020, agosto 06. «Pedagogía del Lawfare» en URL: <a href="https://revistazoom.com.ar/pedagogia-del-lawfare/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://revistazoom.com.ar/pedagogia-del-lawfare/</a> (Acceso 2021, julio 30).</span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span><span style="font-family: verdana;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>Vid</i>. ZAFFARONI, E. R. 2018, agosto 07. «Milagro» en URL: <a href="https://www.pagina12.com.ar/133528-milagro" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.pagina12.com.ar/133528-milagro</a> (Acceso 2021, julio 31).</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>Vid</i>. BERTOIA, L. 2021, enero 26. «Qué dice <i>Bienvenidos al lawfare</i>, el libro de Raúl Zaffaroni, Cristina Caamaño y Valeria Vegh Weis» en URL: <a href="https://www.pagina12.com.ar/319727-que-dice-bienvenidos-al-lawfare-el-libro-de-raul-zaffaroni-c" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.pagina12.com.ar/319727-que-dice-bienvenidos-al-lawfare-el-libro-de-raul-zaffaroni-c</a> (Acceso 2021, julio 31).</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>Vid</i>. Viceministerio de Comunicación de República de Bolivia. 2021, julio 27. «La Universidad de Salamanca determinó que no hubo manipulación de los resultados de las elecciones generales de 2019» en URL: <a href="https://www.comunicacion.gob.bo/?q=20210727/33039" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.comunicacion.gob.bo/?q=20210727/33039</a> (Acceso 2021, agosto 01).</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>Vid</i>. RT. 2021, septiembre 01. «Un piloto mexicano revela que el avión que sacó a Evo Morales de Bolivia fue atacado con un lanzacohetes» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/402536-piloto-mexicano-revelar-avion-ataque-morales" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/402536-piloto-mexicano-revelar-avion-ataque-morales</a> (Acceso 2021, septiembre 01).</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: small; line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span style="color: #0d42e0;"><a href="https://www.celag.org/observatorio-lawfare/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">CELAG: OBSERVATORIO DE LAWFARE</a></span></b><span style="font-size: x-small;"> </span></div></span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><br /></span></span></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right;"><span style="font-family: verdana; font-size: x-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: right;"><a href="https://www.grupodepuebla.org/clajud/" rel="nofollow" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="363" data-original-width="687" height="106" src="https://www.grupodepuebla.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/11/clajud.png" width="200" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: right;"><br /></div></div></div></div></span></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>LAWFARE</i>. </span><span style="font-size: xx-small;">EL CASO ECUADOR</span><span style="font-size: x-small;">|Dirección: M. CORNEJO|País: Ecuador|Año: 2020|Duración: 70 min.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><iframe allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/OwLj2AhKWE0" width="419"></iframe></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><a href="https://www.dropbox.com/s/rp8holz8k29m2aw/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%202019.pdf?dl=0" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif; font-size: small; text-align: left;" target="_blank">Versión PDF</a></div></div>
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<span style="font-family: arial;"><b><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt;">DEL RECONOCIMIENTO
DE SU ESCOPO.</span></b><span face=""arial narrow" , sans-serif" style="font-size: 12pt;">
Si el aula es <i>alcanzada</i> por las
«noticias del mundo» (sobre todo en sus multiplicadas operaciones telemáticas),
no hay que detenerse sólo en el argot periodístico en el que se envuelve. Debe
reconocerse además el porqué del tecnicismo que dimana de la cuestión que trate.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[1]</span></span></span></a> El
aspecto lisológico o generalista de todo tecnicismo que se discutiese —como
reflujo de una operatoria institucional y políticamente orientada (especialmente
en los planos β-operatorios, al resolverse como escopo de una cartografía
pedagógica, o como caso resultante de un interés didascálico, etc.)— representará
su historicidad a partir de una categoría de imperio, y, a su vez, toda contraposición
antiimperialista se ensayará como un necesario criterio de relación de su
ensamblaje con un estado del mundo; aunque no hay que remitirse a esto como si
acaso fuese una única causa para la fundamentación de problemas y corolarios
(no se trata de un <i>arjé</i>
protofilosófico), salvo que no se abjurara de pretensiones fantasmagóricas a
instancias de un análisis. Esta formulación se propone con la finalidad de
atender el reconocimiento de un tecnicismo que ha subyacido entre títulos de
prensa: la <i>lawfare </i>(i.e. la <i>law</i>-<i>fare</i>
o la <i>law warfare</i>), al menos a partir
de cierta relevancia periodística, i.e., de aquella que remite a una política
empresaria y oligopólica de comunicación noticiosa (siendo que su aparato logógrafo,
no ya el periodista individualmente, enfrenta los reportes, sobre todo de política
internacional, pauperizándolos a «mundo de opinión»).</span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">Esta formulación refluye de una tesis
inexcusable: las empresas de comunicación colectiva, especializadas en
comunicación periodística, o política<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>, o
propagandista, narran los «acontecimientos» de la América Latina y del Caribe —a
partir de su aparato oligopólico— como defensa ideológica de sus relaciones
imperiales, valiéndose de la <i>lawfare</i> en
su estrategia argumentativa. Hay casos paradigmáticos que tratan de cómo se
presentan las crisis políticas de gobiernos y personalidades
latinoamericanistas; se hallan los C</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ASTRO</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, C</span><span style="font-family: arial;">HÁVEZ</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, C</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ORREA</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, F</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ERNÁNDEZ</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, G</span><span style="font-family: arial;">LAS</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, L</span><span style="font-family: arial;">UGO</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, «L</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ULA</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">» da S</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ILVA</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, M</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ADURO</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, O</span><span style="font-family: arial;">RTEGA</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, R</span><span style="font-family: arial;">OUSSEFF</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, entre tantos
otros listados de etcéteras a los que habría de integrárseles el relato que se
consustancia de activistas como Berta C</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ÁCERES</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, o Milagro S</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ALA</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, i.e. de una
miríada de personas asesinadas o presas políticas<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
que se han enfrentado al neoliberalismo de las democracias panamericanistas o
de los regímenes resultantes de un golpismo parlamentario ciertamente asociado
al crimen organizado<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[4]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>, habiéndose
concretado su ejecución, en casos como los del Brasil o del Paraguay, o sólo planificado
y <i>dejado en suspenso</i>, como fue dado
en la Nicaragua sandinista o en la Venezuela bolivariana.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[5]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> Esa
<i>lawfare</i>, a su vez, se reduce al
racismo semántico de una «comunidad internacional» comprendida en el fenotipo de
los blancos anglosajones y europeos de primer mundo. Esto, como si no hubiese
acaso una «comunidad internacional» con intentos de soberanía y que explotada o
expoliada refluye en sus relaciones diplomáticas en coordenadas geopolíticas de
tercermundismo o de países no-alineados (siendo basales, además, para una relación
racionalizada de las partes materiales y formales del derecho internacional
público).</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">¿Acerca
de qué trata pues la <i>lawfare</i>, i.e. como
idea de <i>lawfare </i>que desborde su sola
conceptualización jurídica? —si la cuestión dudosa es formulada en referencia,
acaso, a un verdadero escopo cartográfico que a su vez no debe reducirse a
versiones lexicográficas de mera «guerra legal» o «guerra jurídica»—.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn6" name="_ftnref6" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[6]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> Hay
que remedar a un magistrado argentino como Raúl Z</span><span style="font-family: arial;">AFFARONI</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, ex juez de la Suprema Corte de
Justica, quien advierte que la <i>lawfare</i>
refiere, su conformación propagandista, a un sector de la justicia y a un
sector predominante de los conglomerados empresarios de la comunicación que se
asocian y «fabrican una realidad».<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn7" name="_ftnref7" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[7]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> La
<i>lawfare </i>—el magistrado dirá que
parece ser más una <i>law far</i>— es un
barbarismo del que se valen (alejado del derecho); y lo operan conjuntamente asociados
a los conglomerados financieros (siendo el International Monetary Fund uno de
sus cíclopes plutocráticos reaparecidos en la América del Sur, además de las
versiones mercantilistas decimononas con las que coexisten mediante la acumulación
infructuosa de tratados de libre comercio). A lo definido por el magistrado
argentino, podría especificársele como sesgo de una <i>lawfare</i> lo declarado a su vez por la diplomática Alicia C</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ASTRO</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, connacional
suyo, quien lo especifica en relación a la injerencia que padece una Venezuela
que conforma su democracia latinoamericanista: «Tratan de demonizar al
mandatario [MADURO], luego le inventan y financian una oposición interna,
fabrican escenas de violencia, y hacen una gran prensa internacional de ello
para justificar una intervención. Luego dirán que se equivocaron o que
mintieron [...] Están entusiasmados con intervenir en nuestro continente».<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn8" name="_ftnref8" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[8]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> Y
habría que agregar lo siguiente, a esta misma cuestión formulada: la <i>lawfare</i> refiere a un manido dispositivo de
injerencia y de proselitismo propagandista imperial (incluso en su forma
extrema de intriga criminal), de desprendimiento flagrante —en las relaciones
diplomáticas— no sólo de una necesaria moral internacional sino, a su vez, del
mismísimo acotamiento normativo al que exige ceñirse el derecho internacional público.
Esto se explicitaría durante el año de 2002 a partir de la administración
estadounidense de G. W. B</span><span style="font-family: arial;">USH
</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">con
su <i>American Service-Members' Protection
Act</i>,</span><span style="font-family: arial;"> </span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">deslindándose del
derecho penal internacional y de su «jurisdicción universal».<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn9" name="_ftnref9" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[9]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> La
<i>lawfare</i>, así, no resultaría más que en
un autoproclamado derecho a su ley de imperio. Aunque la lectura académica
anglosajona<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn10" name="_ftnref10" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[10]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>,
entre los expertos en contrainsurgencia, (envolviéndose la más de las veces en una
asepsia teoricista, incapaz de adjetivación gnoseológica), supondrá que asociar
la <i>lawfare</i> a las antecedencias de la
administración B</span><span style="font-family: arial;">USH</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> es
intrínsecamente improductivo y sólo remitiría a un acto de «politización».<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn11" name="_ftnref11" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[11]</span></span></span></a></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">Así, el problema de la generalidad de los
asuntos asociados a la </span><i style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">lawfare</i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> —y no
sin que en esto converjan acaso formas de propaganda negra</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn12" name="_ftnref12" style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[12]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> y
analogías superficiales— se ha orientado a identificaciones distintas de las
que previene el magistrado argentino; y esa diferencia se debe a que su sentido
histórico-institucional</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn13" name="_ftnref13" style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[13]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> se
tergiversa: la academia occidental</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn14" name="_ftnref14" style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[14]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> ha
densificado la terminología, aunque para tipificar la detección táctica de
alternativas jurídicas de «denuncia política» realizadas por formas
«guerrilleras» o «terroristas», a la manera de una </span><i style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">guerra jurídica contra potencias</i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> capitalistas (salvo en aquellos
casos que es aplicada por ese mismo primer mundo, donde su sentido político sería
razonable porque evitaría los costos de una confrontación bélica directa contra
fuerzas antioccidentales).</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn15" name="_ftnref15" style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[15]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> Increíblemente,
la </span><i style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">lawfare</i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> —siendo un instrumento
imperial de injerencia en el tercer mundo, aplicado por el aparato financiero</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn16" name="_ftnref16" style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[16]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">
de las potencias en asociación a su aparato de propaganda— es concebida por la
academia de los países ricos como una alternativa del tercer mundo para atacar
injustamente su primermundismo democrático (i.e. se aquejarían las potencias de
</span><i style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">la dispar</i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> </span><i style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">manera en que se exige a unos y a otros someterse al imperio de la ley</i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">).
Respecto del supuesto uso abusivo de la legalidad que acometerían los países
pobres contra las desprotegidas potencias occidentales, cabe la siguiente
cuestión dudosa: ¿qué países capitalistas se valen del «poder de veto» en el
Consejo de Seguridad de UN y en relación a qué poblaciones lo aplican? En la franja
de Gaza del pueblo palestino e.g. </span><i style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"><a href="https://prometheuschannel.blogspot.com/2021/05/de-la-verdad-narrada-caso-ix.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">la ley internacional se quiebra</a></i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> —a pesar del asesinato de civiles inocentes— y
esto es notorio en el propio Consejo de Seguridad de UN. No hay en ese problema
geopolítico «ayuda humanitaria» que valga, sino sólo veto estadounidense (salvo
una excepción en que el país americano se abstuvo) ante cada intento diplomático
de resolución de las naciones para observar la injerencia del sistema político
sionista resueltamente inclinado a la </span><i style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">maldad
cartaginesa</i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">. La </span><i style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">lawfare</i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, por
tanto, como mera estrategia de ataque jurídico, dadas relaciones asimétricas
entre países de distinta potencia, supuestamente aplicada por países pobres
contra países ricos, es posible de desembrollar mediante el argumento</span><i style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> apagógico</i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> —esto, en relación a tesis
incoherentes que nieguen aquellas interpretaciones de causas de conflicto que
resultan verdaderamente de prevalencia en su desarrollo histórico—.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">Y es que históricamente la <i>lawfare</i> sólo ha sido aplicada reforzándose
el poder político que asimismo la convalida —y no contra de la estructura de aquella
clase social que domina económicamente los medios de producción—: la fórmula contemporánea
de su tecnicismo, trata principalmente, en tanto instrumentación jurídica, de
un dispositivo geopolítico de la diplomacia injerencista de las potencias
occidentales sobre poblaciones tercermundistas con valor económico estratégico
(e.g., y sobre todo, respecto de países pobres con riquezas, aunque sin capacidades<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn17" name="_ftnref17" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[17]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
propias desarrolladas para su usufructo y por tanto sin condiciones soberanas
para fundarse como países ricos). Esa <i>lawfare</i>
—en contra de otras naciones— verdaderamente sólo podría aplicarse por
mediación de potencias que la convalidan con su razón de imperio (desbordándose
la sola condición jurídica de aquellas relaciones internacionales a partir de
las que se implementa). En esto es que se yergue la retórica política<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn18" name="_ftnref18" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[18]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
de la <i>lawfare</i> que no es otra cosa que
una <i>lawfare </i>imperial: el desmedrado
«Grupo de Lima» es un caso que podría evidenciar cómo se desarrollará una <i>jurídica de la propaganda negra</i> en el
siglo XXI sobre las naciones independentistas i.e. antineoliberalistas y por
defecto antiimperialistas (a partir de artilugios como las <i>fake news </i>que incluso se asumen por jueces y sus judicaturas, no
para una resolución de fallos o interlocutorios sino para la perpetuidad de sus
autos, exultándose penosamente en un tráfago de influencias y prevaricato,
entre tantos otros barbarismos aplicados para la proscripción de dirigencia
político partidaria contraria a una geopolítica panamericanista, como resulta
del caso «LULA» que la propia UN observa, siendo la suya una decisión
vinculante, determinada mediante su Comité Internacional de Derechos Humanos,
advirtiéndose que el estado brasileño debe permitirle el ejercicio de sus
derechos políticos como candidato<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn19" name="_ftnref19" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[19]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>,
aunque esto finalmente ha sido denegado por el Tribunal Supremo Electoral<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn20" name="_ftnref20" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[20]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
brasileño y con anterioridad a su vez por la Fiscalía General Electoral). A la usanza del propio <a href="https://rezonodwes.com/2021/04/09/le-core-group-a-ete-cree-en-2003-pour-discuter-de-lindependance-dhaiti-avoue-lex-depute-canadien-denis-paradis/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">CORE groupe</a>, del año de 2003, de aquel conglomerado que operaría su diplomática además a la manera de un <i>instituto de invasión</i> contra la población haitiana, y, si se quiere, precaviéndose de sus antecedencias, es posible reconocer que las relaciones imperiales se aplican nuevamente, esta vez, reiterándose en su forma de imposición transaccional: e</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 16px;">l Grupo de Lima</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> </span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 16px;">—</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">imbricado en los sesgos propios del <i>apartheid</i> o del <i>sionismo</i>
a los que es proclive su plutocracia panamericanista</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 16px;">—</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> desatiende, y debido a una diplomacia
precaria, la legitimidad electoral de una república bolivariana como lo es
Venezuela, puesto que sólo obtuvo de México, nación crucial para ese cónclave,
una abstención declarada.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn21" name="_ftnref21" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[21]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a></span><span style="font-family: arial;">
</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">A su
vez, la propia cancillería de la República Oriental del Uruguay discutió que el
Grupo de Lima no posee competencia diplomática alguna para calificar la
presidencia de ninguna nación latinoamericana.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn22" name="_ftnref22" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[22]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a></span><span style="font-family: arial;">
</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">O como
lo especificara un constitucionalista como H. E</span><span style="font-family: arial;">SCARRÁ</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, las declaraciones del Grupo de Lima
carecen de efecto jurídico internacional puesto que no forman parte del sistema
multilateral.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn23" name="_ftnref23" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[23]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a></span><span style="font-family: arial;">
</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">Además,
la propia secretaría general de UN desestimó la resolución de Lima.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn24" name="_ftnref24" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[24]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> Y
debido a esto, empezó a abogarse por la recreación, a instancias de la
iniciativa colombiana, de un organismo internacional denominado «PROSUR» que
aniquile al de la UNASUR e instituya así dispositivos contrainsurgentes que
retrograden el progreso del antiimperialismo latinoamericano.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn25" name="_ftnref25" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[25]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> No
obstante, entre tanto, la diplomática imperial subyacente en esa <i>lawfare</i> de asedio ilegítimo, instaurándose
contra una democracia latinoamericanista, se ejecuta para provocar
inestabilidad política contra sus instituciones y con la que resulte posible
finalmente una agresión e intervención estadounidense. Aunque el Grupo de Lima
apenas ha operado como un colecticio de cancillerías panamericanistas que
posteriormente rectificaron su documento antibolivariano, diez naciones de doce
se retractaron, dada la exigencia formulada por la propia cancillería
venezolana, puesto que en su esquizofrenia lingüística y disparatorio
discursivo hasta atribuían a la República Cooperativa de Guyana parte de las
aguas territoriales pertenecientes a la nación bolivariana.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn26" name="_ftnref26" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[26]</span></span></span></a></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">La injerencia de la administración T</span><span style="font-family: arial;">RUMP</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn27" name="_ftnref27" style="font-family: arial;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[27]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span style="font-family: arial;"> </span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">en las relaciones políticas de
los poderes constitucionales venezolanos ha sido observada reiteradamente por
el ejecutivo bolivariano: P</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ENCE</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, ha estado
«llamando abiertamente a un golpe de Estado en Venezuela», expresándose el
respaldo estadounidense a los actos ultraderechistas de una AN dada en nulidad
por el TSJ<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn28" name="_ftnref28" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[28]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
y siendo esto ratificado posteriormente por su Sala Constitucional.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn29" name="_ftnref29" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[29]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Este ejecutivo venezolano a su vez no se estancó en el sólo plano discursivo,
puesto que desarticuló una célula neonazifascista que se había pertrechado con
granadas y armamento, además de uniformes militares, para operar disfrazados
contra las personas que participaron en el mes de enero de 2019 de mítines
políticos.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn30" name="_ftnref30" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[30]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
E incluso este ejecutivo bolivariano logró que fracasara ante la OAS el intento
estadounidense de reconocimiento de un presidente de facto venezolano que
resultara funcional a su injerencia neonazifascista, la propuesta de la
administración T</span><span style="font-family: arial;">RUMP</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> resultó
minoritaria.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn31" name="_ftnref31" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[31]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Se trató de una operación diplomática de injerencia que fracasó en el
abatimiento de las instituciones republicanas de la Venezuela antiimperialista.
Fracasó ese proceso de golpismo neonazifascista que pretendió derrocar a un
presidente constitucional bolivariano, a partir de la «influencia humanitaria»
de la administración estadounidense junto a la condescendencia explícita de los
gobiernos brasilero, canadiense, colombiano y peruano.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn32" name="_ftnref32" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[32]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> Y,
a su vez, posteriormente, otra vez fracasó la propuesta estadounidense, ahora
en oportunidad de proponer en un nuevo estadio diplomático como el del Consejo
de Seguridad de UN el aval político a un presidente de facto para el
derrocamiento de M</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ADURO</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> como
presidente constitucional venezolano. Otra vez la formulación imperial resultó
minoritaria, y, además, contraria a estados que poseen también capacidad de
veto.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn33" name="_ftnref33" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[33]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Así, finalmente, la propuesta diplomática que obtuvo el respaldo mayoritario en
UN fue la de la iniciativa al diálogo entre las partes connacionales en disputa
que propiciaran la Caribbean Community, los Estados Unidos Mexicanos y la
República Oriental del Uruguay.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn34" name="_ftnref34" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[34]</span></span></span></a></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">Esto, inmediatamente después, propiciaría
la conformación diplomática del Mecanismo de Montevideo. Y a esta iniciativa a
su vez se acoplaría en paralelo la Unión Europea mediante un Grupo de Contacto
Internacional. Y si bien el Grupo de Contacto Internacional, (atendiéndose sus
entre líneas literarias), logra morigerar en el plano discursivo el <i>animus belligerandi</i> de la Unión Europea,
o incluso hasta alguna proyección de <i>debellatio</i>
emergida de su NATO, desprendiéndola así de una alineación mecánica con el
Grupo de Lima o la administración TRUMP, para atenerse exclusivamente a unas
relaciones diplomáticas entre estados y para el tratamiento de asuntos de
estado, desenvolviéndose noblemente, además, el Mecanismo de Montevideo (en los
planos <i>ex usu</i> del diálogo, la
negociación, la formulación y suscripción de acuerdos, así como de su
concomitante implemento), la sola declaración final<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn35" name="_ftnref35" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[35]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>,
no obstante, escasa en sus valoraciones técnicas, no acompañada por la
Caribbean Community ni por los Estados Unidos Mexicanos ni por el Estado
Plurinacional de Bolivia, trata acerca de premisas falaces, de inexacta
definición histórico-institucional acerca del proceso de emancipación y
antiimperialista bolivariano, dándose incluso sesgos de imprudencia
geopolítica, ahogándose en los ortogramas de libertad del neoliberalismo, y
haciéndose hincapié en una solicitud <i>ad
referendum</i> de tópicos tales como el de «elecciones presidenciales libres»,
como si acaso no las hubiere cumplidas en reiterados casos y en estricto apego
al procedimiento constitucional, o que se permita «la entrega de ayuda
humanitaria» (aquella que irrisoriamente ronda los cien millones de dólares
estadounidenses, si se adicionan y en su totalidad las intervenciones
canadiense, estadounidense y europea), como si acaso la revolución chavista no
hubiese implementado comités locales de abastecimiento y producción<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn36" name="_ftnref36" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[36]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> para
la cobertura alimentaria de seis millones de hogares venezolanos. La propia
cancillería de la República Oriental del Uruguay reconoce la dificultad
político-discursiva habida entre saber ceñirse diplomáticamente a propuestas de
«cooperación» o desbordarse burdamente con observaciones que resultan en una «injerencia».<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn37" name="_ftnref37" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[37]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> Debe
contrarrestarse, por tanto, esa <i>lawfare</i>,
y teóricamente, siendo que se ensaya como una fabulación y caricatura de
crisis. Esto, porque en el marco del derecho internacional público ciertamente
sí debe exigirse que no se amenace con agresión ni invasión ninguna a la nación
bolivariana y que no se implementen unilateralmente operaciones ilegales de
bloqueo económico<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn38" name="_ftnref38" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[38]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> con
las que se despoja al estado venezolano de más de dieciocho mil millones de
dólares estadounidenses; este preámbulo, atinente a la autodeterminación de los
pueblos y a la no intervención, y no otro, pues, es el que debe orientar
necesariamente, verazmente, todo proceso diplomático del Mecanismo de
Montevideo si se asume como alterativa de paz para la América Latina y el
Caribe. Igualmente, siendo esto signo de racionalidad política, en ambos
dominios del encuentro diplomático, tanto en el latinoamericanista del
Mecanismo de Montevideo como en el europeísta del Grupo de Contacto
Internacional, se sentenció, y acorde a derecho, omitir todo beneplácito posible
a la intentona de golpismo neonazifascista explicitada en la figura de GUAIDÓ</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">. Es un gesto de
diplomacia de estados prudentísimo, sobre todo si se advierte que ese personaje
panamericanista de GUAIDÓ</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">,
posteriormente a las reuniones de Montevideo, arguyó mediante cuestiones de
gobernabilidad, a pesar de ser la hipotética delirante que formula un delito de
lesa patria, su voluntad política declarada de aceptar incluso una intervención
estadounidense contra la propia nación venezolana.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn39" name="_ftnref39" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[39]</span></span></span></a></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">¿Y qué hace pues un imperio para
enfrentar su seguidilla de fracasos diplomáticos en el plano mundial, siendo
que se afianza la alternativa del diálogo entre estados? Refuerza su <i>lawfare</i>, i.e. actúa en un plano
geohistórico-diplomático funcional a los oligopolios financiero y
bélico-industrial, transgrediéndose si es necesario el propio derecho
internacional público e.g. confiscándose unilateralmente los fondos de un
estado, operando sin ceñirse siquiera a las resoluciones o autorizaciones
nacionales de su propio Congreso (como en el caso Libia, durante la
administración O</span><span style="font-family: arial;">BAMA</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn40" name="_ftnref40" style="font-family: arial;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[40]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, donde la
inteligencia estadounidense, interesada por la producción de hidrocarburos,
operó durante décadas hasta confluir en un proceso de invasión envuelto
eufemísticamente en una «primavera árabe»<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn41" name="_ftnref41" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[41]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> contra
la Gran Jamahiriya Árabe Libia Popular y Socialista dirigida por M. Q</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ADHAFI</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> que derrocara
en el año de 1969 la monarquía de Idris I) y se ejecuta para reducir con un
propósito de conquista incluso el total de un estado a población balcanizada.
Esta <i>lawfare</i> imperial, además, es
capaz de lograr la renuncia de Christoph F</span><span style="font-family: arial;">LUGGE</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, un juez de
alto rango de la Corte Penal Internacional de UN. F</span><span style="font-family: arial;">LUGGE</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> presentaría
su renuncia a causa de la amenaza perpetrada por los Estados Unidos de América
a los jueces que investigan los crímenes de guerra operados tanto por su
servicio militar como por el aparato de inteligencia que desplegara en
Afganistán.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn42" name="_ftnref42" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[42]</span></span></span></a></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">En el caso Venezuela, esta <i>lawfare</i> estadounidense es coordinada por
E. A</span><span style="font-family: arial;">BRAMS</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, miembro
fundador del <i>Project for the New American
Century</i><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn43" name="_ftnref43" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[43]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><i> </i>y a quien se lo reconoce como experimentado
en venta de armas prohibidas, financiamiento de guerrillas y orientación de
procesos golpistas contra instituciones constitucionales (siendo sus teatros de
operaciones tanto el Oriente Medio como la América Latina y el Caribe).<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn44" name="_ftnref44" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[44]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> El
intervencionismo diplomático contra la revolución independentista venezolana se
sostiene en políticos neonazifascistas, valiéndose e.g. de un legislador como
J. GUAIDÓ</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, quien obtuvo
menos de 98 mil votos para su escaño en la AN (resultado avalado por el CNE), y
con el que se articula el asalto al Palacio de Miraflores, siendo sus actos
públicos dirigidos exteriormente por el senador estadounidense Marco R</span><span style="font-family: arial;">UBIO</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> que es su <i>Ouster in Chief</i> según el propio NYT<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn45" name="_ftnref45" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[45]</span></span></span></a>,
y, así, se confabulan para derrocar al presidente constitucional MADURO al que
efectivamente se eligió, durante el año de 2018, y obtuvo (también con el aval
del CNE) un total de 6 248 864 votos. Debe comprenderse que el sistema
electoral venezolano se halla automatizado y tuvo dieciocho auditorías que
resultaron suscritas por los partidistas participantes, incluso por aquellos
que se reconocen como antichavistas y siendo que ninguno formalmente impugnó
resultados. El neonazifascismo imperial y sus adláteres panamericanistas y
europeos han pretendido sobrevalorar, y ridículamente, menos de noventa y ocho
mil votos ultraderechistas y prescindir, a su vez, de una comunidad electoral
bolivariana de más de seis millones de votos. Esto, claro, esta argucia
mefistofélica, recreada en seudotecnicismos jurídicos, sólo es posible a partir
de un cinismo patológico que orienta sus relaciones políticas a objetivar algún
tipo de intervención imperialista (i.e. respecto de alguna operación ilegítima
de invasión o agresión, como formas de ataque, ocupación, anexión, bombardeo,
bloqueo, estacionamiento de tropas, u otras conductas militares, tal como se
definiera por resolución 3314<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn46" name="_ftnref46" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[46]</span></span></span></a>
de la XXIX Asamblea General de UN de 1974), y, asimismo, se la reviste, mediante
un <i>caos diplomático</i>, de vocerías de «guerra
civil» o de imposición de una mentada «ayuda humanitaria» (exenta además de la
necesaria supervisión de las UN o del Comité Internacional de la Cruz Roja). ¿O
acaso los encumbrados analistas de política internacional, o aquellos
politólogos que reducen la cientificidad de lo latinoamericanista <i>a catálogo de regímenes</i>, no recuerdan
que la <i>ayuda humanitaria</i>
estadounidense a Nicaragua, del año de 1986, consistió sobre todo en una
entrega camuflada de armas<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn47" name="_ftnref47" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[47]</span></span></span></a>
con las que el antisandinismo contrarrevolucionario asesinó a civiles
inocentes, mediante el financiamiento conjunto de la administración R</span><span style="font-family: arial;">EAGAN</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> y del
narcotráfico colombiano, y siendo coordinada esa masacre a su vez por la propia
CIA y la DEA?</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">La propia cancillería cubana ha definido
que los centros de ayuda humanitaria desplegados en las cercanías a la frontera
venezolana (Brasil, Colombia y aguas del Caribe) es el preámbulo de un intento
de agresión militar.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn48" name="_ftnref48" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[48]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> Y
prueba de esto lo son las maniobras desplegadas por el USSOCOM y el USSOUTHCOM
que iniciaron un sondeo de contactos con contratistas para obtener apoyo
logístico en su acantonamiento en territorio colombiano.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn49" name="_ftnref49" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[49]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> Esa
agresión o invasión y su estratégica guerra civil, siendo resultantes de una
hipotética delirante de imperio, debe efectivamente impedirse mediante una
categoría política, de organicidad independentista, anteriormente formulada por
la administración M</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ADURO</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> y que trata acerca
de la unidad cívico-militar de la sociedad bolivariana, reivindicada en la
posición histórico-política de un Antonio J. F. de S</span><span style="font-family: arial;">UCRE</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> radicalmente
contrapuesta al entreguismo santanderista. Los actos de rebelión contra la
normativa constitucional vigente y de llamamiento al alzamiento militar contra
un presidente constitucional resultan tipificados con penas gravísimas en múltiples
países europeos o asiáticos —y esas operaciones se figuran en la persona de un
neonazifascista venezolano como GUAIDÓ,</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> quien usurpa
funciones públicas y coadyuva a que se malversen caudales públicos—. Por tanto,
la prisión debería ser su justo sino. El patetismo de ese gobierno imaginario y
pírrico de GUAIDÓ</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, además, ni
siquiera obtiene el <i>plácet</i> para su
falaz cuerpo diplomático en las mismísimas cancillerías de aquellos países que
acogieron su discurso golpista (así es, salvo casos de excepción irrisoria como
el de la República del Ecuador que reduce la representación diplomática de un
estado a mero comisariato político).</span><span style="font-family: arial;"> </span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">¿Qué razón geopolítica funda pues el
intervencionismo imperialista contra territorio venezolano, verdaderamente, más
allá de la fantasmagoría discursiva y del historietismo habidos y con el que los
neonazifascistas aluden a la-libertad-y-la-democracia en referencia histérica a
un mundo ensoñado sin marxismo leninista? Es advertido por R. G</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ONZÁLEZ</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> C</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ÁRDENAS</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> que de los
treinta y ocho minerales estratégicos que requiere la industria estadounidense,
se hallan treinta en un territorio venezolano conocido como «Arco minero» y que
comprende a los estados Amazonas, Bolívar y Delta Amacuro (región que la
inteligencia estadounidense planificaría provocar a secesión a partir de la
década de 1970, al influjo de sectas religiosas que operan sobre comunidades
étnicas originarias, y orientándose por el Proyecto Rockefeller). Apoderarse de
estas riquezas (hallándose el territorio venezolano entre las primeras reservas
—en el mundo— de oro, de coltán, de torio, de diamantes, de tungsteno, etc.) es
ciertamente el propósito que fundamenta la geopolítica del asedio contra los
bolivarianos y el intento de invención de un episodio de <i>casus belli</i>, esto, mediante operatorias propias de la NATO, a
partir principalmente de bases de la CIA en territorio colombiano y con
mercenarios que son denominados «contratistas» y que enlazan con sus
operaciones el alcance de esa extensa frontera que es colindante con la
república codiciada.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn50" name="_ftnref50" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[50]</span></span></span></a></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">La <i>lawfare</i>
por tanto es inaplicable sin el dominio imperial y sin su aparato
propagandista, i.e., sobre todo de propaganda negra, reconcentrándose en la capacidad
de cercenar las relaciones políticas del antiimperialismo. Y para eso, se
institucionaliza <i>a la manera nazifascista
de Goebbels</i> la difamación de personalidades gubernativas y hasta de
naciones —aunque ese proceso incluso conllevara en potencia el despliegue de
una guerra civil o regional—. Hay muchas otras expresiones de agresión a
reconocer y que son relativas claro a una <i>lawfare
de imperio</i>. Incluso hasta podrían resultar de una flagrancia aún más contundente,
como es posible advertirlo en casos como el del cese del fuego en Siria (septiembre
de 2016), acordado en Genève, y que la administración O</span><span style="font-family: arial;">BAMA</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> del gobierno
estadounidense desestimó (o no acata), puesto que no se correspondió con su
diseño continuado de intervencionismo, (compuesto además de nematologías
institucionales propiamente decimononas, aunque
renovadas), y dado además mediante una desarticulación regional o
hemisférica de la propia legitimidad institucional de los estados y a partir de
una programada decadencia diplomática del trato entre partes ante
controversias.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn51" name="_ftnref51" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[51]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Un desempeño incluso más explícito se tuvo en la administración T</span><span style="font-family: arial;">RUMP</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, siendo que
las sanciones estadounidenses contra la teocracia persa resultan contrarias a
la resolución 2231 del Consejo de Seguridad de UN.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn52" name="_ftnref52" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[52]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> Es
más, la Corte Internacional de Justicia ordenó a la administración
estadounidense que suspenda las sanciones decretadas en el <i>ámbito humanitario</i> contra la nación iraní; aunque la representación
de T</span><span style="font-family: arial;">RUMP</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> no aceptó la jurisdicción
del organismo de justicia puesto que el caso remite a un asunto de «seguridad
nacional».<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn53" name="_ftnref53" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[53]</span></span></span></a></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><b style="font-family: arial;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><b style="font-family: arial;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><b style="font-family: arial;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt;">DE SU
COMPUESTO APOTÉTICO (O PSICOLÓGICO).</span></b><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> Esta <i>lawfare</i> no sólo se ilustraría (i.e. se instituiría como operatoria
hegemónica<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn54" name="_ftnref54" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[54]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>)
mediante las mentadas <i>fake news</i> con
las que el mundo imperial refracta su política (multiplicadas en su tipo como comunicación
periodística) —especialmente en las formas del entretenimiento<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn55" name="_ftnref55" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[55]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>— sino
valiéndose a su vez de su <i>double minded</i>
que habilita al discurso intrínsecamente discordante (en la conmixtión de
diversidades espurias<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn56" name="_ftnref56" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[56]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>, aplicadas
como palingénesis nazi<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn57" name="_ftnref57" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[57]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>,
y, evidenciadas en el neonazismo narrativo que refluye en temas como los de «inmigración»,
de «defensa», o de «seguridad»), a la manera expletiva de un «proselitismo de
la confusión» que se exagera e institucionaliza. Se despliega a partir de una <i>lawfare</i> financiera que es, a su vez, la
forma más explícita de manipulación diplomática de una primera potencia; esto, entre
sus múltiples adicciones injerencistas en general propuestas de manera lábil
como <i>forma alternativa de justicia</i>,
aunque no es más que una justicia de imperio que se imparte a la manera de
sentencia contra un país, como si se tratara de una neocolonia o un protectorado:
el mundo noticioso, justamente, presenta ese acorralamiento político como
«sanciones financieras» contra países, o contra personalidades gubernativas, asunto
último que se ha especializado, además, a partir de la normativa estadounidense
denominada <i>Global Magnitsky Human Rights
Accountability Act</i><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn58" name="_ftnref58" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[58]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>,
de abril de 2016. Luego devendrían otros engendros de <i>lawfare</i>, como la <i>Nicaraguan
Investment Conditionality Act</i> que condiciona la aprobación de préstamos —para
el gobierno nicaragüense, de parte de instituciones financieras internacionales—
a que los proyectos promuevan la democracia panamericanista estadounidense (de
una hegemonía imperial verdaderamente contraria a una sociedad sandinista que
anhela, y lo ha demostrado con su internacionalismo, una segunda y definitiva
independencia latinoamericanista).<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn59" name="_ftnref59" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[59]</span></span></span></a></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">Y sin que esto acaso obligue a una
«sociología de la comunicación», valga redundar en la identificación de ese
proceso propagandista —de evidenciado proselitismo imperial— donde el campo
telemático, respecto de su táctica castrense, se aplica en el desbordamiento de
su mundo, de un mundo-magnetoscopio: la imagen narrativa, al decir de los
cinematógrafos, «pierde peso», i.e. no hay un hito de referencia simbólica<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn60" name="_ftnref60" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[60]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>;
es sólo argamasa audiovisual y no es necesaria la concordancia (así, incluso,
la estulticia discursiva, despectiva de la política<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn61" name="_ftnref61" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[61]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>,
posee eficacia para operar en base a repeticiones, como si fuese, aunque no lo
es, un mero «truco publicitario», mediante el que un invasor resulta presentado
como libertador, o un imperialista es transfigurado en republicano demócrata,
etc.). El relato imperial —en su funcionalismo— se reconcentra en el episodio
(<i>in extrema res</i>), deslindándose del
proceso (<i>in medias res</i>) y de su
necesario y diacrónico ejercicio retrospectivo y prospectivo. Trata acerca de
una comunicación propagandista que es ejecutada en el plano de los <i>artilugios audiovisuales</i>: el caso
nicaragüense, si se remeda el análisis de A. P</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ASTRÁN</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, es coincidente con el reconocimiento
de esta estrategia de la dislocación de las instituciones nacionales. Discute
la cuestión actante de los periódicos y de la radiodifusión privados, siendo
que respecto de Nicaragua y de la administración O</span><span style="font-family: arial;">RTEGA</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> «(…) mostraban
a un país al borde de un colapso social, hecho que no ocurrió gracias a la
acción del Estado».<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn62" name="_ftnref62" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[62]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> Esto
mismo es a su vez advertido críticamente por S. A. G</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ÓMEZ</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">: «Las escenas
de los últimos días contrastan con las estadísticas que muestran a Nicaragua
como uno de los países más seguros y pacíficos de Centroamérica».<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn63" name="_ftnref63" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[63]</span></span></span></a></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">La narrativa antilatinoamericanista (intrínsecamente
panamericanista) se refracta </span><i style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">in extrema
res</i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> en lo múltiplemente replicado: la ilusión desestabilizadora de las
instituciones democrático-republicanas se instaura en el mundo noticioso,
devenida de una comunicación política a gran escala, i.e., de una conformidad
diplomática entre potencias que remite propiamente a tácticas una y otra vez ensayadas
a partir de un prototipo de GNC aplicado contra los independentismos de segunda
generación (como el desplegado justamente por la sociedad nicaragüense mediante
el ideario sandinista, una vez finalizada su época guerrillera), durante la
segunda mitad de siglo XX y comienzos de siglo XXI.</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn64" name="_ftnref64" style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[64]</span></span></span></a></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">En los inicios de siglo XXI, se hace
posible advertir, en su forma generalísima, un intento de reiteración de
aquella estrategia decimonona que trató de quebrantar las repúblicas nacientes
como nueva realidad política antiimperialista y antimonárquica —otrora, al
influjo liberal de sus guerras de puertos— mediante separatismos
multiplicadores de estados nacionales.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn65" name="_ftnref65" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[65]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> A
las repúblicas latinoamericanas y caribeñas, de acervos al menos bicentenarios si
se consideran sus revoluciones liberales contrarias a la dinastía borbónica, o
de más siglos si se remite su historia intelectual a la fundación misma de las
universidades, se las intenta reducir al supuesto del «estado fallido» al que
habrá de intervenirse mediante la increíble «ayuda humanitaria» (sostenida en
la figura de la «crisis humanitaria»). Los propios registros históricos permiten
aclarar que este criterio formulado no trata de una hipotética delirante; no es
un mero contubernio dramático o alucinatorio. Hay una <i>symploké</i> discursiva operada (de manera sistática o sistemática),
dada conjuntamente con el relato noticioso, resueltamente apropiada a un
aparato propagandista que es orientado mediante una política panamericanista
del intervencionismo. Esto es necesario reconocerlo a partir de coordenadas
geopolíticas, donde el imperialismo panamericanista —y su «pentagonismo»<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn66" name="_ftnref66" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[66]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>—
es discutido por el antiimperialismo latinoamericanista. La América del Sur es
un objetivo castrense para el propósito diplomático de balcanización de sus
territorios y de sus relaciones políticas (e.g. mediante la descomposición administrativa
de la ALBA, de la UNASUR, o de la CELAC), a la manera operada, prototípica, además,
contra las instituciones del Oriente Medio. La diplomacia imperialista se
orienta claramente hacia el divisionismo artificioso de las naciones
americanas; porque su unión política fundamental implicaría el ingenio
histórico de una segunda y definitiva independencia. Es una premisa ensayada
por J. C. M</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ARIÁTEGUI</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">: «Los pueblos
de la América española se mueven, en una misma dirección. La solidaridad de sus
destinos históricos no es una ilusión de la literatura americanista. Estos
pueblos, realmente, no sólo son hermanos en la retórica sino también en la
historia. Proceden de una matriz única».<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn67" name="_ftnref67" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[67]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Esto, a su vez, tendrá antecedencias decimononas —severamente antiimperialistas
en su análisis— relativas tanto al proyecto de una «América Latina» de F. B</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ILBAO </span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">como a una posterior
apología de la «identidad latinoamericana» de J. M</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ARTÍ</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn68" name="_ftnref68" style="font-family: arial;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[68]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">
(aniquilándose los mitos del panlatinismo y del panamericanismo, mediante una
idea de latinoamericanismo).</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">Y es que se procede de un proceso
político históricamente <i>aglutinante</i>:
la institucionalidad imperial de las monarquías ibéricas, confluyente
posteriormente con las formas reaccionarias del capital-burgués —monopolista y
semifeudal— y las de su <i>prolongación de
la colonia</i> mediante la explotación de las migraciones. La doctrina revolucionaria
de declararse continentalmente, debido a la historia de los pueblos, <i>enemigo del imperio</i>, esto, así, envuelve
a múltiples mundos de emancipación antiimperialista, a naciones geo-antropográficamente
singulares o de «mezcla cósmica» (abarcadoras tanto de teselas filosóficas en
español como de poemas en mazateco), aunque económicamente hilvanadas sus
poblaciones en un criterio de relación: <i>la
razón política independentista</i><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn69" name="_ftnref69" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[69]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> —siendo
esto notoriamente distinto a las nefastas y patéticas propuestas de «homogeneidad
nacionalista» de primera mitad de siglo XX, e.g. como aquellas que devinieron de
una Europa pangermanista, radicalizada finalmente en un nazismo que aborreció de
todos aquellos pueblos que no resultaran de «habla germana»—. La contextualización
regional de desestabilización política se corresponde pues con la propiamente
operada en el mundo, a partir de la hibridación ejecutada de los conflictos
armados y la propaganda negra de los complejos bélico-industriales que avanza
contra las poblaciones en proceso de emancipación. Esta beligerancia imperialista
de primera mitad de siglo XXI se desarrolla mediante contención y perpetuación,
a la manera <i>de una guerra mundial que no
se expande</i>.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn70" name="_ftnref70" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[70]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Es por esto que ilustrados como G</span><span style="font-family: arial;">RAMSCI</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> (un preclaro apasionado
de la revolución bolchevique; y lo demuestra en una reseña de revista
deslumbrante que tituló <i>La taglia della
storia</i><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn71" name="_ftnref71" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[71]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>)
se vuelven a remedar en los análisis independentistas del antiimperialismo: la
militarización neocolonialista de los territorios debe revertirse a partir de
categorías políticas que además remiten al ideario de los propios próceres
americanos, puesto que de lo contrario <i>el
precio de la historia</i> para la región y sus pobladores que padecen las
hostilidades armadas, además de las financieras y diplomáticas, es cruelmente atroz.
Esas categorías políticas (envueltas en el internacionalismo, resueltas como
síntesis de la cuestión social y la lucha de clases económica, política y
teórica) las ensayaría a su vez R. A</span><span style="font-family: arial;">RISMENDI</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> como <i>tesis de revolución continental
latinoamericana y caribeña</i> —ciñéndose a las condiciones históricas de una
dialéctica de alianzas estratégicas, y, deslindándose del mecanicismo y
automatismo foquista o voluntarista dados en sus formas «eserista» o
«populista»—.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn72" name="_ftnref72" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[72]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
La conquista imperial conlleva que <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lyab1LVohgQ" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">la guerra deberá instalarse continentalmente en el sur americano</a>. Este progreso belicista en Suramérica ya era advertido por
un connotado experto en análisis geopolítico y corresponsal de guerra como lo
es W. M</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ARTÍNEZ</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> en el registro de su <i>DOSSIER</i>: «Saquen sus conclusiones, porque lo que viene es guerra.
Sin eufemismos, no es otra cosa, invasión y guerra».<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn73" name="_ftnref73" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[73]</span></span></span></a></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">Una máxima potencia alimentaria del mundo
como lo es la estadounidense, requiere, si se remeda el análisis de A. J</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ALIFE</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">-R</span><span style="font-family: arial;">AHME</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, para su
continuidad industrial, de dominar como trinomio a su vez el agua y la energía
—mediante grotescos procesos de privatización de esos recursos y su logística
(aunque e.g. el propio World Bank Group reconoció el fracaso comercial de
transformar el agua en una <i>commodity</i>
y, así, en ciudades canadienses, estadounidenses, francesas, etc., se retoma su
municipalización y siendo que se reincorpora conjuntamente con esto, para
contrarrestar este proceso de <i>desprivatización</i>,
la estrategia de asociación público-privada, o, para continuar con la sigla
británica «PPP» de la administración T</span><span style="font-family: arial;">EACHER</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, de participación
público-privada, en torno al mencionado trinomio alimentos-agua-energía)—.
¿Cómo? Es a partir de la «fuerza militar»<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn74" name="_ftnref74" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[74]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> y
del proteccionismo económico de sus trasnacionales que se intenta revertir el
déficit comercial estadounidense habido con más de una centena de naciones y siendo
que cuenta con una WTO que es incluso históricamente proclive a favorecer las
disputas que le presenta esta primera potencia mundial.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn75" name="_ftnref75" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[75]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Esto, sin desatender además el lustre con que se revisten sus actos
internacionales mediante su aparato propagandista (sobre todo, el que remite
sin ambages al oligopolio occidental y proestadounidense) y que en general,
debe admitirse, resulta harto eficaz al complementarse con el «relacionismo
público» del mundo mercantil. En el conglomerado plutocrático de noticias, no
obstante, debe reconocerse, hay también declaraciones del mandatario D. T</span><span style="font-family: arial;">RUMP</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> que
parecerían contradecir la veracidad del problema militarista formulado, e.g. si
se considera el caso en el que afirmó a su electorado que <i>se dejaría de ser la policía del mundo</i>. Aunque esto fue asumido incluso
focalmente en su discurso diplomático —<i>apofántico</i>
en sentido clásico, quizá hasta contundente, y también definitivamente falaz e
increíble (aunque no indecible)— y replicado por los operadores económicos del
periodismo, la geopolítica imperial lo desmiente. Si se desborda la sola
intertextualidad de ese pacifismo declarativo, lo único que resta es la identificación
del verdadero propósito geopolítico estadounidense, en sus relaciones
internacionales de imperio de siglo XXI, y que consiste en el incremento
positivo de su presencia militar en el planeta, específicamente en ciento
setenta y siete países.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn76" name="_ftnref76" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[76]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> Sí,
justamente a esto es que se dedica un verdadero imperio: el comercio de la
guerra.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">¿Y mediante quiénes, en Suramérica? Las bases militares estadounidenses
en la Argentina (en principio, tres, o, no menos de dos</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn77" name="_ftnref77" style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[77]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">) —a
las que la argucia y el eufemismo permiten denominar «bases de ayuda
humanitaria», puesto que en efecto podrían también usufructuarse a la manera de
</span><i style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">centros de evacuación ante eventuales
catástrofes</i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">— remiten a una geoestrategia reconcentrada en la capacidad
bélica de intervención y respuesta rápidas alrededor del petróleo y acuífero
suramericanos (la Argentina se haya tercera en el mundo respecto de su
capacidad de gas de esquisto y el Brasil de los BRICS es una de las tres
superpotencias hidráulicas del planeta, así
lo considera la inteligencia americana, en su </span><i style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">Global Water Security</i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, siendo las otras superpotencias la China
popular y la Rusia federada, ambas también integradas a los BRICS).</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn78" name="_ftnref78" style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[78]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">
Ahora, esta militarización de la región suramericana es, ampliamente revisada,
una operación de la NATO y no refiere a impulsos diplomáticos aislados o fortuitos.
Se acompaña a su vez de otra instalación de misiles tierra-aire en Mount
Pleasant</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn79" name="_ftnref79" style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[79]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">
de Islas Malvinas (donde los sistemas Rapier se reemplazarán por el Land
Ceptor, al entrar en servicio un nuevo sistema de defensa aérea Sky Sabre que
utiliza tecnología del programa de defensa aérea móvil israelí Iron Dome): la base
aérea del reino británico posee dos pistas transcontinentales; su «escudo» está
</span><i style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">orientado</i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> hacia América del Sur, en
principio, a Tierra del Fuego.</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn80" name="_ftnref80" style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[80]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">
Es un esquema de intervención aplicado a gran escala en los territorios
suramericanos.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">Su diseño castrense puede ejemplificarse evidentemente mediante la
presentación de distintos casos, entre los que se encuentra el del propósito
imperial de una base militar multinacional<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn81" name="_ftnref81" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[81]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
en el Brasil<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn82" name="_ftnref82" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[82]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
amazónico (integrada por países como EEUU, Colombia, Perú).<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn83" name="_ftnref83" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[83]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> Y
claro, para irradiar operaciones castrenses efectivas en una América Latina y
Caribe insurreccionales es fundamental, a su vez, si se considera el análisis
geopolítico de F. R</span><span style="font-family: arial;">OSA</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, apoderarse
de una base espacial como la de Alcântara en el territorio amazónico de Maranhão.</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn84" name="_ftnref84" style="font-family: arial;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[84]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> Esta urdimbre
táctica es envuelta en el prototipo propagandista del USSOUTHCOM, siendo que se
encubre además entre discursos aferrados a tópicos tales como las «emergencias
humanitarias» (e.g. mediante operativos médicos de la USNS Comfort, como <i>buque de doble función</i> según lo
analizado por T. L</span><span style="font-family: arial;">UZZANI</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, en la órbita
castrense, además, de los MEDRITE<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn85" name="_ftnref85" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[85]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>),
o la «lucha contra del narcotráfico», o el «control del flujo migratorio
ilegal», o contra del «terrorismo», o la «ayuda a causa de desastres
naturales», etc. Es L</span><span style="font-family: arial;">UZZANI</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> quien
presenta documentación gubernativa en la que se publica el propósito del USSOUTHCOM:
la transformación de su iniciativa, mediante operaciones militares y de
cooperación en seguridad, en una organización interagencial conjunta y
referente <i>para la defensa avanzada
estadounidense en el continente americano</i>.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn86" name="_ftnref86" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[86]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> Esta
proliferación de <i>bases militares</i><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn87" name="_ftnref87" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[87]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
estadounidenses —y que supera la setentena, según la pesquisa de la
investigadora y docente argentina, de un total de ochocientas<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn88" name="_ftnref88" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[88]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
que proliferan en el planeta— refiere a programas de injerencia que se replican
en el territorio colombiano, el paraguayo, el peruano<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn89" name="_ftnref89" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[89]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>, entre
otros, circunvalándose estratégicamente —antes que casualmente— los yacimientos
bolivianos de litio<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn90" name="_ftnref90" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[90]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn91" name="_ftnref91" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[91]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>, o
los recursos venezolanos en diamantes, oro y petróleo; y a ese problema
político, se le adiciona otro: el intento de amedrentamiento castrense que proviene,
es notorio, no sólo del norte anglosajón (de alguna manera esperable, aunque
definitivamente indeseable), sino, a la vez, del propio seno regional que
sustenta sus operaciones en el desplazamiento poblacional habido entre países.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn92" name="_ftnref92" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[92]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn93" name="_ftnref93" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[93]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> Esto
último resultaría denunciado por la administración M</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ADURO</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> ante la
ACNUR, como un programa de incursión militar sustentado en el burdo <i>pretexto migratorio</i><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn94" name="_ftnref94" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[94]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> que
incluso se pergeña en la <i>forma del fraude</i><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn95" name="_ftnref95" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[95]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>, y
del subterfugio, y para la mera captación de fondos, tergiversándose el
reconocimiento de las personas en tránsito a la sola y automática condición
delirante de <i>refugiados</i><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn96" name="_ftnref96" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[96]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>,
y que por derecho se desplazan, aunque sólo sean, a lo sumo, «migrantes
económicos» —es un asunto que revisaría especialmente la constitucionalista
venezolana Olga Á</span><span style="font-family: arial;">LVAREZ—</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">Debe advertirse que toda aquella hipérbole noticiosa con la que dramáticamente
el proselitismo imperialista refirió a la cuestión de la «migración venezolana»,
finalmente, se opacó —y a causa de una realidad cruenta y rotunda—: el
neoliberalismo, las abruptas y multitudinarias <i>caravanas migratorias</i> que se formaron sobre todo de contingentes guatemaltecos
y hondureños, escapadas por miríadas de sus patrias; recorrieron territorios
caribeños hasta el estado mexicano de Chiapas para posteriormente continuar el
avance incansable de su éxodo. El vicepresidente estadounidense M. P</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ENCE</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> y el
presidente hondureño J. O. H</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ERNÁNDEZ</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> registrarían
el fenómeno migratorio como un <i>supuesto
plan organizado y financiado</i><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn97" name="_ftnref97" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[97]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><i> </i>por Caracas: las poblaciones trashumantes
del Caribe —distinto de la hipotética delirante formulada por la Casa Blanca
estadounidense contra del Palacio de Miraflores— simplemente escapan de la
miseria e intentan desplazarse hacia los Estados Unidos de América, aunque los
enfrentaran con tropas militares —así lo advirtió T</span><span style="font-family: arial;">RUMP</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, desatendiéndose
por tanto lo más razonable que es proceder ante esas poblaciones con controles
administrativos, sujetos a derecho, y a cargo de guardias limítrofes— y esto,
esa <i>histeria xenófoba</i>, se pretextó
con la manida salvaguarda de su <i>american
way of life</i> y el cierre terrestre de la frontera sur por motivos sanitarios
y de seguridad nacional.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn98" name="_ftnref98" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[98]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> La
administración TRUMP asume que esas caravanas migratorias son una <i>invasión</i> a territorio estadounidense y
al amparo de esa falacia despliega la operación Faithful Patriot —sanguinaria
en su objetivo castrense— y con cuerpos del Ejército y de la Guardia Nacional que
superan en su frontera sur, entre efectivos y soldados adicionales, a los
enviados a territorios iraquí o sirio.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn99" name="_ftnref99" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[99]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> En
la Roma de los siglos III y IV tuvo inicio un fenómeno de migración <i>de pueblos ajenos al imperio</i>. Roma no
pudo finalmente impedir esa <i>Völkerwanderung</i>.
En la Roma saqueada de siglo IV, los galos declararían su sentencia
antiimperialista: <i>Vae Victis</i>. Y
aquella Roma comenzaría a decaer, siendo definitivamente precipitada a la
derrota, durante siglo V, desintegrándose su imperio de occidente. La administración
estadounidense deberá comprender que las caravanas migratorias no se resuelven
con una mera propaganda negra contra de los pueblos necesitados de trabajo, de pan
y en paz.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">De esto, ¿los patriotas independentistas
de siglo XIX qué habrían deducido? Y, además —si se aceptara como lícito un
remedo cuodlibetal de ese vocabulario artiguista de excepción como lo es el
habido en el <i>Reglamento de tierras</i>—:
¿cómo fundamentarían esto mismo, esta demencia imperial contra las poblaciones
libres, <i>los malos europeos y peores
americanos</i>? ¿Acerca de qué trata este cercamiento geoestratégico de las soberanías
suramericanas de siglo XXI, siendo que se continúa la construcción de una
historia del intervencionismo imperial en los territorios latinoamericanos y
caribeños? Una evidencia sustanciosa la proporciona el caso neoliberalista de
la administración M</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ACRI</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> con el diseño
de un convenio que habilita de manera unilateral la ocupación estadounidense del
territorio argentino, e.g. ante una coyuntura de conmoción interior<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn100" name="_ftnref100" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[100]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> (el
neoliberalismo de siglo XXI refiere a la «libertad y democracia» no como lema, puesto
que apenas lo formula eufemísticamente para el tratamiento estratégico de la «fragmentación
social» que necesita propugnar contra todo independentismo de segunda
generación y de movimientos de liberación nacional antiimperialista que
contravengan el esquema plutocrático de incremento positivo de la divisa
estadounidense, además de la relación inflacionaria con una tasa de empleo <i>a la baja</i> y de pérdida de salario real
en condiciones recesivas, de pobreza e indigencia). Hay, en el planeta, si se
adiciona pues a la República Argentina, un total de setenta y tres países que
institucionalizan mediante convenio la invasión de su territorio por operativos
estadounidenses —y sus actos de intervención resultan independientes al
gobierno del país ocupado, de sus fuerzas armadas, o del aparato de seguridad
existente—. Esto es investigado y denunciado por E. B</span><span style="font-family: arial;">RUZZONE</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn101" name="_ftnref101" style="font-family: arial;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[101]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span style="font-family: arial;"> </span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">(julio de 2018), una destacada
integrante del CEMIDA, en el campo de la geopolítica, la estrategia y la
defensa nacional argentina.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn102" name="_ftnref102" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[102]</span></span></span></a></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">A su vez, se halla E. M</span><span style="font-family: arial;">OCCA</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> quien ensaya
la apreciación problemática de <i>la
militarización del sur del continente latinoamericano y de la captura de sus
recursos </i>—a instancias del arribo de J. M</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ATTIS</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> a la ciudad rioplatense de Buenos
Aires, siendo que este secretario de la Defensa de los Estados Unidos de
América ha integrado a su itinerario castrense, además de a la Argentina
neoliberal, también a un Brasil de facto, posteriormente volcado al
neonazifascismo, y a las naciones de Chile y Colombia por hallarse notoriamente
orientadas en sus posiciones diplomáticas al panamericanismo—. Y la insistencia
de M</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ATTIS</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, expresada
públicamente, trató acerca del propósito de mejora de la coordinación en
materia militar entre los gobiernos argentino y estadounidense.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn103" name="_ftnref103" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[103]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> Esto
asimismo no es de extrañar; es J</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ALIFE</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">-R</span><span style="font-family: arial;">AHME</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> quien insiste
en que respecto de América del Sur, es la Argentina una nación que se halla
integrada a una plataforma imperial que es denominada extra-Nato (o extra-OTAN)
y que es asimismo la Antártida, por otra parte, respecto de la propia región, uno
de los puntos geoestratégicos fundamentales del planeta. De esto en cambio no
hay imagen especular desarrollada en el mundo oligopólico de las noticias (no
porque las cosas del mundo se omitan u oculten, sino, porque, estratégicamente se
tergiversa su relación al ser efectivamente <i>mostradas</i>).
En esas relaciones de sentido, abarcadas hasta en las mismas refractaciones de las
redes digitales, las noticias por tanto «son otras» y, en general, triviales —comparativamente,
claro— o trivializadas, incluso orientadas contumazmente hacia el daño moral; remiten
su campo narratológico a meras secuencias de «mundo audiovisual» (un asunto de
«funcionalismo comunicativo» que fue asumido a finales de la década de 1940,
además, por la propia inteligencia estadounidense con un propósito de
vigilancia, de respuesta al entorno y de imposición ideológica, para que el
hecho político, aunque resultara revisado en operaciones periodísticas,
igualmente condense su sentido propagandista en la <i>percepción</i>, la <i>sensación de
mercado</i>, la <i>opinión</i>, i.e. en una mera
delimitación a objeto apotético, un símil a lo acometido por el otrora imperio
romano contra del «lógos» griego al reducirlo a «Nous» y traducirlo como <i>ratio</i> y abandonándose así sus relaciones
políticas no-alternativas con el «Érgon» y la «Palinodia»).</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">Las </span><i style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">fake
news</i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> de siglo XXI —y el relacionismo público castrense de posguerra, sobre
todo de escuela estadounidense del que se nutre su funcionalismo, aplicado por
organismos gubernativos para sus representaciones públicas— recobran vitalismo,
igual que su operatoria propagandista negra de siglo XX, a partir de una
maduración de las ensalzadas </span><i style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">revoluciones
de colores</i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, i.e. de un desarrollo consolidado de las tácticas de
derrocamiento de gobiernos y de descomposición de la institucionalidad de los
países.</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn104" name="_ftnref104" style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[104]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">
Y con esto, el elemento religioso, y sus relaciones con las «minorías étnicas»,
no sólo es vivificado en los Balcanes o en el Oriente Medio</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn105" name="_ftnref105" style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[105]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">
como dispositivo narrativo para tergiversar el reconocimiento de un problema
político, y sus verdaderas causas, reduciéndolo a cuestiones seudoetnográficas
(en general, amparadas en el relato personalista), sino también en las
relaciones diplomáticas continentales del Caribe y del sur americano y sobre
todo en territorios iberoamericanos catequizados, al influjo local de una
eutaxia vaticana ejercida en general por un cuerpo episcopal reaccionario y
contrario al ecumenismo —incluso en sus formas más apocalípticas y fatídicas,
además: la senequista y la fascista—.</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn106" name="_ftnref106" style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[106]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn107" name="_ftnref107" style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[107]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">
Así, e.g. a los asediadores, terroristas y vándalos de una Nicaragua religiosa
(aunque quizá más evangélica que católica), se los presenta en el mundo noticioso
como a </span><i style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">estudiantes y demócratas pacíficos
que se resguardan en iglesias, siendo víctimas de los ogros sandinistas</i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">.</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn108" name="_ftnref108" style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[108]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn109" name="_ftnref109" style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[109]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> En
la propia Universidad Politécnica de Nicaragua —organismo que presenta su
educación para </span><i style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">servir al modelo de
Jesucristo</i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">— se tendría a los neofascistas con una operación descubierta de
secuestro, de detención ilegal y de tortura, y, esto, a su vez, asociado a un proceso
más amplio de intimidación y sicariato (desplegado durante varios meses de
2018) contra aquellas personas de la población a las que se recociese como sandinistas.</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn110" name="_ftnref110" style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[110]</span></span></span></a></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">Esos terroristas <i>a sueldo</i> —a quienes el neonazifascismo aterciopela y solventa— han
tenido que enfrentarse sin demora a las denuncias penales que presentaran sus
víctimas en el sistema judicial nicaragüense (esto, aunque el mundo noticioso
neoliberalista los muestre falazmente como a «corderos»; verdaderamente sólo
son <i><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SBVhzhw25NU" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">antisandinistas reducidos al delito</a></i>).
Por tanto, una vez desnudado ese mundo noticioso de sus manidos ortogramas de
libertad —al amparo político de plataformas funcionales al panamericanismo (la Organization
of American States, la Inter-American Court of Human Rights, etc.) y de un financiamiento
acordado mediante agencias de inteligencia (tales como el IRI, el NDI, la NED,
la USAID)— y luego de desestimadas sus escenficaciones hollywoodenses, solo
resta la identificación de un proceso intervencionista imperial que para el
caso nicaragüense retoma con componentes de discurso evangelizador la contrarrevolución
del macartismo, ya harto aplicada y continuada en la década de 1980 por una administración
estadounidense como la de R. R</span><span style="font-family: arial;">EAGAN</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> que a partir
del año de 1981 adicionaría a sus operaciones de inteligencia y espionaje las
del antisandinista Instituto sobre Religión y Democracia, en el campo católico
de neocristiandad—.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn111" name="_ftnref111" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[111]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
O respecto del caso Brasil, se tiene a las iglesias evangélicas que comprometieron
radicalmente a sus legisladores en la concreción del golpe parlamentario contra
R</span><span style="font-family: arial;">OUSSEFF</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn112" name="_ftnref112" style="font-family: arial;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[112]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> —su movimiento
religioso resultaría irradiado en una América del Sur otrora diezmada por décadas
de militarismo fascista, incluso durante el progreso de la mentada administración
R</span><span style="font-family: arial;">EAGAN—.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><b style="font-family: arial;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><b style="font-family: arial;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><b style="font-family: arial;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt;">DE LA <i>LAWFARE</i> Y DEL EMBROLLO TEÓRICO DE SU
SENTIDO. </span></b><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">Esto
no se formula, se insiste en aclararlo, acorde a una mera sociología de la
comunicación que describa acaso problemas de intermediación o de flujo del discurso
en la física social, e.g. en relación a un sentido-conductual que hubiese
alrededor de las cosas del mundo (la más de las veces, además, sumergido su propio
dominio interpretativo en una epistemología decimonona, en vez de ser
reconocidos sus productos académicos en el entorno de una resultante disciplinar
fundada como quinta vía gnoseológica<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn113" name="_ftnref113" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[113]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>).
Sí se discute —y en relación a la necesaria anamorfosis con que dialécticamente
se <i>cristalizan las realidades</i>— cómo
es que los distintos tecnicismos, aquellos que orbitan el discurso político
imperialista (históricamente envuelto para la región de la América del Sur y
del Caribe en una geopolítica panamericanista, intrínsecamente
antilatinoamericanista), requieren, de parte de las poblaciones, de un desplazamiento
de la realidad hacia una narrativa social-burguesa mitologizada, y sobre todo reducida
a lo audiovisual, capaz de perpetuarse en la irracionalidad y al amparo de una gesta
reaccionaria de relaciones sociales. Y esto sí que es un problema para la
cartografía pedagógica: la institucionalización del desconocimiento histórico
de los hechos políticos. Y, no sólo porque se requiera de «docentes
esclarecidos» para resolver el progreso de una <i>segunda y definitiva independencia</i> latinoamericana y caribeña, sino,
porque, a causa de la propia inhabilidad didáctica de analizar las confluencias
geoestratégicas y de recaer (en tanto fórmula retórica), así, en meros tópicos,
se pauperiza el reconocimiento político de una urgencia suma habida entre las
naciones de declararse en <i>admirable alarma</i>
—como la gestada durante siglo XIX— para que verdaderamente se confirme una
conciencia internacionalista y patriótica. Refiere el discurso imperialista (en
su forma geopolítica antirrevolucionaria, finalmente reaccionaria) a un proceso
propagandista, claramente necesario al neoliberalismo, de «fabricación de la
realidad» y de la que hace referencia en el campo jurídico Z</span><span style="font-family: arial;">AFFARONI </span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">(<i>vid</i>.</span><span style="font-family: arial;"> </span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">idea de <i>lawfare</i> expuesta <i>ut supra</i>),
para que justamente se <i>fabrique</i> un
mundo internacional e incluso el sentido antinacional de un país.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn114" name="_ftnref114" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[114]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Es necesario hacer creer en el discurso imperialista, en su disparatorio, sobre
todo entre poblaciones disgregadas logísticamente en sus relaciones productivas
y por tanto también en sus vínculos síndicos de clase asalariada —en vez de interconectadas
y complementadas continentalmente, para una redistribución necesaria y racionalizada
de «su» riqueza—. Esta disgregación de las poblaciones y sus sesgos fóbicos es
estratégica para el conglomerado especulativo financiero y la especializa como
operación imperial a partir de la segunda mitad de siglo XX. Una vez iniciada
la década de 1980, según el análisis sociológico de S. S</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ASSEN</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, es que se
concreta un sistema financiero extractivo donde las altas finanzas
especulativas del capitalismo predatorio difieren de una banca tradicional
asociada al comercio.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn115" name="_ftnref115" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[115]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> Un
caso rioplatense de ese capitalismo predador se tiene con Argentina, si se
atiende el análisis politológico de un lesgislador por la ciudad de Buenos
Aires como lo es L. S</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ANTORO</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">: la
modificación de los <i>instrumentos
flexibles</i> del estado (su tasa de interés, tipo de cambio, aranceles,
tarifas) se instrumenta, en función de la condición neoliberalista de las
relaciones políticas (conocida también como chilenización o pinochetismo), para
modificar toda la estructura social de un país (sus ingresos, prestaciones,
aspiraciones sociales) y, esto, además, le permite a ese conglomerado
plutocrático posteriormente objetivar su avance modificatorio en los <i>instrumentos rígidos</i> del estado (las
reformas laboral, impositiva, previsional, i.e. en aquel espectro financiero
que normativamente remita al plano del «gasto público»).<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn116" name="_ftnref116" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[116]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> Y
es en función justamente de esta realidad de especulación financiera en que se
envuelve la <i>lawfare</i> diplomática que
es de suma relevancia a su vez el análisis pedagógico de un siglo XXI
concretado como mundo oligopólico de capitalismo neonazifascista, puesto que
constituye su operación imperial sobre las poblaciones del mundo en un plano
diádico tanto de sindemia<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn117" name="_ftnref117" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[117]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
como de ontocidio. Esto, claro, no debería extrañar a ningún pedagogo. Y es que
en un plano de antropología pedagógica, hasta podría formularse con valor de tesis
que el propio capitalismo con sus tipos económicos es finalmente un sistema
social que en su forma arquetípica extermina la especie humana. Esta tesis es
vívida, además, y es aula, en el tercer mundo. La democracia panamericanista
que se sustenta del neoliberalismo de segunda generación en la América Latina y
el Caribe es, sí, (como afirmación lisológica), una democracia formal del
sistema capitalista. Aunque, si se remeda a la activista por los derechos
humanos y docente argentina, y presidente de Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo, E.
Estela B</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ARNES</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> de C</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ARLOTTO</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, esa «democracia
formal», sus gobiernos, su morfología política finalmente, se constituye como
una <i>democracia ilícita</i>: el control a
la conducta delictiva de párvulos o adolescentes, como mera economía del abandono
social, suple <i>de facto</i> la
institucionalidad de todo proceso educativo posible en los planos del aprendizaje,
de lo alimentario, de lo olímpico, así como en el del sentido moral. Es una
omisión de lesa humanidad. Es una democracia ilícita que suprime radicalmente
(estructuralmente) la relación constitutiva de las naciones con su poder
político que es el del ejercicio republicano-e-ilustrado de una soberanía.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn118" name="_ftnref118" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[118]</span></span></span></a></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">Esto, el imperialismo que se expone como discurso
propagandista del neoliberalismo —especialmente como proselitismo formulador de
«propaganda negra» contra todo <i>mundo
antiimperialista</i>— trata acerca de una realidad social que se imbrica en la
cotidianidad de esa función irreflexiva y antropológicamente no-alternativa que
es la del hablar superfluamente, o hablar necesariamente como partícipe de una
«situación comunicativa», acerca de las propias cuestiones del mundo, algo similar
a una clásica <i>doxa</i> platónica que
participa del conocimiento sólo en grados excesivamente modestos, (siendo, algo
así, relativamente sencillo de operar en las redes digitales, donde la
fantasmagoría perpetuada es económicamente posible de geminar y, para esto, es
suficiente con que los conglomerados de noticias y de entretenimientos se
valgan de su apabullante <i>libertad de
expresión </i>con que construyen, de serles posible, incluso asonadas
sanguinarias contra gobiernos legítimos antineoliberalistas; esa figura de
verbalización pública es una exigencia además que resultó retomada sobre todo de
siglo XIX, donde la mentada <i>libertad de
expresión </i>de la prensa burguesa<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn119" name="_ftnref119" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[119]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> para
la elaboración de una imagen burguesa de la realidad, e.g. la dada contra los
borbones españoles, es, claro, independiente del «príncipe» y contra su
monopolio en el control de los medios de producción, aunque no de su burguesía
como clase social principal que históricamente aniquiló a la Europa feudal,
aquella que tuvo por canon a la <i>société
d'Ancien Régime</i>). Esos devotos de la <i>libre
expresión</i>, son a su vez consumados en la «repercusión noticiosa» del discurso
neoliberalista, al amparo del oligopolio de la comunicación —un verdadero
Goliat de poderoso morrión y coraza (como el caído, según se cree, en el valle
del Terebinto)—. Y por tanto, saben repeler neciamente las observaciones
internacionales habidas contra su erosión a las relaciones democráticas y
republicanas: la persecución fascista a periodistas argentinos por parte de la
administración M</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ACRI</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, e.g., fue
denunciada en el Parlamento Europeo, a instancias del <i>Foro de Comunicación y Cultura entre Europa y América Latina</i>.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn120" name="_ftnref120" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[120]</span></span></span></a></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">La mancillada «libre expresión» —al
menos, en las condiciones de la <i>doxa</i>—
no es más que expresión imperial (verdaderamente artera), es hegemonía
plutocrática que reduce poblaciones a la condición autómata de portavoces de la
propia mitologización (ese asunto incluso preocuparía, en la Goethe-Universität,
a los pensadores alemanes de la década de 1930 que inicialmente publicaron sus ensayos
de «teoría crítica» en la <i>Zeitschrift für
Sozialforschung</i>). Desprenderse del esquema discursivo-burgués no se permite
fácilmente como alternativa; esto puede revisarse incluso con el caso de D. R</span><span style="font-family: arial;">OUSSEFF</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> a quien en
plena campaña electoral brasilera (octubre de 2018) se le bloqueó su cuenta de
WhatsApp —siendo que ese VoIP fue adquirido por FACEBOOK—.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn121" name="_ftnref121" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[121]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Su cuenta <i>#DilmaZAP</i> parlamentaba con
las comunidades de Minas Gerais acerca de cómo derrotar (o derrocar), mediante
el sufragio, al golpismo parlamentario en el Brasil. Otro caso, lo es asimismo
el dado con la prensa presidencial venezolana: el <i>microblogging</i> estadounidense Twitter suspendería su cuenta.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn122" name="_ftnref122" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[122]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> El
oligopolio de la comunicación y su capital-burgués no puede permitirse un mundo
discursivo emancipado de su propaganda negra, de sus mitologizaciones
guerreristas y del fijismo de su ideología de la propiedad.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn123" name="_ftnref123" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[123]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
No puede permitirse, claro, ningún panegírico relativo a alternativas políticas
que traten de una segunda y definitiva independencia latinoamericana y
caribeña.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">Y es que el tecnicismo imperialista (repetitivo,
exactamente al igual que el nazi) es formulado y vuelto discurso colectivo para
objetivar ideológicamente la transformación de la América del Sur y del Caribe,
a sus regiones, en una zona neocolonizada, i.e. intervenida militarmente. A
esto remite al final, definitivamente, su actuar propagandista-proselitista. A
su interna territorial sólo serían posibles, así, feudos de complexión
mercantil, usinas de oligopolios por un lado y por otro sólo conglomerados
poblacionales sin república. Se difunde en general con un sentido apelativo su
prospectiva de mundo panamericano y se concreta mediante un discurso
intrínsecamente eufemístico y necio en relación a las formas históricas, aunque
acorde a la intriga imperial, además, siendo que opera propedéuticamente en el disperso
plano geo-antropográfico de la propia divulgación. Es esa operatoria
propagandista, asimismo, una </span><i style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">puesta en
escena</i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> que pone a prueba sin duda la hegemonía económica del poder político
del que contemporáneamente dimana; asunto que los activistas anglosajones han
identificado como «el 1%» plutocrático que se halla enfrentado a un </span><i style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">nosotros</i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> correspondido con «el 99%» socialmente
explotado; ese </span><i style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">nosotros</i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, como clase
social, es pues sólo un </span><i style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">restante </i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">en
el mundo neoliberalista, aunque verdaderamente es el contradictorio histórico
al que se enfrenta el imperialismo; es «el 99%» al que además se proponen
disgregar, en base a reconocimientos comunitarios absurdos (e.g., reduciéndose el
plano de la sindéresis distributiva a cuestiones de psicografía mensurable) o
mediante retorcidas diferenciaciones étnicas, antropológicamente falaces, mitos
sólo propios de la xenofobia y del racismo en que se envuelven —ensoberbecidos—
el neofascismo y el neonazismo (hasta en sus fructíferas relaciones académicas,
o en los foros corporativos de sus oligopolios).</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">Si se asume que la conquista de las
riquezas de la América del Sur y del Caribe —en el sentido asumido por H. B</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ÉJAR<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn124" name="_ftnref124" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[124]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a></span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">— es el
eslabón necesario para la conquista posterior de las «riquezas del mundo», entonces
hay que conjeturar que las potencias capitalistas hasta ahora sólo han
producido crueles experimentos sociales y la capacidad (jurídica) <i>para la opresión de los pueblos</i> se ha
tornado más propensa al fratricidio político y verdaderamente exquisita en su
necedad narrativa.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn125" name="_ftnref125" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[125]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Y aquello que habría de continuarse, parecería casi que como un <i>destino manifiesto </i>(tópico devenido de
un argot periodístico de 1845 para la conquista de Oregon y de Texas, en la <i>Democratic Review</i>, y, argüido de un
cuerpo doctrinal que se iniciaría con la de J. M</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ONROE</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> como definición política de
panamericanismo), no es más que la insistencia histórica de un propósito
imperial, inacabado, de siglo XIX: las repúblicas, y su independentismo de
segunda generación, no deberán proliferar en el siglo XXI, y no es que ese impedimento
se resuelva solamente a partir de testaferros o cipayos (término que no es
peyorativo, no hay en esto dicterio, sino sólo denominación tácita y táctica y
que remite en general a todo CEO de la banca transnacional que alcanza el poder
ejecutivo de una república latinoamericana o caribeña, o su banco central <i>técnicamente independiente</i>, resolviéndose
como operador neoliberalista de un consorcio de activos financieros como
BlackRock, Franklin Templeton, JP Morgan, u otros, y que disloca instituciones nacionales,
al influjo de la jerarquía gubernativa adquirida, mediante intermediaciones
especulativas que lealmente representa). La injerencia imperialista tampoco se
resuelve sólo mediante ideólogos, entre los que se cuentan, claro, científicos<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn126" name="_ftnref126" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[126]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>,
docentes o periodistas, activistas o analistas internacionales, etc., para que
cumplan ortopédicamente con la función de <i>control
de la razón</i>, tal como se hizo mediante el autoritarismo fascista que
gobernó a casi toda la América Latina y el Caribe durante siglo XX y que fue dado
mediante anuencia benevolente, además, de organismos de inteligencia y de espionaje
británico, estadounidense, o francés. La necesaria injerencia continental de la
que requieren los oligopolios —asistida por una política de relaciones imperiales—
es resuelta, sobre todo, mediante los planos financiero y militar
(entronizándose en un neocolonialismo desbocado), y, al unísono a su vez de una
dislocación efectiva del aparato productivo y del sistema jurídico en las
repúblicas dependientes.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">Es
necesario recalcarlo: el discurso panamericanista, como tipo de propaganda negra,
refiere a un proselitismo crucial al plan de imperio. Se tiene el caso del
organismo no gubernamental estadounidense Freedom House que publica un informe
donde se califica a cuarenta y nueve países de «no libres». Un alocutario
escrupuloso es suficiente, y no mediante un análisis avezado, para saber observar
que muchas de esas naciones no libres (catalogadas en función de las libertades
y derechos políticos y civiles de sus habitantes) reciben justamente apoyo
militar de Washington DC.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn127" name="_ftnref127" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[127]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
El 73% de esos estados no libres (según registro del año fiscal de 2015) han
mantenido relaciones comerciales con el complejo bélico-industrial
estadounidense. Ese parapeto de ONG que es Freedom House se halla mayormente sustentada
por el gobierno estadounidense, siendo que califica de naciones libres no sólo
a su imperio de siglo XX sino también a los continuados aliados de su
geopolítica injerencista. La parafernalia ortopédica de su <i>lawfare</i>, al apenas rasguñarla, se la reconoce entre los
intersticios ideológicos de un ortograma como lo es el de la mentada «libre
expresión». Y es que lábilmente, a su vez, la <i>lawfare </i>se imbrica y concreta en los planos nacionales con el
modelo democrático de las fiscalías —y entre tribunos farautes y harautes del
interés imperial, en general <i>bien
dispuestos</i>— y mediante «organizaciones de transparencia» con que se
potencian intertextualmente, aunque no son más que células propagandistas capaces
de adquirir la <i>forma civil</i> (i.e.,
remiten finalmente a múltiples organismos no-gubernamentales de «derechos
humanos» que se hallaron permeados por la mercadotecnia estadounidense de la
USAID</span><span style="font-family: arial;"> </span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">y
de su Office of Militar Affairs como coordinadora de las «ayudas humanitarias» del
Departamento de Estado y del Departamento de Defensa), y, siendo, además, artilugios
de aquella inteligencia que es comandada por un pentagonismo capaz de monitorear
narrativamente sus operaciones, a través del propio conglomerado oligopólico de
las noticias y del entretenimiento (a partir de ese relevante <i>aparato hegemónico de occidente</i>)... Y es
que resultó harto notoria, al menos en los casos del Perú<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn128" name="_ftnref128" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[128]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> con
H</span><span style="font-family: arial;">UMALA</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> (una vez finalizada
su labor presidencial) o de la Venezuela<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn129" name="_ftnref129" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[129]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
enfrentada a un golpismo parlamentario fallido contra M</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ADURO</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, la relación
habida entre el renovado macartismo estadounidense —cumplimentado con el interés
oligopólico— y aquellas fiscalías latinoamericanas que le son funcionales en
las intentonas de persecución política contra la dirigencia latinoamericanista.
Hay incluso, en el entorno de los casos vueltos objeto noticioso, una fantasmagoría
que sobresale por su sentido paradigmático en relación a las indagatorias
realizadas por el cuerpo fiscal brasilero: el conglomerado empresario Odebrecht<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn130" name="_ftnref130" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[130]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> logró
que sus ejecutivos obtuviesen indulgencia, a pesar de los delitos consumados que
implicaron continentalmente operaciones financieras multimillonarias, y se les
otorgó la libertad, excepto a uno, a quien efectivamente se encarcelaría, aunque
resultó que primero obtuvo reducción de su condena de treinta años a sólo diez,
y, como si eso acaso fuese insuficiente, luego, se aceptó que pudiese cumplir
esa sentencia simplemente en régimen de arresto domiciliario y en su mansión-fortaleza<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn131" name="_ftnref131" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[131]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
—sí, en el fasto de un hogar de tres mil metros cuadrados—.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">Es necesario advertir a su vez y en
relación al mismo reflujo noticioso panamericanista que la existencia de un
campo de operaciones para la <i>lawfare</i>
en la América Latina y el Caribe implica la conformación (harto articulada) de
una <i>lawfare</i> especializada en la
realidad política de un Brasil que derrocó del ejercicio legítimo de la
presidencia a Dilma R</span><span style="font-family: arial;">OUSSEF</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn132" name="_ftnref132" style="font-family: arial;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[132]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, procedido
por detentadores de un aparato de juicios (a la manera clásica de aquellos heliastas
funestos que condenaran a Sócrates, en una Heliea donde <i>sólo los verdaderamente justos podrían ser apresados</i>). Y es que si
se lograra el sometimiento de la soberanía brasilera, la América Latina y el
Caribe deberían enfrentar la hipótesis de una operación continental de replegarla
de facto a ese <i>efecto de capitulación</i>.
Esto, además, supera la mera conjetura diplomática de cómo acaso se actúa en el
dominio de las relaciones internacionales o se resuelven aquellos envites
políticos que hacen al carácter del mundo latinoamericano y caribeño. No es un
supuesto, a pesar de que así lo conjeturen (remedándose la reseña bibliográfica
de R. V</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ICENTE</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> a la
investigación de T. L</span><span style="font-family: arial;">UZZANI)</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> <i>los analistas desprevenidos</i>,<i> cuando no cómplices</i>.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn133" name="_ftnref133" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[133]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Es una tesis, de criterio histórico y antiimperialista. Las poblaciones de las
tierras del Brasil no deben ceder soberanía política o económica, ni un sólo
palmo. De esto depende la <i>buena fortuna</i>
de una segunda y definitiva independencia latinoamericana y caribeña durante su
desarrollo de siglo XXI. O depende de eso, a su vez, la retrogradación política
de una segunda y definitiva independencia latinoamericana y caribeña, durante aquel
arco histórico al que refiriera una nueva revolución industrial. Es en este
envolvimiento geoestratégico pues que debe revisarse el caso brasilero «L</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ULA</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">» y así
derivarlo —por extrapolación o proyección, aunque con iguales categorías
políticas para sus múltiples «formas nacionales»— a los casos de un segundo y
definitivo independentismo latinoamericanista.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">Para esto debe entenderse que no toda
problemática jurídica a la interna de un país debe ser clasificada como
problemática política resultante de una <i>lawfare</i>,
i.e. no toda <i>judialización</i> de la
política es necesariamente un caso de <i>lawfare</i>
(esto, porque también existen inevitablemente, y para detrimento de las
repúblicas, personalidades políticas derivadas del progresismo o de aparatos
políticos revolucionarios que efectivamente cometen ilícitos, incluso de escasa
complejidad, y deberían ser sin duda sentenciados penalmente acorde a derecho,
aunque no es la «corrupción»<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn134" name="_ftnref134" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[134]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
escopo de este análisis sino sólo un dispositivo estratégico que se atiende,
aludiéndolo como supuesto quid al que sí refiere la narración propagandista del
imperialismo). La <i>lawfare</i> se intenta
aplicar contra personalidades y también contra naciones (aunque es posible
identificar casos en que sus procesos se bifurcan, y, en esa diferenciación, a
su vez, hasta podría asumirse un síntoma de densidad de la organización política
de clase de un pueblo); esto se aprecia en casos como i. el de la Venezuela
revolucionaria donde se atenta contra la administración M</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ADURO</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> y la nación
que representa y ii. el del Brasil que se ensaña especialmente con la
representación política de un «L</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ULA</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">» que ha
radicalizado sus alianzas políticas antineonazifascistas con el progresismo
democrático latinoamericanista y antiimperialista, así como con su circuito
político inmediato, en un país continental que se reorientó al panamericanismo.
Por tanto, si bien la <i>lawfare</i>
aplicada contra naciones es de preclara identificación diplomática (e.g.
mediante imposición de bloqueos económicos que se imparten, o de impedimento de
acceso a medicamentos, o de llamamiento a su invasión, etc.), la <i>lawfare</i> contra personalidades que en
relación a su nación poseyesen posición social<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn135" name="_ftnref135" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[135]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
y política —e influjo ideológico notorio sobre las poblaciones— resulta pues de
un descubrimiento oblicuo posible de asociar a aquellas relaciones diplomáticas
que coadyuvan a esa resultante de inteligencia y espionaje (derivaría el ensayo,
propiamente, su <i>symploké</i>, en una <i>semiótica de las relaciones políticas
internacionales y del espionaje</i>, no sólo entre estados o entre ramas de
poder de un estado, etc.). Así, quizá debido a esta bifurcación, se ha provocado
mucho embrollo teórico y de terminologías en relación al reconocimiento de una <i>lawfare</i> que se discuta en coordenadas
geopolíticas latinoamericanas.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">El propio campo del reporte periodístico —como
objeto de discurso proselitista, al amparo de una operatoria propagandista negra
y neoliberal— participa finalmente del embrollo teórico habido, remitiendo a meras
capacidades jurídicas aquello que es un problema de verdadero reconocimiento
político: el ejercicio de denominar la corrupción —a la manera de un «nuevo
descubrimiento», asociándose su artilugio terminológico al intento de erosionar
la institucionalidad de un proceso social antiimperialista, la más de las veces—
resulta, así, en ortogramas democráticos que sólo se corresponden académicamente
con el delineado metafísico-teoricista de algunos eruditos de la politología
(siendo que en la retrospectiva de su mundo doctrinal, sorprendentemente, no se
conocería de categorías anteriores a siglo XVIII). Y en ese mismo configurado
disciplinar, incluso, es que se envuelve su análisis del hecho político, siendo
sólo relato seudocientífico, sólo sostenido de una sociometría que representa además
a la América Latina como zona de <i>alta
corrupción</i>.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn136" name="_ftnref136" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[136]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> Esa
<i>lawfare</i> finalmente, en relación a su aparato
noticioso, pertenece a un haz procedimental de ejecución de derrocamientos de
gobiernos antipanamericanistas (en la época de A</span><span style="font-family: arial;">LLENDE</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, la propia CIA<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn137" name="_ftnref137" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[137]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
—<i>un verdadero organismo paramilitar</i>, si
se remedan los estudios castrenses de R. B</span><span style="font-family: arial;">LOCH</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">— reducía la
labor periodística, en sus operaciones de injerencia documentada, a la de un mero
propagandista funcional). Si se releva la ensayística de Von H. L</span><span style="font-family: arial;">EVIN</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, se reconoce que
las administraciones estadounidenses se han especializado justamente en
derrocamientos de gobiernos, siendo esto posible de fundamentar en alrededor de
ochenta casos.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn138" name="_ftnref138" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[138]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><span style="color: #00b050;"> </span>Además, se halla el propio reconocimiento
gubernativo estadounidense de esta injerencia: <i>el intento de manipular o influir en las elecciones</i>,<i> o incluso el derrocamiento de gobiernos</i>,<i> se hizo en atención de los mejores
intereses de su población</i>; así lo afirma James C</span><span style="font-family: arial;">LAPPER</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, quien
resultara director del organismo de Inteligencia Nacional de los Estados Unidos
de América.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn139" name="_ftnref139" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[139]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Por tanto, la estigmatización de las naciones mediante la forma corruptiva es
sólo un eslabón necesario al proceso estratégico de conquista —de una conquista
que además comprende históricamente la beligerancia—. Y es que esta reducción
de la geopolítica latinoamericana a «zona de guerra»<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn140" name="_ftnref140" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[140]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
ha de requerir, a su vez, claro, de una contumacia radical de tribunos
panamericanistas adláteres a la diplomacia imperial, puesto que habrían de
actuar, en cuanto fuere necesario, a la manera, justamente, de «estados
beligerantes». Este sesgo puede interpretarse, si se atienden las
investigaciones de S. C</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ALLONI</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, acerca de
los propios encuentros diplomáticos de la administración T</span><span style="font-family: arial;">RUMP</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> con gobiernos
suramericanos comprometidos con el derrocamiento de toda democracia latinoamericanista
(i.e., asociados expresamente a un abatimiento institucionalmente ilegítimo que
degrade políticamente a gobiernos antipanamericanistas y por defecto antiimperialistas).<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn141" name="_ftnref141" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[141]</span></span></span></a></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">Además, si la discutida <i>lawfare </i>no logra ninguna resultante
geopolítica conclusiva, puede intentarse el magnicidio (aunque en grado de
frustración, perpetrado y fallido, como el dado contra M</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ADURO</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, de agosto de
2018, en una vil intentona de reducirlo a interfecto), y que quiso provocarse
contra un gobierno bolivariano de la Venezuela independentista, siendo una
operatoria castrense que se programa con previo conocimiento de la
administración T</span><span style="font-family: arial;">RUMP</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn142" name="_ftnref142" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[142]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> El
eufemismo de «grupo rebelde» para denominar a quienes atentan contra un
presidente constitucional bolivariano en Venezuela, o en cualesquiera otros
países, trata acerca de un discurso apologético del terrorismo <i>à la carte</i> que presentan los
conglomerados noticiosos, en general, envueltos, claro, en su forma
reaccionaria de panamericanismo comunicativo.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn143" name="_ftnref143" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[143]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> Y
que se aglomera en la propensión a reducir las problemáticas diplomáticas a <i>teatro de operaciones castrense</i> y que
respecto del caso venezolano la propia OAS lo propugna, mediante su secretaría<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn144" name="_ftnref144" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[144]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>,
a instancias de hallarse en un territorio colombiano limítrofe y que es reconcentración
de bases militares estadounidenses. En esa tierra colombiana y en su frontera
con Venezuela (la misma Venezuela que acoge a millones de colombianos
refugiados que escapan de los asesinatos del paramilitarismo<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn145" name="_ftnref145" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[145]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>),
es la secretaría de la OAS quien promueve explícitamente la invasión militar a
territorio de bolivarianos.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn146" name="_ftnref146" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[146]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Esa injerencia —verdaderamente apologista de la muerte y del sometimiento
imperial de las poblaciones, diezmándolas mediante el ardimiento mismo de las
relaciones diplomáticas latinoamericanas y caribeñas— es denunciada<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn147" name="_ftnref147" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[147]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
por la administración venezolana mediante su ANC.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn148" name="_ftnref148" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[148]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Otro caso antecedente lo es el Ecuador: la intentona golpista, el secuestro y el
magnicidio frustrados que se operara contra C</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ORREA</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, y durante su presidencia, mediante
la participación del espionaje estadounidense y de una facción policíaca nacional
(30 de septiembre de 2010).<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn149" name="_ftnref149" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[149]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> El
discurso neonazifascista —i.e. su DD— de primera mitad de siglo XXI en los
territorios latinoamericanos y caribeños se resuelve en el llamamiento a
guerras de invasión (no sólo mediante un ejecutivo estadounidense, obediente a
sus oligopolios, sino a partir de su ortopedia neocolonial en la secretaría de
la OAS), y con igual operatoria proselitista con que se ejecutara en la Europa
nazifascista de primera mitad de siglo XX. Esto, aunque la «comprensión del
relato» —i.e. su DI, en situaciones de comunicación periodística— se desvaría;
se minimiza el verdadero valor geoestratégico de los intereses políticos a los
que tácitamente remite lo efectivamente declarado (lo perlocutivo es disociado
de lo ilocutivo). Tratan esas evidencias acerca de operaciones de <i>lawfare</i> contra una nación, sin duda. ¿Y
en el Brasil neoliberal? ¿Hay acaso una <i>lawfare</i>
operada contra ese Brasil, si el «problema jurídico» se halla concentrado en
denuncias de corrupción sólo contra la persona de «L</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ULA</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">» y su círculo
de referencia, dada su personalidad política, siendo además quien representa
nacionalmente y continentalmente una convicción antipanamericanista,
densificada de distintas corrientes de pensamiento, tanto de las nacionalistas como
de las propiamente internacionalistas?</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">Hay que advertir el caso «LULA» como <i>lawfare</i> si se analiza la intervención
del ministerio público estadounidense en el propio ministerio público del
Brasil, so pretexto de defensa de los <i>intereses
petroleros</i> de los accionistas minoritarios de la New York Stock Exchange,
atentos del proceso de PETROBRAS provocado a partir de que la otrora
administración «LULA» se negara aumentar los precios del gas o de la gasolina —y
han considerado resolver esa pérdida especulativa por vía judiciaria, aunque,
verdaderamente refractado, es un conflicto que confluye del propio interés
común de las respectivas elites nacionales, de su hegemonía glorificada,
además, mediante su cartel oligopólico del entretenimiento noticioso—.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn150" name="_ftnref150" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[150]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> En
la NYSE, e.g., respecto de 2018, PETROBRAS se mantuvo en alza hasta mediados
del mes de mayo para posteriormente tender a la baja hasta cerca de finales del
mes de junio.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn151" name="_ftnref151" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[151]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
¿Qué provocó ese lapso? Anteriores jefes de estado y de gobierno europeos
solicitaban el 15 de mayo de 2018 que «L</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ULA</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">» pudiese
efectivamente presentarse en elecciones nacionales: «El encarcelamiento
precipitado del presidente Lula, incansable artífice de la disminución de las
desigualdades en Brasil, defensor de los pobres de su país, sólo puede suscitar
nuestra emoción».<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn152" name="_ftnref152" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[152]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Efectivamente, el mantenimiento del encierro carcelario de «L</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ULA</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">», mantendrá
en alza a PETROBRAS en la NYSE —<i>así lo
hizo ver el mercado</i>—.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">Esto podría asimismo comprender
colateralmente el problema del decaimiento institucional de la Justicia como
rama de poder (siendo una resultante esperable de la neocolonización continental
de un territorio). Es un problema político que respecto del caso C. F</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ERNÁNDEZ</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> —y en las
condiciones de la <i>lawfare</i>— es
analizado por M. de los Ángeles S</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ACNUN</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, congresista
argentina de Santa Fe: «Para llevar adelante esta guerra jurídica no
convencional hace falta no solamente de jueces del Poder Judicial de la Nación
que se presten a ser parte, a ser el brazo ejecutor de esta guerra jurídica, sino
que además hace falta del periodismo de guerra. (…) Pero la verdad es que esta <i>lawfare</i> o guerra jurídica se ha dado
también porque ha participado de la transformación de los poderes judiciales de
la región el propio Departamento de Justicia de Estados Unidos, que se ha
dedicado a llevar adelante cursos, capacitaciones, para algunos que han sido
los alumnos estelares, como el caso del juez Moro en Brasil».<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn153" name="_ftnref153" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[153]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> El
propio juez de Cámara J. R</span><span style="font-family: arial;">AMOS</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> P</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ADILLA</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> sentenció
enfático que el Poder Judicial de la Argentina <i>es oligárquico y proestadouni</i><i>dense</i>
y advierte que sus colegas de judicatura <i>tienen
miedo</i> —miedo de impartir justicia y miedo al juicio político— porque,
además, <i>se sufren presiones por parte del
oligopolio de la comunicación</i>, <i>y de los
tribunos que los circundan</i>,<i> si acaso se
falla contrariamente a sus intereses</i>.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn154" name="_ftnref154" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[154]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> Así,
en el plano noticioso aparecen quizá las consideraciones superficiales de un
litigio, e.g. en el plano de la denominada judicialización de la política que
no es más que un mundo del escándalo en el que se sumergen las relaciones políticas,
su ingobernabilidad provocada, mediante magistrados o jueces que son tratados
como celebridades —confundiéndose la Justicia, o su correspondiente judicatura,
en la persona de quien debe impartir sentencias justas— y, esto, mediante
operaciones de comunicación que no son más que una labor propagandista neoliberal
de la clase que ejerce el poder político (siendo que en el imperialismo lo es,
como clase social principal, una clase oligárquica que es explotadora de los
estratos sin capital, la cual asume objetivamente el mantenimiento de la
hegemonía de sus intereses económicos <i>a
cualquier precio</i>). No se trataría por tanto sólo del reconocimiento
político de una mera <i>justicia corrupta</i>
el ensayo de ese asunto, sino —en la forma fascista de imperialismo— de un
sistema judicial que opera doctrinalmente (y barbáricamente) para la
proscripción de todo antineoliberalista.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">Es —la judicial— una rama de poder que se
reduce finalmente a la persecución y al amedrentamiento de reputadas
personalidades políticas antipanamericanistas, a sus naciones, a sus activistas
y síndicos asalariados que se organizan en el antineoliberalismo. El propio
aparato judicial reduce a ostracismo la vida política de multiplicadas personalidades
antineoliberalistas. Un jurista belga como Christophe M</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ARCHAND</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> es quien denuncia
ese problema doctrinal, de una <i>justicia
politizada</i> en la América Latina neoliberalista, puesto que se halla orientada
a la excepcionalidad en sus fallos, y, siendo que reduce el producto de sus judicaturas
a una mera convicción devenida del análisis de «circunstancias» a las que a su
vez confunde con «pruebas» —en una conmixtión operada exprofeso— y por tanto ese
sólo uso de los instrumentos jurídicos inhabilita, dada la indefensión que
provoca el proceso, a sentencias que posean acaso un verdadero valor
jurisprudencial.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn155" name="_ftnref155" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[155]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> Hace
a la existencia, a su vez, de causas sin fundamentos y que confluyen, en su
operatoria ideológica, en los planos del derecho penal y procesal penal, en la
sujeción a un carácter autoritario que remeda a los mismísimos doctos nazis
de la Escuela de Kiel y sus habilidades para el encubrimiento público de una arbitrariedad
institucionalizada (desplazándose de una <i>teoría
del tipo legal</i> hacia una <i>teoría del
tipo de autor</i>).<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn156" name="_ftnref156" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[156]</span></span></span></a></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">Y no sólo eso, puesto que el propio
discurso nazi es retomado —para la recreación simbólica de una supuesta <i>guerra interna </i>con que se argumente un
proceso persecutorio— y en su más pleno panegírico <i>Nacionalracista</i>, como resulta del caso de la administración M</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ACRI</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> que remedaría
lábilmente, para su elocución, tópicos de la política hitleriana que se
formulara en el <i>Mein Kampf </i>(1925),
para recrear una amonestación hacia el <i>malestar
social</i> de su propia nación argentina enfrentada a la macroeconomía
neoliberalista: «El único antídoto ante este veneno social que persigue
inocentes es mantenerse unidos. Tenemos que aislar a las personas envilecidas
que buscan el fracaso de los demás».<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn157" name="_ftnref157" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[157]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
En ese mismo estadio de degeneración discursiva se hallaría a J. B</span><span style="font-family: arial;">OLSONARO</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> en el Brasil
—si se remite el caso al análisis de F. F</span><span style="font-family: arial;">INCHELSTEIN</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, publicado en
la <i>Foreign Policy</i>—: «His propaganda
campaign has taken a page straight from the Nazi playbook».<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn158" name="_ftnref158" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[158]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Ese neonazifascismo «celebra» como institucionalidad la propia tergiversación
de la <i>historia de los pueblos </i>(se proliferan
los nacionalismos para disimular las contradicciones habidas entre sus
«estructuras de negocios» disímiles). La asunción presidencial de B</span><span style="font-family: arial;">OLSONARO</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> confirma, y de
manera drástica, asimismo, un ascendente eje neonazifascista Atlántico-Pacífico,
entre Brasilia y Santiago de Chile<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn159" name="_ftnref159" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[159]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> —siendo
su plutocracia y oligarquía históricamente orientada por el pentagonismo— y mediante
el que cabe suponerse se desarrollará una <i>capacidad
jurídica</i> para consolidar la «aparición» explícita de la NATO (y su horda de
mercenarios),</span><span style="font-family: arial;"> </span><i style="font-family: arial;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt;">porque la
intervención tiene que ser despolitizada</span></i><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn160" name="_ftnref160" style="font-family: arial;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[160]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, en una América
del Sur donde mengua temerariamente el valor geopolítico de unas relaciones diplomáticas
no-alineadas, de su propia <i>forma republicana
</i>en que se ejerce, aquella que lograría irradiarse tradicionalmente hasta
una estratégica rada rioplatense. Esa retrogradación barbárica podría incluso volcar
al Río de la Plata al problema imperial de puertos de inicios de siglo XIX.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">Su aparato discursivo neonazifascista —entronizado
en la euforia que le provoca trasvasarse impunemente de la necedad al
eufemismo— es incluso enserido en UN, como un campo diplomático panamericanista
que es resuelto en una narrativa de injerencia; se ha mostrado proclive a estas
operaciones e.g. la propia oligarquía suramericana, siendo promotora de una <i>lawfare</i> contra de la Venezuela
antiimperialista: «Argentina llevará a la Corte Penal Internacional la
situación relativa a los crímenes de lesa humanidad de la dictadura
venezolana».<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn161" name="_ftnref161" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[161]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a><span style="color: red;"> </span>El neoliberalismo retrotrae los planos de la
economía, de la política, de la diplomacia, de las relaciones laborales,
jurídicas<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn162" name="_ftnref162" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[162]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>,
estéticas, morales, etc., a las condiciones del fascismo —manifestación
inherente a esa fase superior del capitalismo que remite a su condición impe-rialista,
siendo J. D</span><span style="font-family: arial;">IMITROV</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn163" name="_ftnref163" style="font-family: arial;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[163]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> (1935) quien
reconocerá a ese fascismo como basamento para la concreción de</span><span style="font-family: arial;"> </span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">una <i>guerra imperialista de rapiña</i>;
reafirmará que ese fascismo no es más que la objetivación de <i>una dictadura terrorista abierta de los
elementos más reaccionarios</i>, <i>más
chovinistas y más imperialistas del capital financiero</i>—.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">El teatro de
operaciones finalmente de la <i>lawfare </i>lo
es el campo diplomático que sirve claro a un «arco de inestabilidad» prefijado,
si se atienden los ensayos castrenses de Jesús Antonio B</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ARRIOS</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> Q</span><span style="font-family: arial;">UINTERO</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, como
prospectiva de inteligencia y espionaje para la hibridación de la guerra —en
tanto guerra de quinta generación, y, superándose, así, la sola guerra de
cuarta generación en el campo de la comunicación-y-de-las-noticias— y que
pretende la descomposición de los estados nacionales (e.g. a partir de una
«guerra económica» instaurada con flagrancia, además, y avanzada hacia una red
electrónica<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn164" name="_ftnref164" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[164]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
de operaciones con el control principalmente de la NSA). Es una
descomposición, hipotéticamente concebida, amañada a un plano legislativo que
es ortopédico al diplomático (siendo que debería ser de relación inversa), como
en el caso del parlamento europeo que se declaró contrario al ejercicio
electivo venezolano<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn165" name="_ftnref165" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[165]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
y, eso, para posteriormente celebrar la intentona golpista de 2019. Es aplicada
esa injerencia para la objetivación de condiciones nacionales de
desestabilización, para que la <i>lawfare</i>
adquiera la morfología del acoso geopolítico (incluso mediante formas
propiamente criminógenas); es dado el caso Nicaragua<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn166" name="_ftnref166" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[166]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>,
donde el <i>mitin de colores</i> es la
ortopedia de la diplomacia intervencionista para ejecutar una avanzada táctica en
su intromisión ilegítima y fascista. Esto permite advertir, asimismo, la clásica
conclusión peripatética acerca de que la <i>categoría
política</i><a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn167" name="_ftnref167" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[167]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
envuelve a toda operatoria jurídica —e incluso, contemporáneamente, a esa forma
barbárica que trata acerca de la <i>lawfare</i>,
si se trasuntan sus resoluciones, y sin que en esto haya escolástica doctrinal,
como un hecho jurídico de imperio—. El análisis de la relación política habida con
el mundo jurídico, se retoma a su vez en el siglo XIX por el materialismo
histórico de K. M</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ARX</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> y hasta por un
pensamiento vareliano que progresa en una República Oriental que se había
hallado convulsionada en sus asociaciones económicas, debido a enfrentamientos
entre facciones y su Guerra Grande, y durante aquella misma época decimonona;
resultaría posteriormente de interés académico también para un pedagogo
material como R. Y</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ÁÑEZ</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">, un preclaro
vareliano de siglo XX, en su ensayo de <i>Democracia
y laicidad</i>.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">El propio B. S</span><span style="font-family: arial;">ANDERS</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> advierte que
los Estados Unidos de América debe dejar de derrocar gobiernos en la América
Latina.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn168" name="_ftnref168" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[168]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
La desestabilización institucional o las invasiones militares contra repúblicas
latinoamericanas resultan dispositivos efectivos que las administraciones
estadounidenses sistematizaron a partir de la década de 1950 y que incluso
acompañaron imperios fenecidos como el británico o el francés.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn169" name="_ftnref169" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[169]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Estas son ciertamente antecedencias estratégicas de la geopolítica de la <i>lawfare</i> aplicada contra gobiernos
antiimperialistas de la América del Sur y del Caribe. El problema contemporáneo
de la <i>lawfare</i> lo es el componente
híbrido de agresión imperialista en que se sustentan los propósitos políticos
de su operatoria discursiva que tal como aconteció durante la primera mitad de
siglo XIX se propaga en la primera mitad de siglo XXI, ahora como supuesta «fuerza
antiterrorista» en la América Latina y ubicándose estrepitosamente en la estratégica
rada rioplatense: <i>la administración T</i></span><i style="font-family: arial;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">RUMP</span></i><i style="font-family: arial;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt;"> busca junto con la administración M</span></i><i style="font-family: arial;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">ACRI</span></i><i style="font-family: arial;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt;"> armas de destrucción masiva en Argentina</span></i><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn170" name="_ftnref170" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[170]</span></span></span></a></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;">El neoliberalismo requiere ineludiblemente
de la militarización de los territorios, para el control humillante de las
poblaciones.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn171" name="_ftnref171" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[171]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Y el disparatorio discursivo con que se pretexta, reniega incluso del más
mínimo decoro que habría sido necesario para evitar la temeridad de sus
formulaciones. Ese mundo discursivo se corresponde a su vez con una necesidad
estratégica en el orden geopolítico castrense estadounidense: «¿Qué hay detrás
de la base que construirá el Comando Sur cerca del yacimiento de Vaca Muerta en
Argentina?»<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn172" name="_ftnref172" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[172]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
El discurso habido contra del Oriente Medio es instalado (sin hacerse
distinción etimológica, en esto, del mundo geo-antropográfico comprendido como «Oriente
Próximo», o de alguna otra conveniente denominación), así, en la propia América
del Sur, luego de todo un arco histórico de experimentación castrense con las <i>revoluciones de colores</i>, no resueltas en
las tierras mesopotámicas aunque rápidamente ahogadas por la diplomacia
latinoamericanista (sobre todo entre las naciones que abarca el
internacionalismo de la ALBA). Y por más que se confirma esa instalación estratégica
e infame de una narrativa que trata de un hipotético «problema terrorista»
envuelto en las coordenadas rioplatenses, e.g. también mediante su despliegue
escénico en el Brasil<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn173" name="_ftnref173" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[173]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
de facto, donde se detectaría a «terroristas islámicos» y eso sería anunciado
en el mundo noticioso, no obstante, verdaderamente se desatiende, en cambio,
una antecedencia que sí es preocupante como la chilena donde hay extremistas
sauditas, terroristas salafistas (wahabistas), instalados <i>a la espera</i>, en ese territorio del pacífico latinoamericano, estos,
sí, efectivamente operativos —y con anuencia imperial<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn174" name="_ftnref174" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[174]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>,
al igual que en el Oriente Medio—.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn175" name="_ftnref175" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[175]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> Por
tanto, la definición pedagógica de un <i>estado
del mundo</i> no se deslinda de su valoración antropológica y de sus multiplicados
compuestos sociales (circulares, radiales, angulares). No es lo mismo para la
historia educativa y morfológica de los pueblos la afirmación <i>El fascismo no pasará</i> que una mera
cuestión dudosa, diletante o academicista, institucionalmente agriada, o hasta
carente de la más ínfima dilección patriótica: ¿<i>El fascismo no pasará</i>? Si la afirmación —ese logro de la lógica y
concomitantemente de la identificación política del entimema que define— se
redujera a mera cuestión dudosa, así, de esa sola manera, el sujeto de discurso
resultaría desplazado del juicio a la erotema (mundo incierto en el que por
otra parte <i>la verdad es nula</i>).
Además, es la mismísima historia contemporánea y antiimperialista que supo
formular su respuesta, mediante un lema itálico verdaderamente categórico: «Il
fascismo non passerá» —posteriormente forjado con sangre e internacionalismo en
el Stalingrado soviético—. El propio G</span><span style="font-family: arial;">RAMSCI</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt;"> heroico lo
sentenciaría: el fascismo no es más que <i>el
final miserable de la aventura burguesa</i>.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn176" name="_ftnref176" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[176]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Esto, indudablemente, debe ser enseñado y al influjo de la propia definición
clásica que expresara Sócrates (a instancias de su histórica discusión con los
heliastas), al reafirmar que el educador es un único profesional de la política
—i.e., es quien verdaderamente debe ceñirse en sus formulaciones morales a una
confirmación pedagógica de aquel mundo que es reconocido por ser tratado para
la difícil tarea formativa del sujeto de decisiones—.<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftn177" name="_ftnref177" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">[177]</span></span></span></a></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><b><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"><br /></span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><b><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"><br /></span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><b><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">Fuente:</span></b></div><div style="mso-element: footnote-list;"><div id="ftn135" style="mso-element: footnote;"><div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">AGEPEBA.
2018, mayo 25. «ESTADOS UNIDOS AVANZA EN SU ESTRATEGIA DE BASES MILITARES EN
ARGENTINA: EN NEUQUÉN Y EN LA TRIPLE FRONTERA» en URL: <a href="http://www.agepeba.org/2018/05/25/estados-unidos-avanza-en-su-estrategia-de-bases-militares-en-argentina-en-neuquen-y-en-la-triple-frontera/">http://www.agepeba.org/2018/05/25/estados-unidos-avanza-en-su-estrategia-de-bases-militares-en-argentina-en-neuquen-y-en-la-triple-frontera/</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 12)<b><o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">A</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">RISMENDI</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> P</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">OBLETE</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, M. 2016,
febrero 18. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">Tácticas de instalación del wahabismo en Chile y
América Latina</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">»</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> en URL: <a href="https://www.hispantv.com/noticias/opinion/215085/wahabismo-salafistas-arabia-saudita-chile-america-latina">https://www.hispantv.com/noticias/opinion/215085/wahabismo-salafistas-arabia-saudita-chile-america-latina</a>
(Acceso 2016, marzo 12)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US">B</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US">AKER</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US">, P. - W</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US">ONG</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US">, E. 2019,
enero 26. «On Venezuela, Rubio Assumes U.S. Role of Ouster in Chief» en URL: <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2019/01/26/world/americas/marco-rubio-venezuela.html">https://www.nytimes.com/2019/01/26/world/americas/marco-rubio-venezuela.html</a>
(Acceso 2019, febrero 01)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US">B</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US">ILSBOROUGH</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US">,
Shane. [2011]. «Contralawfare in Counterinsurgency» en URL: <a href="http://smallwarsjournal.com/jrnl/art/counterlawfare-in-counterinsurgency">http://smallwarsjournal.com/jrnl/art/counterlawfare-in-counterinsurgency</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 31)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">Ç</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">ARÓ</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, H. 2018,
junio 06. «La persecución a periodistas en la Argentina llegó al Parlamento
Europeo» en URL: <a href="https://redaccionrosario.com/2018/06/06/la-persecucion-a-periodistas-en-la-argentina-llego-al-parlamento-europeo/">https://redaccionrosario.com/2018/06/06/la-persecucion-a-periodistas-en-la-argentina-llego-al-parlamento-europeo/</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 24)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">C5N.
2018, mayo 02. «Raúl Zaffaroni en vivo - Esto Recién Empieza» en URL: <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=v-jTAioN8Hg">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=v-jTAioN8Hg</a>
(Acceso 2018, mayo 02)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">CNN.
2018, septiembre 25. «Macri ante la ONU: Argentina denunciará “crímenes de lesa
humanidad de la dictadura venezolana”» en URL: <a href="https://edition.cnn.com/videos/spanish/2018/09/25/macri-venezuela-derechos-humanos-73-asamblea-general-onu-corte-penal-sot-nat.cnn/video/playlists/cnnee-ultimas-noticias/INABIO/EFE">https://edition.cnn.com/videos/spanish/2018/09/25/macri-venezuela-derechos-humanos-73-asamblea-general-onu-corte-penal-sot-nat.cnn/video/playlists/cnnee-ultimas-noticias/INABIO/EFE</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 01)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">C</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">OHEN</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, E. 2016,
junio 01. «</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">“</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">Lawfare”: el
uso de la ley como arma de guerra» en URL: <a href="http://elmed.io/lawfare-el-uso-de-la-ley-como-arma-de-guerra/">http://elmed.io/lawfare-el-uso-de-la-ley-como-arma-de-guerra/</a>
(Acceso 2018, enero 24)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">C</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">ÚNEO</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, S. 2018, octubre 01.
«Editorial de Santiago Cúneo: “Se terminó señores”» en URL: <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dgld_VPQSvU">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dgld_VPQSvU</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 01)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">D</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">INATALE</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, M. 2018,
JUNIO 29. «El Gobierno dio a conocer detalles de la base militar británica en
las Islas Malvinas» en URL: <a href="https://www.infobae.com/politica/2018/06/29/el-gobierno-dio-a-conocer-detalles-de-la-base-militar-britanica-en-las-islas-malvinas/">https://www.infobae.com/politica/2018/06/29/el-gobierno-dio-a-conocer-detalles-de-la-base-militar-britanica-en-las-islas-malvinas/</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 29)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">EL
NACIONAL. 2018, septiembre 05. «Walter Martínez: Lo que viene es guerra, sin
eufemismos» en URL: <a href="http://www.el-nacional.com/noticias/politica/walter-martinez-que-viene-guerra-sin-eufemismos_250690">http://www.el-nacional.com/noticias/politica/walter-martinez-que-viene-guerra-sin-eufemismos_250690</a>
(Acceso 2018, diciembre 13)</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">El
Telégrafo. 2018, julio 20. «Los dardos apuntan al nuevo fiscal general de Perú
por escándalo de audios» en URL: <a href="https://www.eltelegrafo.com.ec/noticias/mundo/8/fiscalgeneral-peru-escandalo-audios">https://www.eltelegrafo.com.ec/noticias/mundo/8/fiscalgeneral-peru-escandalo-audios</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 20)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">E</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">ZCURRA</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, A.M.; El Vaticano y la
administración Reagan; Editorial
Fundamentos; Madrid, 1986 <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">F</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">INCHELSTEIN</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, F. 2018, octubre 05. «Jair
Bolsonaro’s Model Isn’t Berlusconi. It’s Goebbels» en URL: <a href="https://foreignpolicy.com/2018/10/05/bolsonaros-model-its-goebbels-fascism-nazism-brazil-latin-america-populism-argentina-venezuela/">https://foreignpolicy.com/2018/10/05/bolsonaros-model-its-goebbels-fascism-nazism-brazil-latin-america-populism-argentina-venezuela/</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 09)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">F</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">RESU</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, G. 2007, octubre 06.
«Gramsci: fascismo e classi dirigenti in Italia» en URL: <a href="http://www.giannifresu.it/2011/06/gramsci-fascismo-e-classi-dirigenti-in-italia/">http://www.giannifresu.it/2011/06/gramsci-fascismo-e-classi-dirigenti-in-italia/</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 09)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US">G</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US">EARY</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US">, W. 2018,
julio 13. «The United States of Arms» en URL: <a href="https://vimeo.com/279923192?quality=1080p">https://vimeo.com/279923192?quality=1080p</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 18)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">G</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">ÓMEZ</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, S. A. 2018,
abril 23. «¿Quién está detrás de las protestas en Nicaragua?» en URL: <a href="http://www.granma.cu/mundo/2018-04-23/quien-esta-detras-de-las-protestas-en-nicaragua-23-04-2018-21-04-10">http://www.granma.cu/mundo/2018-04-23/quien-esta-detras-de-las-protestas-en-nicaragua-23-04-2018-21-04-10</a>
(Acceso 2018, mayo 20)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">G</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">ÓMEZ</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, N. 2018,
mayo 2. «¿Cómo se fabrica un presidente corrupto en América Latina? EEUU podría
tener la respuesta» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/270172-fabrica-presidente-corrupto-america-latina">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/270172-fabrica-presidente-corrupto-america-latina</a>
(Acceso 2018, mayo 2)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">G</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">OSMAN</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, E. 2017, noviembre 02.
«Brasil, EEUU y otros países crearán una base militar en el Amazonas» en URL: <a href="https://www.clarin.com/mundo/brasil-ee-uu-paises-crearan-base-militar-amazonas_0_S1Z-CZYCW.html">https://www.clarin.com/mundo/brasil-ee-uu-paises-crearan-base-militar-amazonas_0_S1Z-CZYCW.html</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 25)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">HISPANTV.
2018, mayo 06. «EEUU y su vinculación con golpes de Estado en América Latina»
en URL: <a href="https://www.hispantv.com/noticias/ee-uu-/376280/intervencionismo-golpes-estado-america-latina">https://www.hispantv.com/noticias/ee-uu-/376280/intervencionismo-golpes-estado-america-latina</a>
(Acceso 2018, mayo 06)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">HISPANTV.
2018, mayo 06. «Estados Unidos busca armas de destrucción masiva en Argentina»
en URL: <a href="https://www.hispantv.com/noticias/argentina/376236/fuerzas-militares-eeuu-ministerio-defensa">https://www.hispantv.com/noticias/argentina/376236/fuerzas-militares-eeuu-ministerio-defensa</a>
(Acceso 2018, mayo 06)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">HISPANTV.
2018, mayo 12. «Jueza venezolana pide a Interpol detener a Ortega por “traición”»
en URL: <a href="https://www.hispantv.com/noticias/venezuela/376815/exfiscal-ortega-diaz-detencion-interpol">https://www.hispantv.com/noticias/venezuela/376815/exfiscal-ortega-diaz-detencion-interpol</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 20)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">HISPANTV.
2018, junio 03. «Misiles británicos apuntan a Tierra del Fuego en Argentina» en
URL: <a href="https://www.hispantv.com/noticias/argentina/378922/misiles-britanicos-otan-islas-malvinas">https://www.hispantv.com/noticias/argentina/378922/misiles-britanicos-otan-islas-malvinas</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 12)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">HISPANTV.
2018, agosto 26. «Morales fustiga maniobras de Chile y EEUU en frontera
boliviana» en URL: <a href="https://www.hispantv.com/noticias/bolivia/386386/chile-maniobras-eeuu-frontera-morales">https://www.hispantv.com/noticias/bolivia/386386/chile-maniobras-eeuu-frontera-morales</a>
(Acceso 2018, agosto 31)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">HISPANTV.
2016, abril 19. «Sanders: EEUU debe dejar de derrocar Gobiernos en América
Latina» en URL: <a href="https://www.hispantv.com/noticias/ee-uu-/252914/sanders-eeuu-derrocar-gobiernos-america-latina">https://www.hispantv.com/noticias/ee-uu-/252914/sanders-eeuu-derrocar-gobiernos-america-latina</a>
(Acceso 2018, mayo 06)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">HISPANTV.
2017, octubre 10. «“Traidor” Temer entregará base militar espacial de Brasil a
EEUU» en URL: <a href="https://www.hispantv.com/noticias/brasil/356054/temer-base-espacial-eeuu-militar-alcantara">https://www.hispantv.com/noticias/brasil/356054/temer-base-espacial-eeuu-militar-alcantara</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 25)</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US">HKND Group. 2018, julio 19. «Executive Vice President
of HKND Group: Nicaragua Canal Continues Moving Forward» en URL: <a href="http://hknd-group.com/portal.php?mod=view&aid=465">http://hknd-group.com/portal.php?mod=view&aid=465</a>
(Acceso 2018, septiembre 18)</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="font-size: x-small; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">HKND Group. 2016, agosto 22. «Report of Preconstruction Archaeological
Investigation Phase II in Brito» en URL: <a href="http://hknd-group.com/portal.php?mod=list&catid=54">http://hknd-group.com/portal.php?mod=list&catid=54</a>
(Acceso 2018, septiembre 18)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">Infonews.
2018, julio 13. «Denuncian que el Gobierno firmó un acuerdo que da vía libre a
la intervención militar de Estados Unidos» en URL: <a href="http://www.infonews.com/nota/316907/denuncian-que-el-gobierno-firmo-un-acuerdo">http://www.infonews.com/nota/316907/denuncian-que-el-gobierno-firmo-un-acuerdo</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 14)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">J</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">ALIFE</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">-R</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">AHME</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, A. 2018,
abril 25. «Alfredo Jalife: “El trinomio petróleo/agua/alimentos”» en URL: <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U5EI31R3ZbQ">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U5EI31R3ZbQ</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 16)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">J</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">ALIFE</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">-R</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">AHME</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, A. 2016,
enero 27. «EEUU pone en crisis a Latinoamérica con su guerra global de divisas»
en URL: <a href="http://www.contrainjerencia.com/?p=113823">http://www.contrainjerencia.com/?p=113823</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 16)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">J</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">OFRÉ</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> L</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">EAL</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, P. 2018,
septiembre 20. «EEUU y su ataque en Siria: Ejemplo de doble moral y Traición»
en URL: <a href="https://www.hispantv.com/noticias/opinion/288462/ataque-coalicion-daesh-eeuu-ejercito-sirio">https://www.hispantv.com/noticias/opinion/288462/ataque-coalicion-daesh-eeuu-ejercito-sirio</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 10)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">K</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">AWAGUTI</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, L. 2017,
noviembre 02. «Brasil treina para criar base militar com os EUA, Colômbia e
Peru na Amazônia» en URL: <a href="https://noticias.uol.com.br/cotidiano/ultimas-noticias/2017/11/02/por-que-o-brasil-treina-para-criar-uma-base-militar-com-os-eua-colombia-e-peru-na-amazonia.htm">https://noticias.uol.com.br/cotidiano/ultimas-noticias/2017/11/02/por-que-o-brasil-treina-para-criar-uma-base-militar-com-os-eua-colombia-e-peru-na-amazonia.htm</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 25)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">La
voz del sandinismo. 2018, julio 11. «Telesur multiplica denuncia de complicidad
de la Iglesia con terroristas en Carazo» en URL: <a href="http://www.lavozdelsandinismo.com/nicaragua/2018-07-11/telesur-multiplica-denuncia-de-complicidad-de-la-iglesia-con-terroristas-en-carazo/">http://www.lavozdelsandinismo.com/nicaragua/2018-07-11/telesur-multiplica-denuncia-de-complicidad-de-la-iglesia-con-terroristas-en-carazo/</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 15)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">La
voz del sandinismo. 2018, julio 15. «Análisis revela falsedad de vídeos sobre
supuestos ataques a la UNAN» en URL: <a href="http://www.lavozdelsandinismo.com/nicaragua/2018-07-15/analisis-revela-falsedad-de-videos-sobre-supuestos-ataques-a-la-unan/">http://www.lavozdelsandinismo.com/nicaragua/2018-07-15/analisis-revela-falsedad-de-videos-sobre-supuestos-ataques-a-la-unan/</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 15)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">La
voz del sandinismo. 2018, julio 09. «Denuncian complicidad de la Iglesia y
terroristas en Diriamba» en URL: <a href="http://www.lavozdelsandinismo.com/nicaragua/2018-07-09/denuncian-complicidad-de-la-iglesia-y-terroristas-en-diriamba/">http://www.lavozdelsandinismo.com/nicaragua/2018-07-09/denuncian-complicidad-de-la-iglesia-y-terroristas-en-diriamba/</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 15)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">La
voz del sandinismo. 2018, octubre 15. «Desgarradoras palabras de víctima
torturada en la UPOLI» en <a href="url:http://www.lavozdelsandinismo.com/nicaragua/2018-10-15/desgarradoras-palabras-de-victima-torturada-en-la-upoli/">URL:http://www.lavozdelsandinismo.com/nicaragua/2018-10-15/desgarradoras-palabras-de-victima-torturada-en-la-upoli/</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 16)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">La
voz del sandinismo. 2018, julio 15. «Secuestradores de la UNAN Managua no eran
estudiantes, sino ladrones» en URL: <a href="http://www.lavozdelsandinismo.com/nicaragua/2018-07-14/secuestradores-de-la-unan-managua-no-eran-estudiantes-sino-ladrones/">http://www.lavozdelsandinismo.com/nicaragua/2018-07-14/secuestradores-de-la-unan-managua-no-eran-estudiantes-sino-ladrones/</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 15)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">La
Voz (Agencia EFE). 2018, mayo 15. «Seis exlíderes europeos llaman a que Lula da
Silva pueda presentarse a las elecciones en Brasil» en URL: <a href="http://www.lavoz.com.ar/mundo/seis-exlideres-europeos-llaman-que-lula-da-silva-pueda-presentarse-las-elecciones-en-brasil">http://www.lavoz.com.ar/mundo/seis-exlideres-europeos-llaman-que-lula-da-silva-pueda-presentarse-las-elecciones-en-brasil</a>
(Acceso 2018, septiembre 17)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US">Lawfare
Institute. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">S.a.
[«Lawfare»] en URL: </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US"><a href="https://www.lawfareblog.com/search/node/lawfare"><span lang="ES-UY">https://www.lawfareblog.com/search/node/lawfare</span></a></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> (Acceso 2018,
octubre 31)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">M</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">ALTES</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, J. 2018,
julio 09. «Alianzas hechizas y obispos golpistas. La derecha golpista se ha
unido a la delincuencia organizada para subvertir el orden» en URL: <a href="http://www.lavozdelsandinismo.com/opinion/2018-07-09/alianzas-hechizas-y-obispos-golpistas/">http://www.lavozdelsandinismo.com/opinion/2018-07-09/alianzas-hechizas-y-obispos-golpistas/</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 10)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">M</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">ARTÍNEZ</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, W. 2018,
diciembre 11. «Entrevista a Roberto González Cárdenas» en URL: <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7uU7CJZXIuM">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7uU7CJZXIuM</a>
(Acceso 2018, diciembre 13)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">Misión
Verdad. 2018, junio 27. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">Asesor del golpe suave en Venezuela confiesa en
qué falló la oposición</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">»</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> en URL: <a href="http://misionverdad.com/la-guerra-en-venezuela/asesor-del-golpe-suave-en-venezuela-confiesa-en-que-fallo-la-oposicion">http://misionverdad.com/la-guerra-en-venezuela/asesor-del-golpe-suave-en-venezuela-confiesa-en-que-fallo-la-oposicion</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 15)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">M</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">ORALES</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, V.H. 2018,
julio 23. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">Editorial VHM: Trucharon hasta a los que reciben
la AUH</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">»</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> en URL: <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GsN9NVenXi8">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GsN9NVenXi8</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 15)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">N</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">AVARRO</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, V. 2011, febrero 21. «¿Quién
apoyó la dictadura de Túnez?» en URL: <a href="https://www.webislam.com/articulos/60860-quien_apoyo_la_dictadura_de_tunez.html">https://www.webislam.com/articulos/60860-quien_apoyo_la_dictadura_de_tunez.html</a>
(Acceso 2019, enero 27)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">NYSE.
2018. «PETROLEO BRASILEIRO S.A. - PETROBRAS PBR» en URL: <a href="https://www.nyse.com/quote/XNYS:PBR">https://www.nyse.com/quote/XNYS:PBR</a>
(Acceso 2018, septiembre 17)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">Página
12 [entrevista a A. DIOGO]. 2017, agosto 28. «Primer aniversario del “golpe
híbrido”» en URL: <a href="https://www.pagina12.com.ar/59344-primer-aniversario-del-golpe-hibrido">https://www.pagina12.com.ar/59344-primer-aniversario-del-golpe-hibrido</a>
(2018, octubre 06)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">People's
Daily. 2018, septiembre 19. «Asamblea Nacional Constituyente de Venezuela exige
renuncia de Almagro por "indigno"» en URL: <a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2018/0919/c31617-9501746.html">http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2018/0919/c31617-9501746.html</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 07)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">P</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">EREYRA</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> M</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">ELE</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, C. 2018,
julio 13. «La lucha de atlantistas y continentalistas también se define en
América del Sur» en URL: <a href="https://www.geopolitica.ru/es/video/la-lucha-de-atlantistas-y-continentalistas-se-define-en-america-del-sur">https://www.geopolitica.ru/es/video/la-lucha-de-atlantistas-y-continentalistas-se-define-en-america-del-sur</a><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">Presidencia
de la República Oriental del Uruguay. 2019, febrero 07. «Grupo sobre Venezuela
acordó apoyar elecciones libres, respeto de derechos humanos y envío de ayuda
humanitaria» en URL: <a href="https://www.presidencia.gub.uy/comunicacion/comunicacionnoticias/nin-union-europea-venezuela">https://www.presidencia.gub.uy/comunicacion/comunicacionnoticias/nin-union-europea-venezuela</a>
(Acceso 2019, febrero 07)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">Presidencia
de la República Oriental del Uruguay. 2019, febrero 07. «Negarse al diálogo es
bloquear la posibilidad de cualquier entendimiento sobre Venezuela» en URL: <a href="https://www.presidencia.gub.uy/comunicacion/comunicacionnoticias/nin-novoa-conferencia-prensa-torre-ejecutiva">https://www.presidencia.gub.uy/comunicacion/comunicacionnoticias/nin-novoa-conferencia-prensa-torre-ejecutiva</a>
(Acceso 2019, febrero 07)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">Radio
Cut. 2018, octubre 15. «JUEZ R</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">AMOS</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> P</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">ADILLA</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">: “CON ESTA JUSTICIA, NO HAY
ESTADO DE DERECHO EN LA ARGENTINA”» en URL: <a href="https://radiocut.fm/audiocut/juez-ramos-padilla-con-esta-justicia-no-hay-estado-de-derecho-en-la-argentina/">https://radiocut.fm/audiocut/juez-ramos-padilla-con-esta-justicia-no-hay-estado-de-derecho-en-la-argentina/</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 17)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US">R</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US">OACH</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US">. S. 2018,
enero 28. «Trump should know trade wars are for losers» en URL: <a href="https://www.marketwatch.com/story/trump-should-know-trade-wars-are-for-losers-2018-01-26">https://www.marketwatch.com/story/trump-should-know-trade-wars-are-for-losers-2018-01-26</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 18)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">RT.
2018, septeimbre 15. «Almagro afirma que no se debe descartar una “intervención
militar” contra Venezuela» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/288692-almagro-no-descartar-intervencion-militar-venezuela">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/288692-almagro-no-descartar-intervencion-militar-venezuela</a>
(Acceso 2018, septiembre 15) <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">RT.
2019, enero 26. «“Arquitecto del golpe contra Chávez”: Quién es Elliott Abrams,
el nuevo enviado de EEUU para Venezuela» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/303495-elliott-abrams-nuevo-enviado-eeuu-venezuela">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/303495-elliott-abrams-nuevo-enviado-eeuu-venezuela</a>
(Acceso 2019, enero 27)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">RT.
2018, agosto 15. «Argentina y EEUU apuestan a una “relación inteligente” en
materia militar» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/285194-james-mattis-espera-relacion-militar">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/285194-james-mattis-espera-relacion-militar</a>
(Acceso 2018, agosto 15)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">RT.
2018, mayo 10. «Assad: “Estamos en un tipo de guerra mundial mayor que la
Guerra Fría”» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/271008-assad-tipo-guerra-mundial-mayor-fria">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/271008-assad-tipo-guerra-mundial-mayor-fria</a>
(Acceso 2018, mayo 10)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">RT.
2019, febrero 04. «Canadá no acredita a los medios rusos Sputnik y RIA Novosti
para cubrir la reunión del Grupo de Lima» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/304548-sputnik-rechazado-acceso-reunion-grupo-lima">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/304548-sputnik-rechazado-acceso-reunion-grupo-lima</a>
(Acceso 2019, febrero 05)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">RT.
2018, abril 13. «Cancilleres de América culminan negociaciones del compromiso
de Lima contra la corrupción» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/268312-cancilleres-america-culminar-negociaciones-corrupcion">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/268312-cancilleres-america-culminar-negociaciones-corrupcion</a>
(Acceso 2018, abril 15) <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">RT.
3018, septiembre 01. «Caracas denuncia en ACNUR campaña internacional de
incursión militar que manipula datos migratorios» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/287188-venezuela-presenta-acnur-cifras-flujos">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/287188-venezuela-presenta-acnur-cifras-flujos</a>
(Acceso 2018, septiembre 01)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">RT.
2019, enero 14. «Colombia anuncia la creación de un nuevo organismo
internacional para sustituir a la Unasur» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/302005-prosur-apuesta-conservadora-reemplazo-unasur">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/302005-prosur-apuesta-conservadora-reemplazo-unasur</a>
(2019, enero 15)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">RT.
2018, octubre 19. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">Conozca el
verdadero objetivo del buque hospital del Comando Sur en Latinoamérica</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">»</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> en URL: </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/292601-conozca-verdadero-objetivo-buque-hospital">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/292601-conozca-verdadero-objetivo-buque-hospital</a>
</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">(Acceso
2018, octubre 22)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">RT.
2018, marzo 29. «Conversando con Correa: Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva» en URL: <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tGB84v3_vRw">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tGB84v3_vRw</a>
(Acceso 2018, marzo 29)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">RT.
2019, febrero 03. «Cuba califica el despliegue de ayuda humanitaria en
Venezuela de "pretexto" para una intervención militar» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/304457-cuba-ayuda-venezuela-pretexto-intervencion-militar">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/304457-cuba-ayuda-venezuela-pretexto-intervencion-militar</a>
(Acceso 209, febrero 03)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">RT.
2019, enero 23. «Desarticulan plan armado dirigido a atacar las marchas del 23
de enero en Venezuela» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/302975-desarticular-plan-occidente-venezuela-dirigido-atacar">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/302975-desarticular-plan-occidente-venezuela-dirigido-atacar</a>
(Acceso 2019, enero 23)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">RT.
2019, enero 26. «Diálogos secretos entre países y el papel de Trump: Revelan
cómo se creó la coalición anti-Maduro» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/303410-dialogo-secreto-coalicion-maduro-guaido">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/303410-dialogo-secreto-coalicion-maduro-guaido</a>
(Acceso 2019, enero 26)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">RT.
2019, enero 24. «16 de 34 países miembros de la OEA respaldaron a Guaidó como “presidente
encargado” de Venezuela» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/303198-sesion-oea-autoproclamacion-guaido-presidente">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/303198-sesion-oea-autoproclamacion-guaido-presidente</a>
(Acceso 2019, enero 24)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">RT.
2019, enero 31. «Dimite un juez de la Corte Penal Internacional debido la
interferencia “impactante” de EEUU» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/304029-juez-corte-internacional-renunciar-interferencia-eeuu">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/304029-juez-corte-internacional-renunciar-interferencia-eeuu</a>
(Acceso 2019, enero 31)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">RT.
2018, julio 26. «EEUU aumenta su presencia militar con 300</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">000 soldados
en 177 países» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/282955-eeuu-aumenta-presencia-militar">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/282955-eeuu-aumenta-presencia-militar</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 26)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">RT.
2018, octubre 30. «EEUU desplegará en la frontera con México igual número de
tropas que en Irak y Siria» contra el EI en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/293979-numero-tropas-eeuu-frontera-mexico-igualara-huella-militar-total-irak-siria">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/293979-numero-tropas-eeuu-frontera-mexico-igualara-huella-militar-total-irak-siria</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 30)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">RT.
2018, mayo 03. «El Parlamento Europeo solicita la suspensión de las elecciones
de Venezuela» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/270328-parlamento-europeo-pide-suspension-elecciones-venezuela">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/270328-parlamento-europeo-pide-suspension-elecciones-venezuela</a>
(Acceso 2018, mayo 05)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">RT.
2018, octubre 03. «El Tribunal de la Haya ordena a EEUU a que suspenda
sanciones humanitarias contra Irán» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/290728-corte-justicia-sancion-iran">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/290728-corte-justicia-sancion-iran</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 07)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">RT.
2018, mayo 17. «Fiscales de Brasil presentan cargos contra 11 personas
vinculadas con el Estado Islámico» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/271942-fiscales-brasil-presentan-cargos-personas-vinculadas-estado-islamico">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/271942-fiscales-brasil-presentan-cargos-personas-vinculadas-estado-islamico</a>
(Acceso 2018, mayo 17)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">RT.
2019, enero 25. «Exembajadora argentina: “No hay ningún golpe de Estado que se
haya hecho en América Latina sin la participación de EEUU”» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/303378-exembajadora-argentina-venezuela-golpe-estado">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/303378-exembajadora-argentina-venezuela-golpe-estado</a>
(Acceso 2019, enero 25)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">RT.
2019, enero 04. «Grupo de Lima no reconocerá el nuevo mandato de Nicolás
Maduro» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/301071-grupo-lima-nuevo-mandato-maduro">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/301071-grupo-lima-nuevo-mandato-maduro</a>
(Acceso 2019, enero 04)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">RT.
2019, febrero 08. «Guaidó no descarta autorizar intervención de EEUU en
Venezuela» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/305033-guaido-autorizar-intervencion-eeuu">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/305033-guaido-autorizar-intervencion-eeuu</a>
(Acceso 2019, febrero 08)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">RT.
2018, octubre 24. «Maduro tilda a Pence de “loco extremista” por acusarle de
financiar la caravana de migrantes» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/293253-maduro-tilda-pence-loco-extremista">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/293253-maduro-tilda-pence-loco-extremista</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 25).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">RT.
2018, agosto 17. «Mauricio Macri inaugura una base militar al norte de
Argentina» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/285506-instalacion-base-militar-norte-argentina">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/285506-instalacion-base-militar-norte-argentina</a>
(Acceso 2018, agosto 19)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">RT.
2019, enero 22. «Mike Pence llama a los venezolanos a protestar el miércoles
contra el Gobierno de Maduro» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/302913-pence-llama-venezolanos-protestar-maduro">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/302913-pence-llama-venezolanos-protestar-maduro</a>
(Acceso 2019, enero 22)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">RT.
2018, agosto 07. «Moscú: “Las sanciones de EEUU contra Irán violan la
resolución 2231 del Consejo de Seguridad”» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/284209-moscu-sanciones-eeuu-iran-violar-resolucion-onu">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/284209-moscu-sanciones-eeuu-iran-violar-resolucion-onu</a>
(Acceso 2018, agosto 07)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">RT.
2018, agosto 23. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">“No nos vamos a asustar”: Evo Morales rechaza la
presencia militar argentina en la frontera</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">»</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/286246-vamos-asustar-evo-morales-rechaza">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/286246-vamos-asustar-evo-morales-rechaza</a>
(Acceso 2018, agosto 24)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">RT.
2018, diciembre 11. «“800 bases en 70 países”: Caracas ve “cínica” la reacción
de EEUU por su cooperación con Moscú» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/298769-venezuela-cinica-reaccion-eeuu-cooperacion-rusia">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/298769-venezuela-cinica-reaccion-eeuu-cooperacion-rusia</a>
(Acceso 2018, diciembre 12)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">RT.
2018, agosto 17. «ONU: El Estado debe permitir que Lula “ejerza sus derechos
políticos como candidato”» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/285464-onu-estado-permitir-lula-ejercer-derechos-candidato">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/285464-onu-estado-permitir-lula-ejercer-derechos-candidato</a>
(Acceso 2018, agosto 19)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">RT.
2018, octubre 22. «“Puñalada por la espalda”: China denuncia “maliciosos”
comentarios de Pompeo en Latinoamérica» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/292879-china-denunciar-maliciosos-comentarios-pompeo-latinoamerica">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/292879-china-denunciar-maliciosos-comentarios-pompeo-latinoamerica</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 22)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">RT.
2018, agosto 16. «Revelan que EEUU hackeó conexiones VPN de medios, ejércitos y
aerolíneas de varios países» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/285346-filtracion-nsa-hackear-vpn-aerolineas-jazeera-snowden">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/285346-filtracion-nsa-hackear-vpn-aerolineas-jazeera-snowden</a>
(Acceso 2018, agosto 19)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">RT.
2018, octubre 19. «Rumbo a EEUU: ¿Qué peligros y chances enfrenta la caravana
de hondureños en el sur de México?» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/292697-peligros-chances-caravana-migrantes">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/292697-peligros-chances-caravana-migrantes</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 20)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">RT.
2017, enero 10. «Sudamérica bajo amenaza: EEUU instalará una nueva base militar
en Perú» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/opinion/ariel-noyola-rodriguez/228075-sudamerica-amenaza-eeuu-nueva-base-militar-peru">https://actualidad.rt.com/opinion/ariel-noyola-rodriguez/228075-sudamerica-amenaza-eeuu-nueva-base-militar-peru</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 25)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">RT. 2018, agosto 29. «Temer autoriza a las
Fuerzas Armadas de Brasil a actuar en la frontera con Venezuela» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/286804-temer-autoriza-fuerzas-armadas-brasil">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/286804-temer-autoriza-fuerzas-armadas-brasil</a>
(Acceso 2018, agosto 29)</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">RT.
2018, septiembre 08. «The New York Times: EEUU se reunió con militares
venezolanos para planear golpe contra Maduro» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/287956-the-new-york-times-eeuu-venezuela-golpe-maduro">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/287956-the-new-york-times-eeuu-venezuela-golpe-maduro</a>
(Acceso 2018, septiembre 08)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">RT.
2018, septiembre 01. «TSE de Brasil niega la candidatura de Lula da Silva a las
presidenciales» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/287200-tse-brasil-niega-candidatura-lula">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/287200-tse-brasil-niega-candidatura-lula</a>
(Acceso 2018, septiembre 01)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">RT.
2018, septiembre 26. «Twitter suspende la cuenta Prensa Presidencial de
Venezuela sin explicación alguna» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/289814-twitter-suspende-cuenta-prensa-presidencial-venezuela">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/289814-twitter-suspende-cuenta-prensa-presidencial-venezuela</a>
(Acceso 2018, septiembre 26)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">RT.
2018, septeimbre 15. «Venezuela denunciará a Luis Almagro ante la ONU "por
promover la intervención militar"» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/288746-venezuela-denunciar-luis-almagro-onu">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/288746-venezuela-denunciar-luis-almagro-onu</a>
(Acceso 2018, septiembre 15)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">RT.
2019, enero 24. «Venezuela: Diosdado Cabello confirma que se reunió con Juan
Guaidó» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/303114-diosdado-confirma-reunio-guaido">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/303114-diosdado-confirma-reunio-guaido</a>
(Acceso 2019, enero 24)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">RT.
2019, enero 22. «Vicepresidenta de Venezuela: “Mike Pence ha llamado
abiertamente a un golpe de Estado”» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/302934-vicepresidenta-venezuela-mike-pence-golpe-estado">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/302934-vicepresidenta-venezuela-mike-pence-golpe-estado</a>
(Acceso 2019, enero 22)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">RT.
2018, octubre 04. «WhatsApp bloquea la cuenta de Dilma Rousseff para promocionar
su campaña al Senado de Brasil» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/290835-dilma-rousseff-asgegura-whatsapp-bloqueo">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/290835-dilma-rousseff-asgegura-whatsapp-bloqueo</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 06)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">S</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">ANTANA</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, A. 2009,
noviembre 05. «Crisis en Honduras» en URL: <a href="http://www.cialc.unam.mx/pdf/crisisenhonduras.pdf">http://www.cialc.unam.mx/pdf/crisisenhonduras.pdf</a>
(Acceso 2018, septiembre 27)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">S</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">AUMETH</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, E. 2019,
febrero 04. «EEUU sondea contratistas ante un posible envío de tropas a
Colombia» en URL: <a href="https://www.infodefensa.com/latam/2019/02/04/noticia-sondea-contratistas-posible-envio-tropas-colombia.html?utm_source=linkedin&utm_medium=referral&utm_campaign=linkedin-comp">https://www.infodefensa.com/latam/2019/02/04/noticia-sondea-contratistas-posible-envio-tropas-colombia.html?utm_source=linkedin&utm_medium=referral&utm_campaign=linkedin-comp</a>
(Acceso 2019, febrero 06)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">Secretaría
General de Gobierno de Chile. [1972, marzo 29]. «DOCUMENTOS SECRETOS de la ITT»
en URL: <span style="color: red;"><a href="http://www.memoriachilena.cl/archivos2/pdfs/MC0016021.pdf">http://www.memoriachilena.cl/archivos2/pdfs/MC0016021.pdf</a>
</span>(Acceso 2018, octubre 14)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="font-size: x-small;">Senate and
House of Representatives of the United States of America. 2016, abril 18. «Global
Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act» en URL: <a href="https://www.congress.gov/bill/114th-congress/senate-bill/284/text">https://www.congress.gov/bill/114th-congress/senate-bill/284/text</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 30).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">S</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">ERAFINO</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, W.; 2018, ABRIL 22; «Los
aspectos clave de la revolución de colores en curso en Nicaragua» en URL: <a href="http://misionverdad.com/COLUMNISTAS/aspectos-clave-de-la-revolucion-de-color-en-nicaragua-analisis-especial">http://misionverdad.com/COLUMNISTAS/aspectos-clave-de-la-revolucion-de-color-en-nicaragua-analisis-especial</a>
(Acceso 2018, abril 24)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">SPUTNIK.
2018, junio 06. «¿Qué hay detrás de la base que construirá el Comando Sur cerca
del yacimiento de Vaca Muerta en Argentina?» en URL: <a href="https://mundo.sputniknews.com/radio_telescopio/201806061079321478-bases-militares-objetivos/">https://mundo.sputniknews.com/radio_telescopio/201806061079321478-bases-militares-objetivos/</a>
(Acceso 2018, junio 06)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">TELESUR.
2019, enero 26. «Arreaza en la ONU: ¡Venezuela es irrevocablemente libre!» en
URL: <a href="https://www.telesurtv.net/news/venezuela-consejo-seguridad-onu--20190126-0012.html#cxrecs_s">https://www.telesurtv.net/news/venezuela-consejo-seguridad-onu--20190126-0012.html#cxrecs_s</a>
(Acceso 2019, enero 27)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">TELESUR.
2019, enero 08. «Canciller de Uruguay: Grupo de Lima sin competencia para
desconocer Gobiernos» en URL: <a href="https://www.telesurtv.net/news/uruguay-nin-novoa-grupo-lima-nicolas-maduro-venezuela-20190108-0027.html">https://www.telesurtv.net/news/uruguay-nin-novoa-grupo-lima-nicolas-maduro-venezuela-20190108-0027.html</a>
(Acceso 2019, enero 08)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">TELESUR.
2019, febrero 09. «En cifras: Lo que bloquea EEUU a Venezuela y lo que ofrece
como ayuda humanitaria» en URL: <a href="https://www.telesurtv.net/news/cifras-bloqueo-eeuu-venezuela-ayuda-humanitaria-20190209-0006.html">https://www.telesurtv.net/news/cifras-bloqueo-eeuu-venezuela-ayuda-humanitaria-20190209-0006.html</a>
(2019, febrero 09)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">TELESUR.
2018, septiembre 17. «EnClave Política: Conversamos con Christophe Marchand» en
URL: <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ySOhixRTfeU">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ySOhixRTfeU</a>
(Acceso 2018, septiembre 18)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">TELESUR.
2018, abril 25. «La cobertura mediática de las protestas en Nicaragua» en URL: <a href="https://www.telesurtv.net/news/cobertura-mediatica-protestas-nicaragua-20180425-0049.html">https://www.telesurtv.net/news/cobertura-mediatica-protestas-nicaragua-20180425-0049.html</a>
(Acceso 2018, mayo 20)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">TELESUR.
2018, agosto 14. «Ministro de Defensa de Brasil: EEUU quiere que nosotros
ayudemos a Venezuela» en URL: <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=C9tuFlYPn4s">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=C9tuFlYPn4s</a>
(Acceso 2018, agosto 14)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">TELESUR.
2018, septiembre 30. «¿Quienes estuvieron detrás del intento de golpe a Rafael
Correa?» en URL: <a href="https://www.telesurtv.net/news/ecuador-implicados-golpe-estado-rafael-correa-20180930-0023.html">https://www.telesurtv.net/news/ecuador-implicados-golpe-estado-rafael-correa-20180930-0023.html</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 07)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">TELESUR.
2018, marzo 12. «Representante de ACNUR aclara que migrantes venezolanos no son
refugiados» en URL: <a href="https://www.telesurtv.net/news/Acnur-reconoce-labor-de-Venezuela-con-migrantes-20180312-0046.html">https://www.telesurtv.net/news/Acnur-reconoce-labor-de-Venezuela-con-migrantes-20180312-0046.html</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 07)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">TELESUR.
2018, diciembre 20. «Trump firma ley Nica Act sobre sanciones económicas a
Nicaragua» en URL: <a href="https://www.telesurtv.net/news/eeuu-donald-trump-nica-act-sanciones-economicas-nicaragua-20181220-0051.html">https://www.telesurtv.net/news/eeuu-donald-trump-nica-act-sanciones-economicas-nicaragua-20181220-0051.html</a>
(Acceso 2018, diciembre 21)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">TELESUR.
2019, enero 12. «Venezuela: 10 países rectifican sobre documento del Grupo de
Lima» en URL: <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yHPUaSFS2R4">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yHPUaSFS2R4</a>
(Acceso 2019, enero 12)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">TELESUR.
2019, enero 26. «Venezuela logra apoyo a su soberanía y propuesta de diálogo en
la ONU» en URL: <a href="https://www.telesurtv.net/news/venezuela-apoyo-democracia-consejo-seguridad-onu-20190126-0016.html">https://www.telesurtv.net/news/venezuela-apoyo-democracia-consejo-seguridad-onu-20190126-0016.html</a>
(Acceso 2019, enero 27)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US">W</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US">HITNEY</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US">, R. 2017,
septiembre 23. «US Provides Military Assistance to 73 Percent of World’s
Dictatorships» en URL: <a href="https://truthout.org/articles/us-provides-military-assistance-to-73-percent-of-world-s-dictatorships/">https://truthout.org/articles/us-provides-military-assistance-to-73-percent-of-world-s-dictatorships/</a>
(Acceso 2018, noviembre 21)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<b><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">Hemerografía:<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">A</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">RMANIAN</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, N. 2018,
agosto 20. «La Operación TP-Ajax de la CIA: “limpiar” Irán de comunistas» en
URL: <a href="https://blogs.publico.es/puntoyseguido/5116/la-operacion-tp-ajax-de-la-cia-limpiar-iran-de-comunistas/">https://blogs.publico.es/puntoyseguido/5116/la-operacion-tp-ajax-de-la-cia-limpiar-iran-de-comunistas/</a>
(Acceso 2018, agosto 22)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">BBC.
2017, diciembre 20. «Cómo es la lujosa mansión donde el empresario Marcelo
Odebrecht cumplirá el resto de su condena por el mayor escándalo de corrupción
de Brasil» en URL: <a href="https://www.bbc.com/mundo/noticias-america-latina-42429882">https://www.bbc.com/mundo/noticias-america-latina-42429882</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 20)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">B</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">LOCH</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, R. S.a. «BASES MILITARES Y
OTROS INSTRUMENTOS DE PROYECCIÓN DE PODER DE LOS ESTADOS UNIDOS» en URL: <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://www.ieeri.com.ar/actividades/docs/Proyeccion%20de%20poder%20de%20EEUU.pdf">http://www.ieeri.com.ar/actividades/docs/Proyeccion%20de%20poder%20de%20EEUU.pdf</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 22)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">B</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">RICEÑO</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> M</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">ONZÓN</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, C. A. - R</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">IVAS</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, G. A.: «<u>La
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<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">D</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">IMITROV</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, J. [1935].
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<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">EcuRed. S.a. «Hilda Molina Morejón» en URL: <a href="https://www.ecured.cu/Hilda_Molina_Morej%C3%B3n">https://www.ecured.cu/Hilda_Molina_Morej%C3%B3n</a>
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<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">F</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">IALLO</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, M. 2017,
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<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">G</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">ALLAGHER</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, R. - M</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">OLTKE</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, H. 2018,
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<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">Honorable
Senado de la Nación Argentina; Versión taquigráfica de la DGT; SESIÓN ESPECIAL,
PERÍODO 136º; 13.ª REUNIÓN – 7.ª SESIÓN ESPECIAL - 22 Y 23 DE AGOSTO DE 2018: </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">«</span><u><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">13.
Allanamiento de diversos
domicilios en la
Ciudad de Buenos
Aires y en la
provincia de Santa Cruz (O.D. Nº 517/18.)</span></u><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">»</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">J</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">EREZ</span><sup><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> </span></sup><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">C</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">ERDA</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, M. «Día 45 de
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<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">M</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">ARIÁTEGUI</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, J. C. [1924]. «La Unidad de
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<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">P</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">ALMA</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, M. 2019, enero 10. «Maduro se
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<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">R</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">ANSON</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"> G</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">ARCÍA</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">, J.2011. «CONDICIÓN JURÍDICA DEL ESTRECHO DE
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<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">RT.
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</span>(Acceso 2018, julio 30)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">RT.
2019, enero 10. «La ONU mantendrá intacta su agenda de trabajo con Venezuela»
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(Acceso 2019, enero 10)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">RT.
2018, octubre 12. «México: López Obrador anuncia una amnistía a los presos
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<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">RT.
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(Acceso 2018, diciembre 20)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">S</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">ALADINO</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> G</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">ARCÍA</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, A. 2005. «EL
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(Acceso 2018, octubre 27)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US">S</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US">WINBURN</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US">,</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US">B. A. -</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US">K</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US">RAAK</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US">,</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US">V. I. -</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US">A</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US">LLENDER</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US">,</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US">S. (<i>et al</i>.).</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US">«The Global Syndemic of Obesity, Undernutrition, and
Climate Change: The Lancet Commission report» en URL: 2019, enero 27. <a href="https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(18)32822-8/fulltext"><span lang="ES-UY">https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(18)32822-8/fulltext</span></a></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> (Acceso 2019,
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2028, mayo 03. «Los CLAP, organización popular de los venezolanos» en URL: <a href="https://www.telesurtv.net/news/clap-venezuela-organizacion-popular-distribucion-alimentos-20180502-0006.html">https://www.telesurtv.net/news/clap-venezuela-organizacion-popular-distribucion-alimentos-20180502-0006.html</a>
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<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">UBA
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</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">(Acceso
2019, enero 29)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">V</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">ICENTE</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, R. 2013.
«RESEÑA BIBLIOGRÁFICA. Telma Luzzani. Territorios vigilados. Cómo opera la red
de bases militares norteamericanas en Sudamérica» en URL: <a href="http://www.redalyc.org/pdf/3608/360833889005.pdf">http://www.redalyc.org/pdf/3608/360833889005.pdf</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 28)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">UN:
«<u>Capítulo I. Propósitos y principios</u>» en Repertorio de la práctica
seguida por los órganos de las Naciones Unidas; Volumen I, Suplemento n.º 6;
New York, 2004<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<b><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">Bibliografía
general<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">A</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">RISMENDI</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, R.; Lenin,
la revolución y América Latina; Uruguay Gruppen; Gotemburgo, 1983<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">B</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">AUCELLS</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> i L</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">LADÓS</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, J.; La
delincuencia por convicción; Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona · Servei de
Publicacions; Velencia, 2000<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">VALLS,
Josep-Francesc; Prensa y burguesía en el XIX español; (1.ª ed.) ANTHROPOS; España,
1988<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<b><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: x-small;">Bibliografía
específica<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">H</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">ERNÁNDEZ</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">,</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">A.; Los señores del narco; (1.ª
ed.) Random House Mondadori SA; México, 2010<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US">M</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US">AGUIRE</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US">, Peter; Law
and War: International Law & American History; Columbia University Press;
USA, 2010<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">L</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">UZZANI</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, T.;
Territorios vigilados. Cómo opera la red de bases militares norteamericanas en Sudamérica;
Ed. Debate; Buenos Aires, 2012<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<br /></div>
<div>
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<br />
<div id="ftn1">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> Las «noticias del mundo»,
presentadas incluso como cuodlibetales al aula, deben desplazarse
necesariamente de la opinión al criterio, además, para efectivamente resolver
una teorética propiamente de su discusión. Es un mundo simbólico en el que debe
evitarse que la valoración y tratamiento de los problemas se reduzca a la mera
identificación monista de mecanismos, la más de las veces denominados por
aféresis o como resultante de una jerga (e.g. al suponerse como <i>causa primigenia</i> de la existencia de «noticias
falsas» a los <i>bots</i> o el ejercicio del
<i>trolling</i>, aunque sin duda deba
reconocerse la telemática de sus operatorias y despliegue, en vez de ensayarse
la verdadera hegemonía en que se comprende su proceso de sentido). La noticia <i>insurgente</i>, un tema distinto al
programado, no necesariamente es un <i>desvío</i>
del trabajo didáctico, si se corresponde
con una <i>symploké</i> formativa (i.e. si
trata de un ensamblaje concreto de cuestiones formativas que hacen a la
finalidad programática a aplicarse con los educandos). Hay que remedar a Santo
Tomás de Aquino e.g. para enfrentar lógicamente los «asuntos noticiosos» en el
aula: la conformación teórica habida de toda cuestión es integrada por
artículos, desarrollándoselos mediante un refractado y reconocimiento del
asunto al que refiera cada uno, según su énfasis, mediante su título, su línea
argumental, su respuesta y solución. Podría ensayarse que esta relación de
contingencia con los asuntos nuevos, algunos <i>despertados</i> en las propias redes digitales (como función
irreflexiva), hacen a la verdadera «célula fundamental» de aquella tarea
docente que es articulada-a-posteriori según las evidencias (<i>per se notum quod nos</i>), asociada, asimismo,
y como función reflexiva, a la diagnosis y planificación que le son inmanentes
(remitiría contemporáneamente a un razonamiento o <i>semiosis ilimitada</i> que la
tríade metafísico-racional de Ch. S. P</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">EIRCE</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> compuso como estadios relacionados de
abducción-inducción-deducción). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn2">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> De los tipos de comunicación,
especialmente, la comunicación política históricamente deviene del mundo
jurídico antiguo (período protofilosófico), siendo el discurso una resultante
amalgamada de <i>isonomía</i> e <i>isegoría</i> que algunos varones ejercerían
—aquellos que fuesen ciudadanos de un estado con democracia esclavista—. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn3">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> Se tiene el atroz caso de los
presos políticos mexicanos, e.g., el de los integrados a la resistencia
campesina, encarcelados durante años y sin sentencia, y que dependen de la
amnistía comprometida por la electa administración L</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">ÓPEZ </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">O</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">BRADOR</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">. <i>Vid</i>. RT. 2018, octubre 12. «México: López Obrador anuncia una
amnistía a los presos políticos» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/291768-amnistia-presos-politicos-mexico-amlo">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/291768-amnistia-presos-politicos-mexico-amlo</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 14).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn4">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[4]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> Es un campo, el del crimen
organizado en América Latina y el Caribe, ocupado especialmente por un narcotráfico
que no sólo es funcional a las operaciones imperiales de inteligencia, puesto
que localmente, a su vez, se sustenta de alianzas políticas, como la mantenida
en el caso nicaragüense con una cleriguicia senequista y propensa al fascismo.
Aliados, estos, pretendieron derrocar al gobierno sandinista. <i>Vid</i>. M</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">ALTES</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, J. 2018, julio 09. «Alianzas
hechizas y obispos golpistas. La derecha golpista se ha unido a la delincuencia
organizada para subvertir el orden» en URL: <a href="http://www.lavozdelsandinismo.com/opinion/2018-07-09/alianzas-hechizas-y-obispos-golpistas/">http://www.lavozdelsandinismo.com/opinion/2018-07-09/alianzas-hechizas-y-obispos-golpistas/</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 10).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn5">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref5" name="_ftn5" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[5]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. Misión Verdad. 2018, junio 27. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">Asesor del golpe suave en
Venezuela confiesa en qué falló la oposición</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">»</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> en URL: <a href="http://misionverdad.com/la-guerra-en-venezuela/asesor-del-golpe-suave-en-venezuela-confiesa-en-que-fallo-la-oposicion">http://misionverdad.com/la-guerra-en-venezuela/asesor-del-golpe-suave-en-venezuela-confiesa-en-que-fallo-la-oposicion</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 15).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn6">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref6" name="_ftn6" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[6]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> La referencia materialista a
un tema (G. B</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">UENO</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">), implica necesariamente
evitar las confusiones propias del filosofar espontáneo. Debe saberse pues de
una diferencia de niveles habida entre <u>conceptos</u>, propios de un cierre
categorial o agremiación, e <u>ideas</u>, en referencia a su ideograma.
Asimismo, debe atenderse metodológicamente que una definición teórica (respecto
de la relación habida entre géneros de materialidad) se desprende y desborda de
la sola definición lexicográfica a la que remite un cuerpo gramático. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn7">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref7" name="_ftn7" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[7]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. C5N. 2018, mayo 02. «Raúl Zaffaroni en vivo - Esto Recién
Empieza» en URL: <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=v-jTAioN8Hg">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=v-jTAioN8Hg</a>
(Acceso 2018, mayo 02).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn8">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref8" name="_ftn8" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[8]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. RT. 2019, enero 25. «Exembajadora argentina: “No hay ningún
golpe de Estado que se haya hecho en América Latina sin la participación de
EEUU”» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/303378-exembajadora-argentina-venezuela-golpe-estado">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/303378-exembajadora-argentina-venezuela-golpe-estado</a>
(Acceso 2019, enero 25).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn9">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref9" name="_ftn9" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[9]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> <i><span lang="EN-US">Cfr</span></i><span lang="EN-US">. M</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 9pt;">AGUIRE</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">, Peter; Law and War: International Law & American History; Columbia
University Press; USA, 2010 (pág. 214).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn10">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref10" name="_ftn10" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[10]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> Un compendio sustancioso acerca
del pensamiento anglosajón relativo a temáticas asociadas a la <i>lawfare </i>se halla publicado en el sitio
electrónico del Lawfare Institute que recibe la cooperación de The Brookings
Institution (organismo dedicado a la promoción de investigaciones en política
pública). </span><i><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Vid</span></i><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">. Lawfare Institute. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">S.a.
[«Lawfare»] en URL: </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><a href="https://www.lawfareblog.com/search/node/lawfare"><span lang="ES-UY">https://www.lawfareblog.com/search/node/lawfare</span></a></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> (Acceso 2018, octubre 31).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn11">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref11" name="_ftn11" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[11]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> <i><span lang="EN-US">Vid</span></i><span lang="EN-US">. B</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 9pt;">ILSBOROUGH</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">, Shane. [2011]. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">«Contralawfare
in Counterinsurgency» en URL: </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><a href="http://smallwarsjournal.com/jrnl/art/counterlawfare-in-counterinsurgency"><span lang="ES-UY">http://smallwarsjournal.com/jrnl/art/counterlawfare-in-counterinsurgency</span></a></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> (Acceso 2018, octubre 31).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn12">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref12" name="_ftn12" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[12]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> Podría a su vez analizarse,
e.g., y aparte, un problema como el siguiente: ¿a qué se debe que la propaganda
negra imperialista, al ser operada, se consubstancie tan eficazmente con las
propias nematologías institucionales del «mundo hegemónico» al que remite
—retrogradándose y hasta impidiéndose, así, especialmente, el reconocimiento
diairológico de los hechos políticos—? Es un problema teórico que refractaría,
aunque sólo tangencialmente, de asuntos como los relativos a la propia
matematización en los planos β-operatorios. <i>Vid</i>.
B</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">UENO</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, G. S.a. «TEOREMA GENERAL
SOBRE LOS LÍMITES DE LA CUANTIFICACIÓN EN LAS CIENCIAS HUMANAS» en URL: <a href="http://www.fgbueno.es/med/dig/egch1300.pdf">http://www.fgbueno.es/med/dig/egch1300.pdf</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 10).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn13">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref13" name="_ftn13" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[13]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> La <i>lawfare</i> presenta antecedencias especialmente asociadas a la
talasocracia y al mundo mercantil imperial con el que se corresponde (siglo
XVII).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn14">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref14" name="_ftn14" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[14]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> La catalogación inespecífica a
la que se remiten las múltiples imágenes de un mundo Occidental o un mundo Oriental,
siendo | mundo occidental | una formulación apositiva que trataría acerca de la
<i>libertad </i>y la<i> democracia</i>, trata en este análisis de aquellas relaciones
internacionales que se corresponden con el macartismo y se aplicaron durante la
</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">guerra
fría</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">»</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> de
siglo XX. Aunque no se reduce su nomenclatura, claro, a ese sólo arco
histórico, dado que esta separación del mundo ya era aplicada por el propio
imperio romano, etc. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn15">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref15" name="_ftn15" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[15]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"> La <i>lawfare</i> analizada como estrategia de
«terroristas» o «guerrilleros» y aplicada contra del sistema democrático
liberal refiere a trabajos académicos como el de E. C</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">OHEN</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">. Entenderá
que la <i>lawfare</i> trata finalmente
acerca de <i>un manejo incluso magistral del
uso abusivo de la legalidad</i>. <i>Vid</i>.
C</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">OHEN</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">, E. 2016,
junio 01. «“Lawfare”: el uso de la ley como arma de guerra» en URL: <a href="http://elmed.io/lawfare-el-uso-de-la-ley-como-arma-de-guerra/">http://elmed.io/lawfare-el-uso-de-la-ley-como-arma-de-guerra/</a> (Acceso 2018, enero 24).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn16">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref16" name="_ftn16" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[16]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"> Es un
conglomerado el financiero que se corresponde con una <i>guerra multidimensional</i> desarrollada por las administraciones
estadounidenses, en relación a las regiones del mundo. <i>Vid</i>. J</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">ALIFE</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">-R</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">AHME</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">, A. 2016,
enero 27. «EEUU pone en crisis a Latinoamérica con su guerra global de divisas»
en URL: <a href="http://www.contrainjerencia.com/?p=113823">http://www.contrainjerencia.com/?p=113823</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 16).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn17">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref17" name="_ftn17" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[17]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> La no «capacidad», en el plano
industrial, respecto de los países pobres con riquezas, se formula como
resultante de la incongruencia habida entre la producción universitaria de
ciencias y el uso nacional de las ciencias en relación a una política de
explotación de los recursos y de producción (emancipándose de la sola materia
prima como plan económico). Un nefasto caso de pauperización e.g. lo es el
acontecido con una empresa de alta tecnología del estado argentino, denominado
INVAP: los proyectos durante el año de 2018 se encontraron paralizados y con
carencia de fondos de inversión —un abandono dado exprofeso, a causa de que el
emprendimiento neoliberal de privatizarlo no logró imponerse, aunque a ese
proceso se le lograrían enserir con posterioridad, y no de manera fortuita,
capitales estadounidenses—. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn18">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref18" name="_ftn18" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[18]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> Se hace referencia de la
retórica política en su sentido peripatético o clásico </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">—</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">y no como un mero compuesto de
tropos, propio de la retórica narrativa o moderna</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">—</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn19">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref19" name="_ftn19" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[19]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. RT. 2018, agosto 17. «ONU: El Estado debe permitir que Lula “ejerza
sus derechos políticos como candidato”» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/285464-onu-estado-permitir-lula-ejercer-derechos-candidato">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/285464-onu-estado-permitir-lula-ejercer-derechos-candidato</a>
(Acceso 2018, agosto 19).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn20">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref20" name="_ftn20" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[20]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. RT. 2018, septiembre 01. «TSE de Brasil niega la candidatura
de Lula da Silva a las presidenciales» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/287200-tse-brasil-niega-candidatura-lula">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/287200-tse-brasil-niega-candidatura-lula</a>
(Acceso 2018, septiembre 01).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn21">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref21" name="_ftn21" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[21]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. RT. 2019, enero 04. «Grupo de Lima no reconocerá el nuevo
mandato de Nicolás Maduro» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/301071-grupo-lima-nuevo-mandato-maduro">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/301071-grupo-lima-nuevo-mandato-maduro</a>
(Acceso 2019, enero 04).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn22">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref22" name="_ftn22" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[22]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. TELESUR. 2019, enero 08. «Canciller de Uruguay: Grupo de Lima
sin competencia para desconocer Gobiernos» en URL: <a href="https://www.telesurtv.net/news/uruguay-nin-novoa-grupo-lima-nicolas-maduro-venezuela-20190108-0027.html">https://www.telesurtv.net/news/uruguay-nin-novoa-grupo-lima-nicolas-maduro-venezuela-20190108-0027.html</a>
(Acceso 2019, enero 08).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn23">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref23" name="_ftn23" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[23]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. PALMA, M. 2019, enero 10. «Maduro se juramenta para un nuevo
período presidencial: ¿Por qué hay controversia? » en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/301581-nuevo-periodo-maduro-claves-juramentacion-elecciones">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/301581-nuevo-periodo-maduro-claves-juramentacion-elecciones</a>
(Acceso 2019, enero 10).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn24">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref24" name="_ftn24" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[24]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. RT. 2019, enero 10. «La ONU mantendrá intacta su agenda de
trabajo con Venezuela» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/301654-onu-mantendra-intacta-agenda-trabajo">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/301654-onu-mantendra-intacta-agenda-trabajo</a>
(Acceso 2019, enero 10).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn25">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref25" name="_ftn25" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[25]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. RT. 2019, enero 14. «Colombia anuncia la creación de un nuevo
organismo internacional para sustituir a la Unasur» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/302005-prosur-apuesta-conservadora-reemplazo-unasur">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/302005-prosur-apuesta-conservadora-reemplazo-unasur</a>
(2019, enero 15).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn26">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref26" name="_ftn26" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[26]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>.
TELESUR. 2019, enero 12. «Venezuela: 10 países rectifican sobre documento del
Grupo de Lima» en URL: <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yHPUaSFS2R4">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yHPUaSFS2R4</a>
(Acceso 2019, enero 12).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn27">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref27" name="_ftn27" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[27]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. RT. 2019, enero 22. «Mike Pence llama a los venezolanos a
protestar el miércoles contra el Gobierno de Maduro» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/302913-pence-llama-venezolanos-protestar-maduro">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/302913-pence-llama-venezolanos-protestar-maduro</a>
(Acceso 2019, enero 22).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn28">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref28" name="_ftn28" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[28]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. RT. 2019, enero 22. «Vicepresidenta de Venezuela: “Mike Pence
ha llamado abiertamente a un golpe de Estado”» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/302934-vicepresidenta-venezuela-mike-pence-golpe-estado">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/302934-vicepresidenta-venezuela-mike-pence-golpe-estado</a>
(Acceso 2019, enero 22).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn29">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref29" name="_ftn29" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[29]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. RT. 2019, enero 24. «Venezuela: Diosdado Cabello confirma que
se reunió con Juan Guaidó» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/303114-diosdado-confirma-reunio-guaido">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/303114-diosdado-confirma-reunio-guaido</a>
(Acceso 2019, enero 24).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn30">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref30" name="_ftn30" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[30]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. RT. 2019, enero 23. «Desarticulan plan armado dirigido a
atacar las marchas del 23 de enero en Venezuela» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/302975-desarticular-plan-occidente-venezuela-dirigido-atacar">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/302975-desarticular-plan-occidente-venezuela-dirigido-atacar</a>
(Acceso 2019, enero 23).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn31">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref31" name="_ftn31" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[31]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. RT. 2019, enero 24. «16 de 34 países miembros de la OEA
respaldaron a Guaidó como “presidente encargado” de Venezuela» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/303198-sesion-oea-autoproclamacion-guaido-presidente">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/303198-sesion-oea-autoproclamacion-guaido-presidente</a>
(Acceso 2019, enero 24).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn32">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref32" name="_ftn32" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[32]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. RT. 2019, enero 26. «Diálogos secretos entre países y el papel
de Trump: Revelan cómo se creó la coalición anti-Maduro» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/303410-dialogo-secreto-coalicion-maduro-guaido">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/303410-dialogo-secreto-coalicion-maduro-guaido</a> (Acceso 2019, enero 26).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn33">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref33" name="_ftn33" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[33]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. TELESUR. 2019, enero 26. «Venezuela logra apoyo a su soberanía
y propuesta de diálogo en la ONU» en URL: <a href="https://www.telesurtv.net/news/venezuela-apoyo-democracia-consejo-seguridad-onu-20190126-0016.html">https://www.telesurtv.net/news/venezuela-apoyo-democracia-consejo-seguridad-onu-20190126-0016.html</a>
(Acceso 2019, enero 27).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn34">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref34" name="_ftn34" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[34]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. TELESUR. 2019, enero 26. «Arreaza en la ONU: ¡Venezuela es
irrevocablemente libre!» en URL: <a href="https://www.telesurtv.net/news/venezuela-consejo-seguridad-onu--20190126-0012.html#cxrecs_s">https://www.telesurtv.net/news/venezuela-consejo-seguridad-onu--20190126-0012.html#cxrecs_s</a>
(Acceso 2019, enero 27).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn35">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref35" name="_ftn35" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[35]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. Presidencia de la República Oriental del Uruguay. 2019,
febrero 07. «Grupo sobre Venezuela acordó apoyar elecciones libres, respeto de
derechos humanos y envío de ayuda humanitaria» en URL: <a href="https://www.presidencia.gub.uy/comunicacion/comunicacionnoticias/nin-union-europea-venezuela">https://www.presidencia.gub.uy/comunicacion/comunicacionnoticias/nin-union-europea-venezuela</a>
(Acceso 2019, febrero 07).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn36">
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref36" name="_ftn36" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[36]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. TELESUR. 2028, mayo 03. «Los CLAP, organización popular de los
venezolanos» en URL: <a href="https://www.telesurtv.net/news/clap-venezuela-organizacion-popular-distribucion-alimentos-20180502-0006.html">https://www.telesurtv.net/news/clap-venezuela-organizacion-popular-distribucion-alimentos-20180502-0006.html</a>
(Acceso 2019, febrero 08).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref37" name="_ftn37" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[37]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. Presidencia de la República Oriental del Uruguay. 2019,
febrero 07. «Negarse al diálogo es bloquear la posibilidad de cualquier
entendimiento sobre Venezuela» en URL: <a href="https://www.presidencia.gub.uy/comunicacion/comunicacionnoticias/nin-novoa-conferencia-prensa-torre-ejecutiva">https://www.presidencia.gub.uy/comunicacion/comunicacionnoticias/nin-novoa-conferencia-prensa-torre-ejecutiva</a>
(Acceso 2019, febrero 07).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn38">
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref38" name="_ftn38" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[38]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. TELESUR. 2019, febrero 09. «En cifras: Lo que bloquea EEUU a
Venezuela y lo que ofrece como ayuda humanitaria» en URL: <a href="https://www.telesurtv.net/news/cifras-bloqueo-eeuu-venezuela-ayuda-humanitaria-20190209-0006.html">https://www.telesurtv.net/news/cifras-bloqueo-eeuu-venezuela-ayuda-humanitaria-20190209-0006.html</a>
(2019, febrero 09).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref39" name="_ftn39" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[39]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. RT. 2019, febrero 08. «Guaidó no descarta autorizar
intervención de EEUU en Venezuela» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/305033-guaido-autorizar-intervencion-eeuu">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/305033-guaido-autorizar-intervencion-eeuu</a>
(Acceso 2019, febrero 08).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn40">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref40" name="_ftn40" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[40]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Cfr</i>. «<u>La guerra en Libia, la posición de los gobiernos:
venezolano y argentino en el contexto latinoamericano</u>» de B</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">RICEÑO</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> M</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">ONZÓN</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, C. A. - R</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">IVAS</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, G. A. en Cuadernos sobre
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- junio 2015 (págs. 127 y 128).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn41">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref41" name="_ftn41" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[41]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> El eufemismo denominativo es
dado a causa de las propias relaciones políticas neocoloniales del primer
mundo, e.g. las entabladas con los gobiernos del África: el mundo libre, así
gusta significarse, apoyaba supuestamente la «primavera árabe» de las
poblaciones africanas, según se afirmaba en cadenas noticiosas occidentales, y
era referida a movimientos civiles contrarios a gobiernos inescrupulosos,
siendo que esos mismos gobiernos africanos, reconocidos como despóticos, no
eran más que sumisos testaferros de los intereses oligopólicos estadounidenses
y europeos. Se tiene el caso del gobierno tunecino de Zine el-Abidine B</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">EN</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> A</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">LI</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">; se lo derrocó durante la
mentada «primavera árabe» (operación dada inicialmente en Túnez, entre los
inviernos de 2010-2011). B</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">EN</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> A</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">LI </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">gobernaba siendo funcional a la
geopolítica imperial en el norte africano, siendo leal a las naciones
integrantes de la NATO, a la socialdemócrata Internacional Socialista y al
propio International Monetary Fund. Y no obstante, ese nefasto conglomerado
plutocrático, a pesar de los esforzados servicios que le prestara B</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">EN</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> A</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">LI</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, simplemente lo abandonó
políticamente, y, en vez de exiliarse en Francia, debió retirarse a la
absolutista Arabia Saudita. Posteriormente, esa «primavera árabe» alcanzaría
mediante operaciones de injerencia o incluso de ocupación de la NATO, junto a
refuerzos emiratí y saudita, los territorios egipcio, libio, yemení y bareiní;
otras manifestaciones políticas conexas a ese teatro de conquista imperial a su
vez progresaron hacia Argelia, Marruecos, Siria e Iraq. <i>Vid</i>. N</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">AVARRO</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, V. 2011, febrero 21. «¿Quién
apoyó la dictadura de Túnez?» en URL: <a href="https://www.webislam.com/articulos/60860-quien_apoyo_la_dictadura_de_tunez.html">https://www.webislam.com/articulos/60860-quien_apoyo_la_dictadura_de_tunez.html</a>
(Acceso 2019, enero 27).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn42">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref42" name="_ftn42" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[42]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. RT. 2019, enero 31. «Dimite un juez de la Corte Penal
Internacional debido la interferencia “impactante” de EEUU» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/304029-juez-corte-internacional-renunciar-interferencia-eeuu">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/304029-juez-corte-internacional-renunciar-interferencia-eeuu</a>
(Acceso 2019, enero 31).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref43" name="_ftn43" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[43]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> <i><span lang="EN-US">Vid</span></i><span lang="EN-US">. Move On Bulletin (trad. </span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">O</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">LIVÁN</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">,
L.). 2003, mayo 09. «El “Proyecto para el Nuevo Siglo Estadounidense”, la “Doctrina
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(Acceso 2019, enero 27).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref44" name="_ftn44" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[44]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. RT. 2019, enero 26. «“Arquitecto del golpe contra Chávez”:
Quién es Elliott Abrams, el nuevo enviado de EEUU para Venezuela» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/303495-elliott-abrams-nuevo-enviado-eeuu-venezuela">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/303495-elliott-abrams-nuevo-enviado-eeuu-venezuela</a>
(Acceso 2019, enero 27).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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Role of Ouster in Chief» en URL: </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2019/01/26/world/americas/marco-rubio-venezuela.html"><span lang="EN-US">https://www.nytimes.com/2019/01/26/world/americas/marco-rubio-venezuela.html</span></a></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> (Acceso 2019, febrero 01).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref47" name="_ftn47" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[47]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> H</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">ERNÁNDEZ</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, A.; Los señores del narco;
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref48" name="_ftn48" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[48]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. RT. 2019, febrero 03. «Cuba califica el despliegue de ayuda
humanitaria en Venezuela de “pretexto” para una intervención militar» en
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(Acceso 209, febrero 03).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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sondea contratistas ante un posible envío de tropas a Colombia» en URL: <a href="https://www.infodefensa.com/latam/2019/02/04/noticia-sondea-contratistas-posible-envio-tropas-colombia.html?utm_source=linkedin&utm_medium=referral&utm_campaign=linkedin-comp">https://www.infodefensa.com/latam/2019/02/04/noticia-sondea-contratistas-posible-envio-tropas-colombia.html?utm_source=linkedin&utm_medium=referral&utm_campaign=linkedin-comp</a>
(Acceso 2019, febrero 06).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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(Acceso 2018, diciembre 13).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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(Acceso 2018, julio 10).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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(Acceso 2018, agosto 07).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<div id="ftn53">
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref53" name="_ftn53" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[53]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. RT. 2018, octubre 03. «El Tribunal de la Haya ordena a EEUU a
que suspenda sanciones humanitarias contra Irán» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/290728-corte-justicia-sancion-iran">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/290728-corte-justicia-sancion-iran</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 07).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn54">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref54" name="_ftn54" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[54]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> La hegemonía imperial —y su
teleología, la <i>dictadura capitalista</i>—
trata evidentemente acerca de la Hegemonía discutida por A. G</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">RAMSCI </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">(problema de economía política
y doctrinal que la seudociencia traduce meramente a «ingeniería social»).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn55">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref55" name="_ftn55" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[55]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> En esto, sobre todo el
oligopolio de la comunicación o del entretenimiento, en sus formas
anglosajonas, demuestra su dominancia asombrosa sobre la cuestión del
eudemonismo (así como de su mito envolvente) y sus ramificaciones y relaciones circulares
en la toma de decisiones de una población. Y esto ha confundido, en el albor de
una cuarta revolución industrial, a un mundo educativo que debería asumir lo
mundano, sí, aunque para categorizarlo y transformarlo. La «comunicación» y el
«entretenimiento» —especialmente en aquel mundo pedagógico de relaciones
didascálicas donde esos planos son resultado de una mera sumisión totémica a
las redes digitales— se han complicado, orientándose hacia una estilística de
la sinonimia que hace de sus actos una mera frivolidad circense, o hasta
adquieren sus progresos <i>denominativos</i>
una forma necia y patológica. Y así, el acto, i.e. el acto del quehacer
aristotélico, y su función reflexiva, se reduce a la mera acción y a una
función irreflexiva. El mundo es abatido a la mera descripción, la propia
laicidad vareliana que tanto analizara el pedagogo R. Y</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">ÁÑEZ</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> es abatida, como operatoria de
aula, a una relación autómata de partes materiales. Las verdades
histórico-institucionales (en los planos β-operatorios) son repujadas
burocráticamente a definiciones nominales. El propio análisis se degrada de su
necesaria institucionalidad. Las propias categorías pedagógicas resultan
reducidas a conceptos y tecnicismos, a dogmatismo precientífico, a una
catacresis discursiva. Es un proceso de degradación donde el atributo alotético
del sujeto lógico se encorseta en la sola experiencia psicológica (siendo
contrario, esto, al propósito formativo del educando, si se lo asume como a una
totalidad holótica que existe políticamente, salvo que se lo pretenda disminuir
a atributo autotético, a sujeto operatorio propiamente ecológico). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn56">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref56" name="_ftn56" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[56]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> La accidentalidad discursiva,
los distintos modelos de producto noticioso, etc., en un plano fenoménico, i.e.
el reconocimiento de totalizaciones sistáticas, no implica que se niegue la
existencia de una necesidad metodológica de clasificación y de composición de
relaciones, finalmente de su discusión también como totalización sistemática. <i>Vid</i>. B</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">UENO</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, G. S.a. «Totalización sistática / Totalización
sistemática / Sujeto operatorio corpóreo / Sujeto metafísico incorpóreo» en
URL: <a href="http://www.filosofia.org/filomat/df050.htm">http://www.filosofia.org/filomat/df050.htm</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 15).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn57">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref57" name="_ftn57" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[57]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> Esa </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">capacidad</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">» de
la política reaccionaria</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">,
si se comprende a partir del marxismo leninista, resulta atinente sobremanera
con un sistema capitalista que se halla justamente en su fase superior y última
de desarrollo económico: el imperialismo. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn58">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref58" name="_ftn58" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[58]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> <i><span lang="EN-US">Vid</span></i><span lang="EN-US">. Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of
America. 2016, abril 18. «Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act» en
URL: <a href="https://www.congress.gov/bill/114th-congress/senate-bill/284/text">https://www.congress.gov/bill/114th-congress/senate-bill/284/text</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 30).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn59">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref59" name="_ftn59" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[59]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. TELESUR. 2018, diciembre 20. «Trump firma ley Nica Act sobre
sanciones económicas a Nicaragua» en URL: <a href="https://www.telesurtv.net/news/eeuu-donald-trump-nica-act-sanciones-economicas-nicaragua-20181220-0051.html">https://www.telesurtv.net/news/eeuu-donald-trump-nica-act-sanciones-economicas-nicaragua-20181220-0051.html</a>
(Acceso 2018, diciembre 21).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn60">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref60" name="_ftn60" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[60]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> Expresamente —en relación a
una cartografía pedagógica, resuelta como <i>mundo
formativo</i></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">—</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">
reconocer el sentido i. de un problema, ii. de sus posibilidades operatorias y
iii. de las relaciones que implica, en su conjunto, trata acerca de un análisis
ontosemiótico. El trabajo didáctico es resuelto en un sentido
histórico-institucional. La valoración docente de un «problema del mundo», así,
en relación a alternativas de aprendizaje, será relativa a una identificación
de propiedades y al propósito interpretativo al que se remiten sus
definiciones.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn61">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref61" name="_ftn61" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[61]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> En principio, se propone que
toda teorética de la POLÍTICA, en relación sobre todo al ordenamiento de sus
materiales antropológicos, remite a la doctrina aristotélica (siendo su
antecedencia la doctrina platónica): los intereses políticos, y las clases de
saberes políticos, contienen y definen mundos (el electivo, el jurídico, el
magisterial, etc.).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn62">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref62" name="_ftn62" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[62]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. TELESUR. 2018, abril 25. «La cobertura mediática de las
protestas en Nicaragua» en URL: <a href="https://www.telesurtv.net/news/cobertura-mediatica-protestas-nicaragua-20180425-0049.html">https://www.telesurtv.net/news/cobertura-mediatica-protestas-nicaragua-20180425-0049.html</a>
(Acceso 2018, mayo 20).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn63">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref63" name="_ftn63" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[63]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. G</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">ÓMEZ</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, S. A. 2018, abril 23. «¿Quién
está detrás de las protestas en Nicaragua?» en URL: <a href="http://www.granma.cu/mundo/2018-04-23/quien-esta-detras-de-las-protestas-en-nicaragua-23-04-2018-21-04-10">http://www.granma.cu/mundo/2018-04-23/quien-esta-detras-de-las-protestas-en-nicaragua-23-04-2018-21-04-10</a>
(Acceso 2018, mayo 20).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn64">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref64" name="_ftn64" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[64]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> Ídem.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn65">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref65" name="_ftn65" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[65]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"> Por un lado,
hay un arco histórico decimonono que podría especificarse pues entre los años
de 1814 a 1914. Por otro lado, y a la manera de un paralelismo tácito, se
propone que las primeras dos décadas de siglo XXI, donde la política exterior
define la política nacional, se hallan emparentadas, según el análisis geoestratégico
y geoeconómico de C. P</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">EREYRA</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"> M</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">ELE</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">, sobre todo, a
las de inicio de siglo XX (1904) y a su historia política de preguerra —siendo
que el tratado de Viena de 1814 se prolongó durante una centuria por parte de las
potencias europeas que se habían apropiado de los remanentes del otrora imperio
napoléonico—. <i>Vid</i>. P</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">EREYRA</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"> M</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">ELE</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">, C. 2018,
julio 13. «La lucha de atlantistas y continentalistas también se define en
América del Sur» en URL: <a href="https://www.geopolitica.ru/es/video/la-lucha-de-atlantistas-y-continentalistas-se-define-en-america-del-sur">https://www.geopolitica.ru/es/video/la-lucha-de-atlantistas-y-continentalistas-se-define-en-america-del-sur</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 16)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn66">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref66" name="_ftn66" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[66]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> Un caso de </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">pentagonismo</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">»</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> e.g. lo es el que analizara
como <i>Crisis en Honduras</i> A. S</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">ANTANA</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">. Ese </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">pentagonismo</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">»</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> remite a un complejo militar
industrial estadounidense que apoya políticamente el intervencionismo a partir
de operaciones que ejecuta el propio Pentágono. <i>Vid</i>. S</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">ANTANA</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, A. 2009, noviembre 05. «Crisis
en Honduras» en URL: <a href="http://www.cialc.unam.mx/pdf/crisisenhonduras.pdf">http://www.cialc.unam.mx/pdf/crisisenhonduras.pdf</a>
(Acceso 2018, septiembre 27).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn67">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref67" name="_ftn67" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[67]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. M</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">ARIÁTEGUI</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, J. C. [1924]. «La Unidad de
la América Indo-Española» en URL: <a href="https://www.marxists.org/espanol/mariateg/1924/jul/06.htm">https://www.marxists.org/espanol/mariateg/1924/jul/06.htm</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 15).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn68">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref68" name="_ftn68" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[68]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. S</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">ALADINO</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> G</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">ARCÍA</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, A. 2005. «EL
LATINOAMERICANISMO DE JOSÉ MARTÍ» en URL: <a href="http://www.redalyc.org/pdf/640/64004108.pdf">http://www.redalyc.org/pdf/640/64004108.pdf</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 27).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn69">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref69" name="_ftn69" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[69]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"> Esta cuestión
es observa por D. S</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">CAVINO</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"> en un ensayo
de T. L</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">UZZANI</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"> publicado
como <i>Territorios vigilados. Cómo opera la
red de bases militares norteamericanas en Sudamérica</i>: «<u>El sueño de
Bilbao</u>» (Sección 2). <i>Vid</i>. L</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">UZZANI</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">, T.;
Territorios vigilados. Cómo opera la red de bases militares norteamericanas en
Sudamérica; Ed. Debate; Buenos Aires, 2012</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn70">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref70" name="_ftn70" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[70]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"> <i>Vid</i>. RT. 2018, mayo 10. «Assad: “Estamos
en un tipo de guerra mundial mayor que la Guerra Fría”» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/271008-assad-tipo-guerra-mundial-mayor-fria">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/271008-assad-tipo-guerra-mundial-mayor-fria</a>
(Acceso 2018, mayo 10).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn71">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref71" name="_ftn71" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[71]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. G</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">RAMSCI</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, A. [1919, junio 07]. «La
taglia della storia» (facsímil de págs. 31-32) en URL: <a href="http://www.centrogramsci.it/riviste/nuovo/ordine%20nuovo%20p1.pdf">http://www.centrogramsci.it/riviste/nuovo/ordine%20nuovo%20p1.pdf</a>
(Acceso 2017, octubre 09).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn72">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref72" name="_ftn72" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[72]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> Cfr. A</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">RISMENDI</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, R.; Lenin, la revolución y
América Latina; Uruguay Gruppen; Gotemburgo, 1983 (pág. 35 y ss.).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn73">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref73" name="_ftn73" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[73]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. EL NACIONAL. 2018, septiembre 05. «Walter Martínez: Lo que
viene es guerra, sin eufemismos» en URL: <a href="http://www.el-nacional.com/noticias/politica/walter-martinez-que-viene-guerra-sin-eufemismos_250690">http://www.el-nacional.com/noticias/politica/walter-martinez-que-viene-guerra-sin-eufemismos_250690</a>
(Acceso 2018, diciembre 13). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn74">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref74" name="_ftn74" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[74]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> Para la interpretación geoeconómica
de ese terrorismo del oligopolio primermundista, asociado al interés político de
un complejo como el bélico industrial, debe atenderse que en el flujo de armas —a partir de la
segunda mitad de siglo XX (1950-2017)— predomina la industria armamentística
estadounidense. <i>Vid</i>. G</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">EARY</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, W. 2018, julio 13. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">«The United States of Arms» en URL: <a href="https://vimeo.com/279923192?quality=1080p">https://vimeo.com/279923192?quality=1080p</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 18).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn75">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref75" name="_ftn75" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[75]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> <i><span lang="EN-US">Vid</span></i><span lang="EN-US">. R</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 9pt;">OACH</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">. S. 2018, enero 28. «Trump should know trade wars are for losers» en
URL: <a href="https://www.marketwatch.com/story/trump-should-know-trade-wars-are-for-losers-2018-01-26">https://www.marketwatch.com/story/trump-should-know-trade-wars-are-for-losers-2018-01-26</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 18).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn76">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref76" name="_ftn76" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[76]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. RT. 2018, julio 26. «EEUU aumenta su presencia militar con 300</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 4pt;"> </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">000 soldados en 177 países» en
URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/282955-eeuu-aumenta-presencia-militar">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/282955-eeuu-aumenta-presencia-militar</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 26).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn77">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref77" name="_ftn77" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[77]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"> <i>Vid</i>. AGEPEBA. 2018, mayo 25. «ESTADOS
UNIDOS AVANZA EN SU ESTRATEGIA DE BASES MILITARES EN ARGENTINA: EN NEUQUÉN Y EN
LA TRIPLE FRONTERA» en URL: <a href="http://www.agepeba.org/2018/05/25/estados-unidos-avanza-en-su-estrategia-de-bases-militares-en-argentina-en-neuquen-y-en-la-triple-frontera/">http://www.agepeba.org/2018/05/25/estados-unidos-avanza-en-su-estrategia-de-bases-militares-en-argentina-en-neuquen-y-en-la-triple-frontera/</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 12).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn78">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref78" name="_ftn78" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[78]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> No obstante, debe atenderse a
partir del análisis de A. J</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">ALIFE</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">-R</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">AHME</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> que las administraciones
estadounidenses requieren con urgencia del petróleo del Golfo de México (el
binomio neoliberalista R</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">EAGAN</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">-T</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">EACHER</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> tenía revisada incluso la
oportunidad de una conflagración con aquel México que no había entregado su <i>oro negro</i>), y, sin el que no tendrían a
su vez capacidad para una <i>guerra
comercial</i> contra la República Popular China. <i>Vid</i>. J</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">ALIFE</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">-R</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">AHME</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, A. 2018, abril 25. «Alfredo
Jalife: “El trinomio petróleo/agua/alimentos”» en URL: <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U5EI31R3ZbQ">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U5EI31R3ZbQ</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 16).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn79">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref79" name="_ftn79" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[79]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. D</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">INATALE</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, M. 2018, JUNIO 29. «El
Gobierno dio a conocer detalles de la base militar británica en las Islas Malvinas»
en URL: <a href="https://www.infobae.com/politica/2018/06/29/el-gobierno-dio-a-conocer-detalles-de-la-base-militar-britanica-en-las-islas-malvinas/">https://www.infobae.com/politica/2018/06/29/el-gobierno-dio-a-conocer-detalles-de-la-base-militar-britanica-en-las-islas-malvinas/</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 29).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn80">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref80" name="_ftn80" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[80]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"> <i>Vid</i>. HISPANTV. 2018, junio 03. «Misiles
británicos apuntan a Tierra del Fuego en Argentina» en URL: <a href="https://www.hispantv.com/noticias/argentina/378922/misiles-britanicos-otan-islas-malvinas">https://www.hispantv.com/noticias/argentina/378922/misiles-britanicos-otan-islas-malvinas</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 12).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn81">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref81" name="_ftn81" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[81]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"> <i>Vid</i>. G</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">OSMAN</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">, E. 2017,
noviembre 02. «Brasil, EEUU y otros países crearán una base militar en el
Amazonas» en URL: <a href="https://www.clarin.com/mundo/brasil-ee-uu-paises-crearan-base-militar-amazonas_0_S1Z-CZYCW.html">https://www.clarin.com/mundo/brasil-ee-uu-paises-crearan-base-militar-amazonas_0_S1Z-CZYCW.html</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 25).</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn82">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref82" name="_ftn82" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[82]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> Se tiene la propia solicitud
estadounidense formulada al gobierno de facto del Brasil de intervención militar
en territorio venezolano, hasta con logística prestada. <i>Vid</i>. TELESUR. 2018, agosto 14. «Ministro de Defensa de Brasil: EEUU
quiere que nosotros ayudemos a Venezuela» en URL: <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=C9tuFlYPn4s">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=C9tuFlYPn4s</a>
(Acceso 2018, agosto 14)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn83">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref83" name="_ftn83" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[83]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"> <i>Vid</i>. K</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">AWAGUTI</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">, L. 2017,
noviembre 02. «Brasil treina para criar base militar com os EUA, Colômbia e
Peru na Amazônia» en URL: <a href="https://noticias.uol.com.br/cotidiano/ultimas-noticias/2017/11/02/por-que-o-brasil-treina-para-criar-uma-base-militar-com-os-eua-colombia-e-peru-na-amazonia.htm">https://noticias.uol.com.br/cotidiano/ultimas-noticias/2017/11/02/por-que-o-brasil-treina-para-criar-uma-base-militar-com-os-eua-colombia-e-peru-na-amazonia.htm</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 25).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn84">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref84" name="_ftn84" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[84]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"> <i>Vid</i>. HISPANTV. 2017, octubre 10. «“Traidor”
Temer entregará base militar espacial de Brasil a EEUU» en URL: <a href="https://www.hispantv.com/noticias/brasil/356054/temer-base-espacial-eeuu-militar-alcantara">https://www.hispantv.com/noticias/brasil/356054/temer-base-espacial-eeuu-militar-alcantara</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 25).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn85">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref85" name="_ftn85" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[85]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. RT. 2018, octubre 19. «Conozca el verdadero objetivo del buque
hospital del Comando Sur en Latinoamérica» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/292601-conozca-verdadero-objetivo-buque-hospital">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/292601-conozca-verdadero-objetivo-buque-hospital</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 22).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn86">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref86" name="_ftn86" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">[86]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> </span><i><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">Cfr</span></i><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">.</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">L</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">UZZANI</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">, T.;
Territorios vigilados. Cómo opera la red de bases militares norteamericanas en
Sudamérica; Ed. Debate; Buenos Aires, 2012: <i>USSOUTHCOM</i>
– <i>AMISTAD Y COOPERACIÓN POR LAS AMÉRICAS</i>.</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn87">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref87" name="_ftn87" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[87]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> La referencia a bases
militares estadounidenses (armada, ejército, fuerza aérea) es formulada en
relación al ensayo que presentara R. B</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">LOCH</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> como <i>BASES
MILITARES Y OTROS INSTRUMENTOS DE PROYECCIÓN DE PODER DE LOS ESTADOS UNIDOS</i>
y publicado por el Instituto de Estudios Estratégicos y de Relaciones
Internacionales del Círculo de Legisladores de la Nación Argentina: «El
concepto genérico de “base” que maneja Estados Unidos se refiere en la
actualidad a diversas especies de infraestructuras y asentamientos de Estados
Unidos en el mundo. [...] El Pentágono utiliza conceptos flexibles para estas
bases, en las que existe un límite difuso entre las actividades militares y las
actividades civiles. Los conceptos de “guerra de baja intensidad”, “guerra
irregular”, “guerra híbrida”, responden a esa zona gris relativa a los ámbitos
y a las personas involucradas. [...] Asimismo, estas bases son escalables,
pueden adaptarse a actividades cada vez más complejas, dependiendo esto del
interés de Estados Unidos, el grado de conflicto a enfrentar y también, del
grado de aceptación que tengan en el país huésped. [...] Una de las
clasificaciones para estas “bases”, las divine en: a) MOB (Main Operator
Bases), b) FOS (Forward Operation Site), c) FOL (Forward Operation Location)».
Asimismo, B</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">LOCH</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> identifica otros tipos de
«bases», según funciones a operar: CSL (Cooperative Security Location), FSL
(Forward Service Location), PS (Prepositioning Site), ERI (En Route
Infraestructure), centros de detención clandestinos o Black Holes, etc. <i>Vid</i>. B</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">LOCH</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, R. S.a. «BASES MILITARES Y
OTROS INSTRUMENTOS DE PROYECCIÓN DE PODER DE LOS ESTADOS UNIDOS» en URL: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><a href="http://www.ieeri.com.ar/actividades/docs/Proyeccion%20de%20poder%20de%20EEUU.pdf">http://www.ieeri.com.ar/actividades/docs/Proyeccion%20de%20poder%20de%20EEUU.pdf</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 22).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn88">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref88" name="_ftn88" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[88]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. RT. 2018, diciembre 11. «“800 bases en 70 países”: Caracas ve “cínica”
la reacción de EEUU por su cooperación con Moscú» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/298769-venezuela-cinica-reaccion-eeuu-cooperacion-rusia">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/298769-venezuela-cinica-reaccion-eeuu-cooperacion-rusia</a>
(Acceso 2018, diciembre 12).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn89">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref89" name="_ftn89" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[89]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"> RT. 2017,
enero 10. «Sudamérica bajo amenaza: EEUU instalará una nueva base militar en
Perú» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/opinion/ariel-noyola-rodriguez/228075-sudamerica-amenaza-eeuu-nueva-base-militar-peru">https://actualidad.rt.com/opinion/ariel-noyola-rodriguez/228075-sudamerica-amenaza-eeuu-nueva-base-militar-peru</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 25).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn90">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref90" name="_ftn90" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[90]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> Para esto, el gobierno
argentino de la administración M</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">ACRI</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">
finalmente concretó la instalación de una base militar en la ciudad de La
Quiaca, limítrofe con los territorios del Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia. <i>Vid</i>. RT. 2018, agosto 17. «Mauricio
Macri inaugura una base militar al norte de Argentina» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/285506-instalacion-base-militar-norte-argentina">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/285506-instalacion-base-militar-norte-argentina</a>
(Acceso 2018, agosto 19).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn91">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref91" name="_ftn91" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[91]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> El acto de amedrentamiento
argentino contra territorio boliviano no es acaso un acto castrense aislado.
Hipótesis de guerra referidas al territorio boliviano es posible conjeturar que
posee asimismo la administración neoliberal y antilatinoamericanista de S. P</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">IÑERA</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> en Chile, puesto que hace despliegue
de sus ejercicios militares </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">—y </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">parecería
que al unísono de la avanzada argentina</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">— </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">en
la frontera con el territorio plurinacional y junto a operativos estadounidenses.
<i>Vid</i>. HISPANTV. 2018, agosto 26. «Morales
fustiga maniobras de Chile y EEUU en frontera boliviana» en URL: <a href="https://www.hispantv.com/noticias/bolivia/386386/chile-maniobras-eeuu-frontera-morales">https://www.hispantv.com/noticias/bolivia/386386/chile-maniobras-eeuu-frontera-morales</a>
(Acceso 2018, agosto 31).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn92">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref92" name="_ftn92" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[92]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> Asimismo, la medida unilateral
del gobierno argentino, de un despliegue de defensa en la frontera con la
Bolivia antineoliberalista ha sido considerada por la administración
plurinacional de M</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">ORALES</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> como un intento de <i>amedren</i><i>tamiento</i> a su nación. <i>Vid</i>.
RT. 2018, agosto 23. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">“No
nos vamos a asustar”: Evo Morales rechaza la presencia militar argentina en la
frontera</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">»</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> en URL:
<a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/286246-vamos-asustar-evo-morales-rechaza">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/286246-vamos-asustar-evo-morales-rechaza</a>
(Acceso 2018, agosto 24).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn93">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref93" name="_ftn93" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[93]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> Y por otra parte, las fuerzas
armadas del Brasil </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">—</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">debido
a </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">razones
humanitarias</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">»— se han desplegado sobre la frontera
bolivariana de Venezuela (esto, como acto posterior al itinerario diplomático
mantenido por el secretario de la Defensa de los Estados Unidos de América J. M</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">ATTIS, </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">en América del Sur, para continuar el asedio
contra las naciones de la ALBA). <i>Vid</i>.
RT. 2018, agosto 29. «Temer autoriza a las Fuerzas Armadas de Brasil a actuar
en la frontera con Venezuela» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/286804-temer-autoriza-fuerzas-armadas-brasil">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/286804-temer-autoriza-fuerzas-armadas-brasil</a>
(Acceso 2018, agosto 29).</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn94">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref94" name="_ftn94" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[94]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. RT. 3018, septiembre 01. «Caracas denuncia en ACNUR campaña
internacional de incursión militar que manipula datos migratorios» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/287188-venezuela-presenta-acnur-cifras-flujos">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/287188-venezuela-presenta-acnur-cifras-flujos</a>
(Acceso 2018, septiembre 01).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn95">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref95" name="_ftn95" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[95]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> La manipulación proselitista
—y antilatinoamericanista— del tema migrantes (su fraude y las reducciones de
las <i>preocupaciones humanitarias</i> al
solo plano de la mercancía, se revisa por parte de la constitucionalista
venezolana Olga Á</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">LVAREZ</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">. <i>Vid</i>. EL PUNTO EN LA I. 2018, octubre 07. «El punto en la i:
Migración Venezuela» en URL: <span style="color: red;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tfj0rb1Pk4Q">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tfj0rb1Pk4Q</a>
</span>(Acceso 2018, octubre 10).<span style="color: red;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn96">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref96" name="_ftn96" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[96]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. TELESUR. 2018, marzo 12. «Representante de ACNUR aclara que
migrantes venezolanos no son refugiados» en URL: <a href="https://www.telesurtv.net/news/Acnur-reconoce-labor-de-Venezuela-con-migrantes-20180312-0046.html">https://www.telesurtv.net/news/Acnur-reconoce-labor-de-Venezuela-con-migrantes-20180312-0046.html</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 07).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn97">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref97" name="_ftn97" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[97]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. RT. 2018, octubre 24. «Maduro tilda a Pence de “loco
extremista” por acusarle de financiar la caravana de migrantes» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/293253-maduro-tilda-pence-loco-extremista">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/293253-maduro-tilda-pence-loco-extremista</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 25).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn98">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref98" name="_ftn98" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[98]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. RT. 2018, octubre 19. «Rumbo a EEUU: ¿Qué peligros y chances
enfrenta la caravana de hondureños en el sur de México?» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/292697-peligros-chances-caravana-migrantes">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/292697-peligros-chances-caravana-migrantes</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 20).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn99">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref99" name="_ftn99" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[99]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. RT. 2018, octubre 30. «EEUU desplegará en la frontera con
México igual número de tropas que en Irak y Siria» contra el EI en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/293979-numero-tropas-eeuu-frontera-mexico-igualara-huella-militar-total-irak-siria">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/293979-numero-tropas-eeuu-frontera-mexico-igualara-huella-militar-total-irak-siria</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 30).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn100">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref100" name="_ftn100" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[100]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> Esto se promueve en el
ejecutivo argentino, en concordancia además con la base militar estadounidense
que fue aceptada por el gobierno provincial de Neuquén y lábilmente apañada por
la administración nacional —so pretexto nihilista de que no se compondrían de
soldados sus activos—.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn101">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref101" name="_ftn101" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[101]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <u>Nota:</u> E. B</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">RUZZONE</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> es una referente y encargada
del acervo archivístico del CEMIDA, siendo que el acrónimo remitía hasta el año
de 2012 a <i>Centro de Militares para la
Democracia Argentina</i> y posteriormente se modificó su razón a <i>Centro de Militantes para la Democracia
Argentina</i>. <i>Vid</i>. CEMIDA. S.a. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">Nuestra Historia</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">»</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> en URL: <a href="http://www.cemida.com.ar/cemida.htm">http://www.cemida.com.ar/cemida.htm</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 14).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn102">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref102" name="_ftn102" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[102]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid.</i> Infonews. 2018, julio 13. «Denuncian que el Gobierno firmó un
acuerdo que da vía libre a la intervención militar de Estados Unidos» en URL: <a href="http://www.infonews.com/nota/316907/denuncian-que-el-gobierno-firmo-un-acuerdo">http://www.infonews.com/nota/316907/denuncian-que-el-gobierno-firmo-un-acuerdo</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 14).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn103">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref103" name="_ftn103" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[103]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. RT. 2018, agosto 15. «Argentina y EEUU apuestan a una “relación
inteligente” en materia militar» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/285194-james-mattis-espera-relacion-militar">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/285194-james-mattis-espera-relacion-militar</a>
(Acceso 2018, agosto 15).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn104">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref104" name="_ftn104" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[104]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. Misión Verdad. 2018, abril 22. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">Los aspectos clave de la
revolución de colores en curso en Nicaragua</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">»</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> en URL: <a href="http://misionverdad.com/COLUMNISTAS/aspectos-clave-de-la-revolucion-de-color-en-nicaragua-analisis-especial">http://misionverdad.com/COLUMNISTAS/aspectos-clave-de-la-revolucion-de-color-en-nicaragua-analisis-especial</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 15)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn105">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref105" name="_ftn105" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[105]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> En esto, el caso iraní del año
de 1953 es paradigmático en lo referente a la injerencia de potencias como la
británica y estadounidense para el derrocamiento del gobierno legítimo del
primer ministro Mohammad M</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">OSSADEGH</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> (electo en el año de 1951),
profeso antiimperalialista y partidario de la independencia nacional. Su
decisión política de renegar del poder absoluto del shah, de embargar los
activos británicos y de nacionalizar el petróleo operaría contra los intereses
de la Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (posteriormente British Petroleum o BP). La CIA
ha reconocido ese intervencionismo un sexenio después, como plan de acción
encubierto, en el año de 2013. La estrategia desarrollada la reseña N. A</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">RMANIAN</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> en </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">«</span><u><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">La Operación TP-Ajax de la CIA:
“limpiar” Irán de comunistas</span></u><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">»</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">:
</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">Encargan
al agente británico Christopher Woodhouse crear la red “Bedaman” para provocar
desorden, saqueos, incendio de la sede de los sindicatos y partidos políticos
progresistas, sobre todo del Partido Comunista de Tudeh, y armar a los señores
feudales de regiones con minorías étnicas, amenazando la integridad territorial
de Irán</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">»</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">. <i>Vid</i>. A</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">RMANIAN</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, N. 2018, agosto 20. «La
Operación TP-Ajax de la CIA: “limpiar” Irán de comunistas» en URL: <a href="https://blogs.publico.es/puntoyseguido/5116/la-operacion-tp-ajax-de-la-cia-limpiar-iran-de-comunistas/">https://blogs.publico.es/puntoyseguido/5116/la-operacion-tp-ajax-de-la-cia-limpiar-iran-de-comunistas/</a>
(Acceso 2018, agosto 22).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref106" name="_ftn106" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[106]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. La voz del sandinismo. 2018, julio 11. «Telesur multiplica
denuncia de complicidad de la Iglesia con terroristas en Carazo» en URL: <a href="http://www.lavozdelsandinismo.com/nicaragua/2018-07-11/telesur-multiplica-denuncia-de-complicidad-de-la-iglesia-con-terroristas-en-carazo/">http://www.lavozdelsandinismo.com/nicaragua/2018-07-11/telesur-multiplica-denuncia-de-complicidad-de-la-iglesia-con-terroristas-en-carazo/</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 15).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn107">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref107" name="_ftn107" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[107]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. La voz del sandinismo. 2018, julio 09. «Denuncian complicidad
de la Iglesia y terroristas en Diriamba» en URL: <a href="http://www.lavozdelsandinismo.com/nicaragua/2018-07-09/denuncian-complicidad-de-la-iglesia-y-terroristas-en-diriamba/">http://www.lavozdelsandinismo.com/nicaragua/2018-07-09/denuncian-complicidad-de-la-iglesia-y-terroristas-en-diriamba/</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 15).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn108">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref108" name="_ftn108" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[108]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"> <i>Vid</i>. La voz del sandinismo. 2018, julio
15. «Análisis revela falsedad de vídeos sobre supuestos ataques a la UNAN» en
URL: <a href="http://www.lavozdelsandinismo.com/nicaragua/2018-07-15/analisis-revela-falsedad-de-videos-sobre-supuestos-ataques-a-la-unan/">http://www.lavozdelsandinismo.com/nicaragua/2018-07-15/analisis-revela-falsedad-de-videos-sobre-supuestos-ataques-a-la-unan/</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 15). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn109">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref109" name="_ftn109" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[109]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"> <i>Vid</i>. La voz del sandinismo. 2018, julio
15. «Secuestradores de la UNAN Managua no eran estudiantes, sino ladrones» en
URL: <a href="http://www.lavozdelsandinismo.com/nicaragua/2018-07-14/secuestradores-de-la-unan-managua-no-eran-estudiantes-sino-ladrones/">http://www.lavozdelsandinismo.com/nicaragua/2018-07-14/secuestradores-de-la-unan-managua-no-eran-estudiantes-sino-ladrones/</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 15).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn110">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref110" name="_ftn110" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[110]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> La voz del sandinismo. 2018,
octubre 15. «Desgarradoras palabras de víctima torturada en la UPOLI» en <a href="url:http://www.lavozdelsandinismo.com/nicaragua/2018-10-15/desgarradoras-palabras-de-victima-torturada-en-la-upoli/">URL:http://www.lavozdelsandinismo.com/nicaragua/2018-10-15/desgarradoras-palabras-de-victima-torturada-en-la-upoli/</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 16).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn111">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref111" name="_ftn111" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[111]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Cfr</i>. «<u>El neoconservadurismo y el “Instituto sobre Religión y
Democracia”</u>» en EZCURRA, A.M.; El Vaticano y la administración Reagan; Editorial
Fundamentos; Madrid, 1986 (pág. 50 y ss.).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn112">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref112" name="_ftn112" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[112]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. Página 12 [entrevista a A. DIOGO]. 2017, agosto 28. «Primer
aniversario del “golpe híbrido”» en URL: <a href="https://www.pagina12.com.ar/59344-primer-aniversario-del-golpe-hibrido">https://www.pagina12.com.ar/59344-primer-aniversario-del-golpe-hibrido</a>
(2018, octubre 06).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn113">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref113" name="_ftn113" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[113]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> Este problema de
reconocimiento metodológico e.g. es atendido por la teoría del cierre
categorial de G. B</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">UENO</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn114">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref114" name="_ftn114" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[114]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"> <i>Vid</i>. G</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">ÓMEZ</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">, N. 2018,
mayo 2. «¿Cómo se fabrica un presidente corrupto en América Latina? EEUU podría
tener la respuesta» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/270172-fabrica-presidente-corrupto-america-latina">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/270172-fabrica-presidente-corrupto-america-latina</a>
(Acceso 2018, mayo 2).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn115">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref115" name="_ftn115" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[115]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. UBA · CLACSOTV · Conferencias, foros y debates. 2017, agosto
22. «Saskia Sassen. Jornadas de Sociología» en URL: <a href="https://clacso.org.ar/clacsotv/conferencias_foros_debates.php?id_video=976">https://clacso.org.ar/clacsotv/conferencias_foros_debates.php?id_video=976</a>
(Acceso 2019, enero 29).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn116">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref116" name="_ftn116" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[116]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. Canal 22. 2019, enero 30. «Uno más uno tres: entrevista a
Leandro Santoro» [65'] en URL: <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=awl-WeVuvg8">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=awl-WeVuvg8</a>
(Acceso 2019, enero 31).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
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<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref117" name="_ftn117" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[117]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> <i><span lang="EN-US">Vid</span></i><span lang="EN-US">. S</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 9pt;">WINBURN</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">, B. A. - K</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 9pt;">RAAK</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">, V. I. - A</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 9pt;">LLENDER</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">, S. (<i>et al</i>.). «The Global
Syndemic of Obesity, Undernutrition, and Climate Change: The Lancet Commission
report» en URL: 2019, enero 27. <a href="https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(18)32822-8/fulltext"><span lang="ES-UY">https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(18)32822-8/fulltext</span></a></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> (Acceso 2019, enero 30).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn118">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref118" name="_ftn118" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[118]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. RPN. 2019, enero 09. «“Nunca
viví momentos tan feos en mi vida”. Estela de Carlotto lapidaria con el
gobierno» en URL: <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Nv4aTCNwrPY">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Nv4aTCNwrPY</a>
(Acceso 2019, enero 09). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
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<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref119" name="_ftn119" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[119]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Cfr</i>. VALLS, Josep-Francesc; Prensa y burguesía en el XIX español;
(1.ª ed.) ANTHROPOS; España, 1988 (pág. 58 y ss.).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
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<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref120" name="_ftn120" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[120]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"> <i>Vid</i>. ÇARÓ, H. 2018, junio 06. «La
persecución a periodistas en la Argentina llegó al Parlamento Europeo» en URL: <a href="https://redaccionrosario.com/2018/06/06/la-persecucion-a-periodistas-en-la-argentina-llego-al-parlamento-europeo/">https://redaccionrosario.com/2018/06/06/la-persecucion-a-periodistas-en-la-argentina-llego-al-parlamento-europeo/</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 24).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn121">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref121" name="_ftn121" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[121]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. RT. 2018, octubre 04. «WhatsApp bloquea la cuenta de Dilma
Rousseff para promocionar su campaña al Senado de Brasil» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/290835-dilma-rousseff-asgegura-whatsapp-bloqueo">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/290835-dilma-rousseff-asgegura-whatsapp-bloqueo</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 06).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn122">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref122" name="_ftn122" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[122]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"> RT. 2018,
septiembre 26. «Twitter suspende la cuenta Prensa Presidencial de Venezuela sin
explicación alguna» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/289814-twitter-suspende-cuenta-prensa-presidencial-venezuela">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/289814-twitter-suspende-cuenta-prensa-presidencial-venezuela</a>
(Acceso 2018, septiembre 26).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn123">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref123" name="_ftn123" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[123]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> Se tiene el caso del Grupo de
Lima, instalado en la nórdica Canadá para llamar a la rebelión militar contra
la Presidencia de la República de M</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">ADURO;</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> remite a un cuerpo diplomático que es funcional a
la argucia de la <i>libre expresión</i>: le
impide a corresponsales noticiosos de RIA Novosti, Sputnik, TELESUR, mediante
su Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores canadiense, el ingreso a las reuniones
panamericanistas. <i>Vid</i>. RT. 2019,
febrero 04. «Canadá no acredita a los medios rusos Sputnik y RIA Novosti para
cubrir la reunión del Grupo de Lima» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/304548-sputnik-rechazado-acceso-reunion-grupo-lima">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/304548-sputnik-rechazado-acceso-reunion-grupo-lima</a>
(Acceso 2019, febrero 05).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn124">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref124" name="_ftn124" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[124]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"> El mundo
imperial, aunque acaso pareciese trivial enunciarlo, ahora en la forma de la
NATO, no se ha olvidado de la necesidad estratégica de posesión neocolonial de
América Latina y el Caribe: «La prosperidad europea no puede explicarse
históricamente sin el saqueo de los minerales americanos, la servidumbre
indígena y la esclavitud africana que duró desde los siglos XVI al XIX». Posteriormente,
B</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">ÉJAR</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"> en su ensayo
especificará con nitidez meridiana también lo siguiente: «Europa ha sido
incorporada como socia menor al carro norteamericano de la guerra (...)
[refiriéndose al caso del Oriente Medio]». Y esta función de secundar, es de suponerse,
continuará. <i>Vid</i>. B</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">ÉJAR</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">, H. S.a.
«CUMBRE UE ALC» en URL: <a href="http://www.hectorbejar.com/docs/articulos/europayamericalatina.pdf">http://www.hectorbejar.com/docs/articulos/europayamericalatina.pdf</a>
(Acceso 2018. mayo 06). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn125">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref125" name="_ftn125" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[125]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> Esta formulación económica históricamente
asumida por el imperio español (de apoderamiento de las riquezas americanas,
acaparadas de manera continuada a partir de siglo XVI), y al amparo de una Santa
Alianza en la que convergieron a su vez los erarios de Venecia y de Roma con Pío
V PP, le permitió ejecutar la retirada musulmana de tierras mediterráneas. A los
turcos se los derrotó en Lepanto, o Náfpaktos en su gentilicio heleno, en el
año de 1571, afianzándose así el sistema capitalista que posteriormente
irrumpirá al amparo de un sistema financiero nutrido entre otras cosas de
«plata americana».<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn126">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref126" name="_ftn126" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[126]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> La propia inteligencia y
espionaje estadounidenses, además, se han valido de intelectuales y de científicos
renegados para infamar, de manera pomposa y novelesca, a aquellas personalidades
antiimperialistas que se han revelado verdaderamente señeras, incluso tildándolas
de psicópatas, de narcisistas, o de sociópatas; un caso paradigmático lo es el
de H. M</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">OLINA</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, médica de segundo grado en
neurología que participó del delito de robo de fondos del tesoro público que el
gobierno cubano destinaba a la adquisición de instrumental médico.<b>* </b>Se la destituyó por actos de
corrupción, siendo declarada enemiga acérrima de la revolución cubana. Y se
exilió en la Argentina durante el año de 2009 con financiamiento de la USAID y
localmente del CADAL: la científica se dedicó posteriormente a la difamación
biográfica de los C</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">ASTRO</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">.<b>**<o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<b><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">* </span></b><i><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: David;">Vid.</span></i><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: David;"> EcuRed. S.a. «Hilda Molina Morejón» en URL: <a href="https://www.ecured.cu/Hilda_Molina_Morej%C3%B3n">https://www.ecured.cu/Hilda_Molina_Morej%C3%B3n</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 28).</span><b><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<b><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">** </span></b><i><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: David;">Vid</span></i><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: David;">. Cubainformación. 2010, agosto 27. «Hilda Molina,
expulsada del CIREN por corrupción, sigue difamando a Cuba en Uruguay» en URL: <a href="http://www.cubainformacion.tv/index.php/contrarrevolucion/16619-hilda-molina-expulsada-del-ciren-por-corrupcion-sigue-difamando-a-cuba-en-uruguay">http://www.cubainformacion.tv/index.php/contrarrevolucion/16619-hilda-molina-expulsada-del-ciren-por-corrupcion-sigue-difamando-a-cuba-en-uruguay</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 28).</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
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<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref127" name="_ftn127" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[127]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> <i><span lang="EN-US">Vid</span></i><span lang="EN-US">. W</span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 9pt;">HITNEY</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">, R. 2017, septiembre 23. «US Provides Military Assistance to 73 Percent
of World’s Dictatorships» en URL: <a href="https://truthout.org/articles/us-provides-military-assistance-to-73-percent-of-world-s-dictatorships/">https://truthout.org/articles/us-provides-military-assistance-to-73-percent-of-world-s-dictatorships/</a>
(Acceso 2018, noviembre 21).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
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<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref128" name="_ftn128" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[128]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"> <i><span lang="EN-US">Vid</span></i><span lang="EN-US">. El Telégrafo. </span></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">2018, julio 20. «Los dardos apuntan al
nuevo fiscal general de Perú por escándalo de audios» en URL: <a href="https://www.eltelegrafo.com.ec/noticias/mundo/8/fiscalgeneral-peru-escandalo-audios">https://www.eltelegrafo.com.ec/noticias/mundo/8/fiscalgeneral-peru-escandalo-audios</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 20).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn129">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref129" name="_ftn129" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[129]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"> <i>Vid</i>. HISPANTV. 2018, mayo 12. «Jueza
venezolana pide a Interpol detener a Ortega por “traición”» en URL: <a href="https://www.hispantv.com/noticias/venezuela/376815/exfiscal-ortega-diaz-detencion-interpol">https://www.hispantv.com/noticias/venezuela/376815/exfiscal-ortega-diaz-detencion-interpol</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 20).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn130">
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref130" name="_ftn130" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[130]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><i><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">
Vid</span></i><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">. REUTERS.
2017, diciembre 19. «Empresario Marcelo Odebrecht deja cárcel brasileña y
cumplirá condena bajo prisión domiciliaria» en URL: <a href="https://lta.reuters.com/article/domesticNews/idLTAKBN1ED1PE-OUSLD">https://lta.reuters.com/article/domesticNews/idLTAKBN1ED1PE-OUSLD</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 20).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn131">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref131" name="_ftn131" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[131]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. BBC. 2017, diciembre 20. «Cómo es la lujosa mansión donde el
empresario Marcelo Odebrecht cumplirá el resto de su condena por el mayor
escándalo de corrupción de Brasil» en URL: <a href="https://www.bbc.com/mundo/noticias-america-latina-42429882">https://www.bbc.com/mundo/noticias-america-latina-42429882</a>
(Acceso 2018, julio 20).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn132">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref132" name="_ftn132" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[132]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> Podría asociarse, a la manera
de un paralelismo tácito, el enjuiciamiento a D. R</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">OUSSEFF</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> con el castigo político que
ejecutaron los Heliastas contra Sócrates. Asunto del que se hiciera reseña en
el escolio «<u>De las simplezas de la “comunicación política”</u>» en URL: <a href="http://prometheuschannel.blogspot.com/2016/09/geopolitica-dilma-rousseff-o-de-la.html">http://prometheuschannel.blogspot.com/2016/09/geopolitica-dilma-rousseff-o-de-la.html</a>
(Acceso 2018, agosto 19).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn133">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref133" name="_ftn133" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[133]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. V</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">ICENTE</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, R. 2013. «RESEÑA
BIBLIOGRÁFICA. Telma Luzzani. Territorios vigilados. Cómo opera la red de bases
militares norteamericanas en Sudamérica» en URL: <a href="http://www.redalyc.org/pdf/3608/360833889005.pdf">http://www.redalyc.org/pdf/3608/360833889005.pdf</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 28).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn134">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref134" name="_ftn134" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[134]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"> En general,
la <i>corrupción</i> a la que se aplica la
propaganda negra para deprimir políticamente a los gobiernos antiimperialistas
se circunscribe a una </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">corrupción ilícita</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">»,</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"> referida
sobre todo a una economía idiotética (i.e. a formaciones no repetitivas,
singulares) y a una economía doméstica.<b>*</b>
Ese proselitismo pauperiza, claro, el campo de análisis al que podrían remitirse,
y en su complejidad intrínseca, los problemas relativos a una <i>idea de corrupción</i>.<b>**</b> Esto es complementario, e.g., al caso de la VIII Cumbre de las
Américas que como refractación nematológica de <i>principios de anticorrupción</i> hizo de los temas de «corrupción» un
fárrago de posiciones diplomáticas unilateralistas e intervencionistas
orientadas, en general, al detrimento político de las repúblicas
latinoamericanas y caribeñas asociadas al antipanamericanismo.<b>***</b><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<b><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">* </span></b><i><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">Vid</span></i><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">. B</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">UENO</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">, G. 2013. «Corrupción &
Crisis» en URL: <a href="http://www.nodulo.org/ec/2013/n132p02.htm">http://www.nodulo.org/ec/2013/n132p02.htm</a></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">(Acceso 2018, agosto 19). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<b><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">** </span></b><i><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">Vid</span></i><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">. B</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">UENO</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">, G. 2015, diciembre 16. «Corrupción
fiscal y corrupción cultural» en URL: <a href="http://www.fgbueno.es/med/20151216.htm">http://www.fgbueno.es/med/20151216.htm</a>
(Acceso 2018, abril 15).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">*** </span></b><i><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">Vid</span></i><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">. RT. 2018, abril 13. «Cancilleres de
América culminan negociaciones del compromiso de Lima contra la corrupción» en
URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/268312-cancilleres-america-culminar-negociaciones-corrupcion">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/268312-cancilleres-america-culminar-negociaciones-corrupcion</a>
(Acceso 2018, abril 15) </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn135">
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref135" name="_ftn135" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[135]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> Es el propio K. M</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">ARX</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> quien reconoce las diferencias
habidas entre una mera <i>posición personal</i>
y la forma política de la <i>posición social</i>.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn136">
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref136" name="_ftn136" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[136]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. D</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">RAZER</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, M. 2018, mayo 11.
«Corrupción, un problema de derechos humanos» en URL: <a href="http://www.dw.com/es/corrupci%C3%B3n-un-problema-de-derechos-humanos/a-43746065">http://www.dw.com/es/corrupci%C3%B3n-un-problema-de-derechos-humanos/a-43746065</a>
(Acceso 2018, mayo 13). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn137">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref137" name="_ftn137" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[137]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. Secretaría General de Gobierno de Chile. [1972, marzo 29]. «DOCUMENTOS
SECRETOS de la ITT» en URL:<span style="color: red;"> <a href="http://www.memoriachilena.cl/archivos2/pdfs/MC0016021.pdf">http://www.memoriachilena.cl/archivos2/pdfs/MC0016021.pdf</a>
</span>(Acceso 2018, octubre 14).<span style="color: red;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn138">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref138" name="_ftn138" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[138]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. L</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">EVIN</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, Von H. 2016, junio 01. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">«When the Great Power Gets a Vote: The Effects of Great Power Electoral Interventions
on Election Results» en URL: <a href="http://gleasonreport.com/documents/sqv016.pdf">http://gleasonreport.com/documents/sqv016.pdf</a>
(Acceso 2018, junio 03).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref139" name="_ftn139" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[139]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"> <i>Vid</i>. RT. 2018, junio 03. «Así justifica
el ex jefe de Inteligencia Nacional de EEUU la injerencia electoral en 80
países» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/274182-exmimebro-inteligencia-eeuu-justificar-interferencia-electoral">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/274182-exmimebro-inteligencia-eeuu-justificar-interferencia-electoral</a>
(Acceso 2018, junio 03). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn140">
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref140" name="_ftn140" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[140]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> A su vez, la conversión de las
coordenadas geopolíticas latinoamericanas a </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">zona de guerra</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">»,
su proceso,</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> no
sólo remite al impedimento objetivo de una segunda y definitiva independencia
continental, puesto que también refiere </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">—</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">en
el plano de una <i>trade war</i></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">—</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> a operaciones de complicación
logística con las que se pretende bloquear el progreso de la ubicación china en
el propio sistema de puertos suramericano y caribeño, e.g. en relación a esa
gran estructura que es el proyecto de Canal de Nicaragua</span><b><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">*</span></b><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">, asunto especialmente alcanzado por la
propaganda negra panamericanista, y mediante su ortopédico relato periodístico<b>**</b></span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">,
siendo que su concreción influiría en el desplazamiento de naves de gran tamaño
que no logran acceder en la región caribeña por el Canal de Panamá (su calado
máximo es de 11.89 metros) y siendo que esa obra ingenieril contravendría asimismo
los intereses de la NATO en la región del sur Atlántico, especialmente los
británicos y estadounidenses, rezumados de los propiamente comerciales, en el
entorno de un problema de territorios que ya proviene de una discusión
diplomática anteriormente instalada durante siglo XIX, atinente con el valor
geoestratégico del Estrecho de Magallanes (puesto que posee un calado máximo de
21.3 metros), resultando comprendido su fiordo por la geografía política de
Chile, en relación a <i>títulos
irredargüibles</i></span><b><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">***</span></b><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> con los que fundamenta su
soberanía. Evidencia de esa <i>trade war</i>
lo es que el propio secretario de estado M. P</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">OMPEO</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> actúa en contra de aquellas
relaciones comerciales que prescindan del oligopolio imperial estadounidense;
operaría como portavoz de la Casa Blanca y —en su itinerario latinoamericano,
de octubre de 2018— formuló advertencias a las repúblicas acerca de los
presuntos riesgos que habría si se aceptaran inversiones relacionadas con la
iniciativa china del Cinturón y la Ruta de la Seda.</span><b><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"> ****</span></b><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<b><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">* </span></b><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">El
Canal de Nicaragua es un proyecto desarrollado y operado por el HKND Group que
efectivamente concretó (2016) hasta una segunda fase de <i>Investigación arqueológica de preconstrucción en Brito</i>. <i>Vid</i>. HKND Group. 2016, agosto 22. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">«Report of Preconstruction Archaeological
Investigation Phase II in Brito» en URL: <a href="http://hknd-group.com/portal.php?mod=list&catid=54">http://hknd-group.com/portal.php?mod=list&catid=54</a>
(Acceso 2018, septiembre 18).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<b><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">**
</span></b><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">El proyecto del Canal avanza constantemente mientras que las campañas
de adquisición de tierras, reasentamiento y protección ambiental se orientan de
acuerdo con los estándares internacionales. </span><i><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">Vid</span></i><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">. HKND Group. 2017, julio 22. «Executive Vice
President of HKND Group: Nicaragua Canal Continues Moving Forward» en URL: <a href="http://hknd-group.com/portal.php?mod=view&aid=465">http://hknd-group.com/portal.php?mod=view&aid=465</a>
(Acceso 2018, septiembre 18).</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<b><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">***
</span></b><i><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">Vid</span></i><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">.<b> </b>R</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">ANSON</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"> G</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">ARCÍA</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">,
J.2011. «CONDICIÓN JURÍDICA DEL ESTRECHO DE MAGALLANES» en URL: <a href="https://scielo.conicyt.cl/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0718-34372011000300003">https://scielo.conicyt.cl/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0718-34372011000300003</a>
(Acceso 2018, septiembre 18).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<b><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">****
</span></b><i><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">Vid</span></i><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">. RT. 2018, octubre 22. «“Puñalada
por la espalda”: China denuncia “maliciosos” comentarios de Pompeo en
Latinoamérica» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/292879-china-denunciar-maliciosos-comentarios-pompeo-latinoamerica">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/292879-china-denunciar-maliciosos-comentarios-pompeo-latinoamerica</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 22). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
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<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref141" name="_ftn141" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[141]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"> <i>Vid</i>. RT. 2018, junio 27. «“EEUU está
armando todo un escenario de guerra en Latinoamérica”» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/278381-eeuu-escenario-guerra-latinoamerica">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/278381-eeuu-escenario-guerra-latinoamerica</a>
(Acceso 2018, junio 27).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn142">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref142" name="_ftn142" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[142]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. RT. 2018, septiembre 08. «The New York Times: EEUU se reunió
con militares venezolanos para planear golpe contra Maduro» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/287956-the-new-york-times-eeuu-venezuela-golpe-maduro">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/287956-the-new-york-times-eeuu-venezuela-golpe-maduro</a>
(Acceso 2018, septiembre 08).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn143">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref143" name="_ftn143" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[143]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. TELESUR. 2018, agosto
10. «Venezuela: ofrecen avance en investigación de intento de magnicidio» en URL:
<a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=o-hqwhSmB_8">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=o-hqwhSmB_8</a>
(Acceso 2018, agosto 11).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn144">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref144" name="_ftn144" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[144]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> El propagandismo
panamericanista de lo democrático —como reacción imperial de siglo XXI a los
principios del discurso democrático-latinoamericanista— adquiere su forma
estratégica en el documento estadounidense <i>Venezuela
Freedom 2 – Operation</i> del USSOUTHCOM de 2016, a partir de dos fases (una de
injerencia diplomática en las relaciones hemisféricas mediante la OAS y otra de
posterior neutralización del personal combatiente chavista y de sus mandos por
hallarse comprometidos con la defensa bolivariana de las instituciones
democráticas de su Constitución de 1999). Estas líneas han sido ensayadas en <i>De la tensión histórica habida entre el
discurso «democrático-latinoamericanista» y el propagandismo panamericanista
como supuesto precursor de lo «democrático»</i> —en el weblog Prometheus'
Channel (publicación de 27 de marzo de 2017, en URL: <a href="http://prometheuschannel.blogspot.com/2017/03/del-reconocimiento-del-discurso.html">http://prometheuschannel.blogspot.com/2017/03/del-reconocimiento-del-discurso.html</a>)—.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn145">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref145" name="_ftn145" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[145]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> Hay colombianos que huyen de
su país para resguardar su vida en territorio venezolano. La secretaría de la
OAS no debe ser omisa a esos desplazamientos de pobladores que intentan la
supervivencia. Se tiene el caso colombiano Norte del Cauca. En ese territorio
la Asociación de Cabildos Indígenas denunció la propaganda negra esparcida por
paramilitares colombianos para amedrentar a sus comunidades; en libelos neonazifascistas
ofrecen dinero a cambio del asesinato de la dirigencia indígena del Norte del
Cauca (de sus gobernadores, capitanes, coordinadores, guardas y alguaciles). <i>Vid</i>. RT. 2018, diciembre 20. «“Por cada
cabeza hay valor”: Circula panfleto en Colombia con amenaza de muerte a
indígenas» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/299597-amenazar-muerte-lideres-sociales-colombia">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/299597-amenazar-muerte-lideres-sociales-colombia</a>
(Acceso 2018, diciembre 20).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn146">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref146" name="_ftn146" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[146]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"> <i>Vid</i>. RT. 2018, septeimbre 15. «Almagro
afirma que no se debe descartar una </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">“</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">intervención
militar</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">”</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"> contra
Venezuela» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/288692-almagro-no-descartar-intervencion-militar-venezuela">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/288692-almagro-no-descartar-intervencion-militar-venezuela</a>
(Acceso 2018, septiembre 15).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn147">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref147" name="_ftn147" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[147]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"> <i>Vid</i>. RT. 2018, septeimbre 15. «Venezuela
denunciará a Luis Almagro ante la ONU </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">“</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">por promover
la intervención militar</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">”</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/288746-venezuela-denunciar-luis-almagro-onu">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/288746-venezuela-denunciar-luis-almagro-onu</a>
(Acceso 2018, septiembre 15).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn148">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref148" name="_ftn148" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[148]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. People's Daily. 2018, septiembre 19. «Asamblea Nacional
Constituyente de Venezuela exige renuncia de Almagro por “indigno”» en URL: <a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2018/0919/c31617-9501746.html">http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2018/0919/c31617-9501746.html</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 07).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn149">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref149" name="_ftn149" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[149]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. TELESUR. 2018, septiembre 30. «¿Quienes estuvieron detrás del
intento de golpe a Rafael Correa?» en URL: <a href="https://www.telesurtv.net/news/ecuador-implicados-golpe-estado-rafael-correa-20180930-0023.html">https://www.telesurtv.net/news/ecuador-implicados-golpe-estado-rafael-correa-20180930-0023.html</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 07).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn150">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref150" name="_ftn150" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[150]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. RT. 2018, marzo 29. «Conversando con Correa: Luiz Inácio Lula
da Silva» en URL: <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tGB84v3_vRw">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tGB84v3_vRw</a>
(Acceso 2018, marzo 29).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn151">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref151" name="_ftn151" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[151]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. NYSE. 2018. «PETROLEO BRASILEIRO S.A. - PETROBRAS PBR» en URL:
<a href="https://www.nyse.com/quote/XNYS:PBR">https://www.nyse.com/quote/XNYS:PBR</a>
(Acceso 2018, septiembre 17).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn152">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref152" name="_ftn152" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[152]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. La Voz (Agencia EFE). 2018, mayo 15. «Seis exlíderes europeos
llaman a que Lula da Silva pueda presentarse a las elecciones en Brasil» en
URL: <a href="http://www.lavoz.com.ar/mundo/seis-exlideres-europeos-llaman-que-lula-da-silva-pueda-presentarse-las-elecciones-en-brasil">http://www.lavoz.com.ar/mundo/seis-exlideres-europeos-llaman-que-lula-da-silva-pueda-presentarse-las-elecciones-en-brasil</a>
(Acceso 2018, septiembre 17).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn153">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref153" name="_ftn153" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[153]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Cfr</i>. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">«</span><u><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">13.
Allanamiento de diversos
domicilios en la
Ciudad de Buenos
Aires y en la
provincia de Santa Cruz (O.D. Nº 517/18.)</span></u><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">»</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> en Honorable Senado de la
Nación Argentina; Versión taquigráfica de la DGT; SESIÓN ESPECIAL, PERÍODO
136º; 13 ª REUNIÓN - 7ª SESIÓN ESPECIAL - 22 Y 23 DE AGOSTO DE 2018 (pág. 37 y
ss.).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn154">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref154" name="_ftn154" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[154]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. Radio Cut. 2018, octubre 15. «JUEZ R</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">AMOS</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> P</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">ADILLA</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">: “CON ESTA JUSTICIA, NO HAY
ESTADO DE DERECHO EN LA ARGENTINA”» en URL: <a href="https://radiocut.fm/audiocut/juez-ramos-padilla-con-esta-justicia-no-hay-estado-de-derecho-en-la-argentina/">https://radiocut.fm/audiocut/juez-ramos-padilla-con-esta-justicia-no-hay-estado-de-derecho-en-la-argentina/</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 17).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn155">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref155" name="_ftn155" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[155]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. TELESUR. 2018, septiembre 17. «EnClave Política: Conversamos
con Christophe Marchand» en URL: <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ySOhixRTfeU">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ySOhixRTfeU</a>
(Acceso 2018, septiembre 18).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn156">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref156" name="_ftn156" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[156]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Cfr</i>. B</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">AUCELLS</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> i L</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">LADÓS</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, J.; La delincuencia por
convicción; Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona · Servei de Publicacions;
Velencia, 2000 (pág. 53 y ss.).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn157">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref157" name="_ftn157" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[157]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. C</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">ÚNEO</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, S. 2018, octubre 01. «Editorial
de Santiago Cúneo: “Se terminó señores”» en URL: <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dgld_VPQSvU">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dgld_VPQSvU</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 01).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn158">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref158" name="_ftn158" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[158]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. F</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">INCHELSTEIN</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, F. 2018, octubre 05. «Jair
Bolsonaro’s Model Isn’t Berlusconi. It’s Goebbels» en URL: <a href="https://foreignpolicy.com/2018/10/05/bolsonaros-model-its-goebbels-fascism-nazism-brazil-latin-america-populism-argentina-venezuela/">https://foreignpolicy.com/2018/10/05/bolsonaros-model-its-goebbels-fascism-nazism-brazil-latin-america-populism-argentina-venezuela/</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 09).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn159">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref159" name="_ftn159" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[159]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> Es un eje netamente
militar-fascista que rememora al reconocido por R. M</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">AURO</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> M</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">ARINI</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> (1974); su análisis se asoció
a la posibilidad de una insurrección armada y urbana del pueblo chileno que finalmente
no se concretaría. <i>Vid</i>. M</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">AURO</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> M</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">ARINI</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, R. [1974] «Dos estrategias en
el proceso chileno» en URL: <a href="http://www.marini-escritos.unam.mx/049_dos_estrategias_chile.html">http://www.marini-escritos.unam.mx/049_dos_estrategias_chile.html</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 30).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn160">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref160" name="_ftn160" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[160]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"> En esta
afirmación se remeda lo expuesto por B. D</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">E</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"> S</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">OUSA</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"> S</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">ANTOS</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">, en un
artículo que trata el problema histórico habido de <i>tres bombas reloj </i>atinentes con el auge del militarismo brasilero:
i. el proceso colonial y de independencia (siglo XIX), ii. el fascismo militar
del Brasil (década de 1960) y iii. las operaciones estadounidenses asociadas a
la defensa de la <i>democracia amiga de la
economía de mercado </i>(iniciadas en el año de 2009). <i>Vid</i>. S</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">OUSA</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"> S</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">ANTOS</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">, B., DE.
2018, octubre 11. «Brasil en peligro: tres bombas reloj» en URL: <a href="https://cronicon.net/wp/brasil-en-peligro-tres-bombas-reloj/">https://cronicon.net/wp/brasil-en-peligro-tres-bombas-reloj/</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 16).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn161">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref161" name="_ftn161" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[161]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. CNN. 2018, septiembre
25. «Macri ante la ONU: Argentina denunciará “crímenes de lesa humanidad de la
dictadura venezolana”» en URL: <a href="https://edition.cnn.com/videos/spanish/2018/09/25/macri-venezuela-derechos-humanos-73-asamblea-general-onu-corte-penal-sot-nat.cnn/video/playlists/cnnee-ultimas-noticias/INABIO/EFE">https://edition.cnn.com/videos/spanish/2018/09/25/macri-venezuela-derechos-humanos-73-asamblea-general-onu-corte-penal-sot-nat.cnn/video/playlists/cnnee-ultimas-noticias/INABIO/EFE</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 01).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn162">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref162" name="_ftn162" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[162]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"> En el plano
jurídico, e.g., se tiene la sentencia de primera instancia N.º 2018-1980 de
Costa Rica: el Juzgado de Trabajo del II Circuito Judicial de San José declaró
ilegal la extensa huelga por tiempo indefinido que decretaran los profesores
costarricenses en su circuito gremial; es una medida que se asumió
necesariamente para denunciar las reformas neoliberales del plan fiscal en el
sector educativo.<i> Vid</i>. J</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">EREZ</span><sup><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"> </span></sup><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">C</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">ERDA</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">, M. «Día 45
de manifestaciones: APSE apela declaratoria de ilegalidad de huelga» en URL: <a href="https://amprensa.com/2018/10/dia-45-de-manifestaciones-apse-apela-declaratoria-de-ilegalidad-de-huelga/">https://amprensa.com/2018/10/dia-45-de-manifestaciones-apse-apela-declaratoria-de-ilegalidad-de-huelga/</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 24).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn163">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref163" name="_ftn163" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[163]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. DIMITROV, J. [1935]. «La ofensiva del fascismo y las tareas de
la Internacional en la lucha por la unidad de la clase obrera contra el
fascismo» en URL: <a href="https://www.marxists.org/espanol/dimitrov/1935_1.htm">https://www.marxists.org/espanol/dimitrov/1935_1.htm</a>
(Acceso 2018, septiembre 18).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn164">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref164" name="_ftn164" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[164]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"> Las operaciones
de inteligencia y espionaje —al menos, aquellas que el imperialismo ejecuta en
el campo telemático— se asocian al oligopolio de las telecomunicaciones. Hay
casos como AT</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">&</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">T con gran
capacidad de reserva para resolver cuestiones de <i>backbone</i> y <i>peering</i> que
otros operadores de redes pueden requerir, o usufructuado por otras empresas también
de gran capacidad operativa como Sprint, Cogent Communications, Level 3, Telia
de Suecia, Tata Communications de India, Telecom Italia, o Deutsche Telekom.
Estos conglomerados resultan funcionales a la extensión del espionaje,
ejecutándose en ciento cuarenta y nueve países con alrededor de 19</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 4pt;"> </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">500 focos de
presencia operativa (mediante puntos de acceso conectados a la red de redes
digitales y con el <i>networking</i>
necesario instalado). Las operaciones de inteligencia y espionaje finalizan en
sólo ocho instalaciones de acceso. Y se hallan —en su totalidad— en territorio
estadounidense, donde la capacidad de injerencia se despliega sobre todo
mediante su NSA, interfiriéndose i. el cifrado de varias VPN<b>*</b> y ii. las redes privadas virtuales (como
se ha constatado que se ejecutó e.g. en el campo aeronáutico o en el
periodístico de las agencias de noticias). Ese mundo de telemática y macrodatos
es asumido por corporaciones de comunicación y análisis, como en el caso de SCL
Group, igualmente funcionales a las operaciones gubernativas y militares de
inteligencia <i>en el campo del capitalismo
real</i>. El caso argentino vuelve a resplandecer con esta nueva problemática:
la Cámara de los Comunes del Reino Unido presentó un reporte donde se
especifica que hubo <i>esfuerzos de
recopilación de inteligencia</i> para aplicar una «guerra de información»
durante el año de 2015 en el país suramericano, aplicándose así el <i>big data</i> para la ejecución de campañas
de desprestigio contra un gobierno constitucional, el de C. F</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">ERNÁNDEZ</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">.<b>** </b><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<b><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10pt;">*</span></b><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10pt;"> <i>Vid</i>. G</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 9pt;">ALLAGHER</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10pt;">, R. - M</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 9pt;">OLTKE</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 10pt;">, H. 2018,
junio 25. «THE WIRETAP ROOMS. The NSA’s Hidden Spy Hubs in Eight U.S. Cities»
en URL:<span style="color: red;"> <a href="https://theintercept.com/2018/06/25/att-internet-nsa-spy-hubs/">https://theintercept.com/2018/06/25/att-internet-nsa-spy-hubs/</a>
</span>(Acceso 2018, junio 27).<span style="color: red;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<b><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">** </span></b><i><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">Vid</span></i><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">. RT. 2018, julio 30. «Destapan una
presunta “campaña anti-Kirchner” emprendida por una empresa británica» en URL:<span style="color: red;"> <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/283307-presunta-campana-anti-kirchner-empresa-britanica">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/283307-presunta-campana-anti-kirchner-empresa-britanica</a>
</span>(Acceso 2018, julio 30). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn165">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref165" name="_ftn165" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[165]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. RT. 2018, mayo 03. «El Parlamento Europeo solicita la
suspensión de las elecciones de Venezuela» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/270328-parlamento-europeo-pide-suspension-elecciones-venezuela">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/270328-parlamento-europeo-pide-suspension-elecciones-venezuela</a>
(Acceso 2018, mayo 05).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn166">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref166" name="_ftn166" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[166]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. S</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">ERAFINO</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, W.; 2018, ABRIL 22; «Los
aspectos clave de la revolución de colores en curso en Nicaragua» en URL: <a href="http://misionverdad.com/COLUMNISTAS/aspectos-clave-de-la-revolucion-de-color-en-nicaragua-analisis-especial">http://misionverdad.com/COLUMNISTAS/aspectos-clave-de-la-revolucion-de-color-en-nicaragua-analisis-especial</a>
(Acceso 2018, abril 24).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn167">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref167" name="_ftn167" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[167]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. Nota a pie de página, referencia N.º 28. El delimitado
ontosemiótico de una didascálica docente trata acerca de cómo se enfrentan dialécticamente
las cuestiones a tratar en el aula sin reducirse al intelectualismo —en sus
formas históricas e institucionales (relativas a los planos β-operatorios)—.Y
su trama valorativa, es resoluble pues a partir de relaciones negativas y
políticas con las que se racionaliza el sentido de las formulaciones; esto,
hallándose advertido y precavido el pedagogo, en general, de que el relato
acerca de las <i>cosas del mundo</i>
finalmente, en su sentido gnoseológico, remite a una multiplicidad ajorismática.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<div id="ftn168">
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref168" name="_ftn168" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[168]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. HISPANTV. 2016, abril 19. «Sanders: EEUU debe dejar de
derrocar Gobiernos en América Latina» en URL: <a href="https://www.hispantv.com/noticias/ee-uu-/252914/sanders-eeuu-derrocar-gobiernos-america-latina">https://www.hispantv.com/noticias/ee-uu-/252914/sanders-eeuu-derrocar-gobiernos-america-latina</a>
(Acceso 2018, mayo 06).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref169" name="_ftn169" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[169]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. HISPANTV. 2018, mayo 06. «EEUU y su vinculación con golpes de
Estado en América Latina» en URL: <a href="https://www.hispantv.com/noticias/ee-uu-/376280/intervencionismo-golpes-estado-america-latina">https://www.hispantv.com/noticias/ee-uu-/376280/intervencionismo-golpes-estado-america-latina</a>
(Acceso 2018, mayo 06).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref170" name="_ftn170" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[170]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. HISPANTV. 2018, mayo 06. «Estados Unidos busca armas de
destrucción masiva en Argentina» en URL: <a href="https://www.hispantv.com/noticias/argentina/376236/fuerzas-militares-eeuu-ministerio-defensa">https://www.hispantv.com/noticias/argentina/376236/fuerzas-militares-eeuu-ministerio-defensa</a>
(Acceso 2018, mayo 06).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref171" name="_ftn171" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[171]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"> <i>Vid</i>. M</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">ORALES</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">, V.H. 2018,
julio 23. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">Editorial VHM: Trucharon hasta a los que reciben
la AUH</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;">»</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 10pt;"> en URL: <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GsN9NVenXi8">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GsN9NVenXi8</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 15).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref172" name="_ftn172" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[172]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. SPUTNIK. 2018, junio 06. «¿Qué hay detrás de la base que
construirá el Comando Sur cerca del yacimiento de Vaca Muerta en Argentina?» en
URL: <a href="https://mundo.sputniknews.com/radio_telescopio/201806061079321478-bases-militares-objetivos/">https://mundo.sputniknews.com/radio_telescopio/201806061079321478-bases-militares-objetivos/</a>
(Acceso 2018, junio 06).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref173" name="_ftn173" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[173]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. RT. 2018, mayo 17. «Fiscales de Brasil presentan cargos contra
11 personas vinculadas con el Estado Islámico» en URL: <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/271942-fiscales-brasil-presentan-cargos-personas-vinculadas-estado-islamico">https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/271942-fiscales-brasil-presentan-cargos-personas-vinculadas-estado-islamico</a>
(Acceso 2018, mayo 17).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<div id="ftn174">
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref174" name="_ftn174" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[174]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> Y de manera concomitante a ese
lábil apadrinamiento del terrorismo saudita en América del Sur, el congreso
estadounidense se preocupó de interceptar el desarrollo de relaciones
diplomáticas pacíficas del gobierno teocrático del Irán con las repúblicas
latinoamericanas (en campos como el agrícola, el biotecnológico, el energético,
el nanotecnológico), mediante su <i>Countering
Iran in the Western Hemisphere Act of 2012</i>. <i>Vid</i>. Public Law No: 112-220. 2012, diciembre 28. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">«H.R.3783 - Countering Iran in the Western Hemisphere Act of 2012» en
URL: <a href="https://www.congress.gov/bill/112th-congress/house-bill/3783">https://www.congress.gov/bill/112th-congress/house-bill/3783</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 24). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref175" name="_ftn175" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[175]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. A</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">RISMENDI</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> P</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">OBLETE</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, M. 2016, febrero 18. </span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">«</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">Tácticas de instalación del
wahabismo en Chile y América Latina</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">»</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">
en URL: <a href="https://www.hispantv.com/noticias/opinion/215085/wahabismo-salafistas-arabia-saudita-chile-america-latina">https://www.hispantv.com/noticias/opinion/215085/wahabismo-salafistas-arabia-saudita-chile-america-latina</a>
(Acceso 2016, marzo 12).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<div id="ftn176">
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<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref176" name="_ftn176" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[176]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> <i>Vid</i>. F</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">RESU</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">, G. 2007, octubre 06.
«Gramsci: fascismo e classi dirigenti in Italia» en URL: <a href="http://www.giannifresu.it/2011/06/gramsci-fascismo-e-classi-dirigenti-in-italia/">http://www.giannifresu.it/2011/06/gramsci-fascismo-e-classi-dirigenti-in-italia/</a>
(Acceso 2018, octubre 09).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<div id="ftn177">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/Cristina/Desktop/Lawfare%20contra%20Am%C3%A9rica%20Latina%20y%20el%20Caribe%20MVD%20URY%202019.doc#_ftnref177" name="_ftn177" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">[177]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> El sentido político de la
labor de enseñanza-y-aprendizaje puede revisarse a partir de una tesela
formulada por J. R. San M</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">IGUEL</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> H</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">EVIA</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif""> acerca de la condena a
Sócrates, presentada como «<u>Fuerza de la ironía, o de cómo Sócrates consiguió
que los heliastas le condenasen a muerte</u>» en URL: <a href="http://prometheuschannel.blogspot.com/2016/09/geopolitica-dilma-rousseff-o-de-la.html">http://prometheuschannel.blogspot.com/2016/09/geopolitica-dilma-rousseff-o-de-la.html</a>,
siendo superlativa a su vez para ensayarse, claro que sólo a la manera de un
paralelismo tácito, un caso de hidalguía atinente a R</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"" style="font-size: 9pt;">OUSSEFF</span><span face=""arial narrow" , "sans-serif"">: <i>De las simplezas de la «comunicación política»</i>.</span></div>
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Pablo Pallashttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02676986163926451532noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8368737022377042313.post-86614338264300495272017-10-09T19:43:00.031-03:002023-01-13T20:44:36.392-03:00 1917-2017: el centenario leninista de toda Rusia<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zQSsvrY2li8" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="199" data-original-width="600" height="380" src="https://cdn11.bigcommerce.com/s-n5q4qk/images/stencil/1024x1024/products/1864/6055/Rivers2__10595.1576802744.jpg?c=2" width="490" /></a></div><br /><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;"><br /></span>
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<span style="color: #3d85c6; font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;"><a href="https://kprf.ru/party/1917/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">1917-2017</a></span><br />
<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;">Acerca del centenario de la revolución rusa </span><br />
<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;">O cómo fue hitada la civilización greco-latina</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #3d85c6; font-size: x-small;">¿Cómo se lograría enserir categorialmente, a la historia de las revoluciones sociales, la política discursiva materialista (incluso discutiéndose la «<a href="http://nodulo.org/ec/2014/n143p02.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">forma monista</a>» como problemática metodológica habida entre académicos), si trata especialmente acerca de una revolución rusa y soviética que resultó en <i>contradictorio económico</i> de otros mundos del análisis histórico, anticomunista o revisionista , a su vez, como de tantos otros procesos revolucionarios contemporáneos anteriores?</span><br />
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<span style="font-size: xx-small;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small; text-align: left;"><b>Fuente hemerográfica:</b> </span></span><br />
<span style="font-size: xx-small;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; text-align: left;">GRAMSCI, A. (1919, junio 7). S. a. </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; text-align: left;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; text-align: left;">El precio de la historia</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; text-align: left;">» en URL:</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; text-align: left;"> </span><a href="http://www.gramsci.org.ar/1917-22/07-precio-de-la-hist.htm" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif; text-align: left;" target="_blank">http://www.gramsci.org.ar/1917-22/07-precio-de-la-hist.htm</a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; text-align: left;"> (Acceso 2017, julio 17)</span></span><br />
<span style="font-size: xx-small;">
<span style="font-size: xx-small;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Primera Edición: artículo publicado en </span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;"><u><a href="http://www.centrogramsci.it/?page_id=228" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">L´ORDINE NUOVO. Rassegna settimanale di cultura socialista</a></u></span><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, de 7 de junio de 1919</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">|</span></span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">Año </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">I</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">|</span><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">N° 5</span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">|Torino</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: xx-small;"><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>Nota ecdótica.</b> El artículo en lengua española </span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">―</span><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">asumido </span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">como escopo discursivo</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">―</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;"> se revisa comparativamente de las fuentes hemerográficas siguientes en lengua italiana: i. de la transcripción del artículo </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">La taglia della storia</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;"> en URL: </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;"><a href="http://www.nuovopci.it/classic/gramsci/taglia.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.nuovopci.it/classic/gramsci/taglia.htm</a> y ii. del facsímil del artículo </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">La taglia della storia</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;"> en URL: </span><a href="http://www.centrogramsci.it/riviste/nuovo/ordine%20nuovo%20p1.pdf" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;" target="_blank">http://www.centrogramsci.it/riviste/nuovo/ordine%20nuovo%20p1.pdf</a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;"> (págs. 31-32). El artículo de A. GRAMSCI en lengua española ―presentado como objeto de trabajo en coordenadas geopolíticas― se halla editado con el propósito didáctico de contextualizar sus enunciaciones. Esa fuente hemerográfica, a su vez, remite a texto y cotexto sin edición docente.</span></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lPtwjgfJ0VI" rel="nofollow" style="clear: right; display: inline; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em; text-align: center;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="116" data-original-width="134" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEinO7dYIUp1f672JRwFaJWzJvhM9rziFlDICbtnVDADXYOjXjxJ943zYBgFmbCD0BM5t3nqNG0m4xcxs7oDbRM_mcw9XiP30kLlSCuddJq1DcZEIgm5YhuKBgb52r0UJxeNTkV3lvmFqw7c/s0/lenin.jpg" /></a><div style="text-align: center;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="398" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/aRwzV3ovpb8" width="480" youtube-src-id="aRwzV3ovpb8"></iframe></div></div></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><b style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-weight: normal; text-align: left;"><a href="http://www.calameo.com/books/0052521841495cdc4b66f" target="_blank">C Aniversario Del Leninismo Revolucionario De Rusia</a></span></b></div></span><br /></div></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div style="text-align: center;">
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<div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><b style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-weight: normal; text-align: left;">Por Pablo PALLAS</span></b><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">ESCOLIO.</b><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> <i>A pesar de los pesares</i>, el marxismo-leninismo rebosa de vigencia política si el objeto histórico tratante es el propósito emancipatorio latinoamericano (advertencia esta que supieron formular investigadores materialistas, primero J. C. MARIÁTEGUI al discutir <a href="https://www.marxists.org/espanol/mariateg/oc/7_ensayos/index.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">7 ENSAYOS DE INTERPRETACIÓN DE LA REALIDAD PERUANA</a> y luego R. ARISMENDI en su <i>opus</i> <a href="https://www.marxists.org/espanol/arismendi/lenin-rev-amer-latina.pdf" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Lenin, la revolución y América Latina</a>). De alguna manera, el centenario leninista de la revolución rusa, si es analizado su aniversario en coordenadas geopolíticas latinoamericanas, se refracta en las múltiples poblaciones suramericanas superexplotadas (una situación política grave, incluso sin incorporarle las temáticas esclavistas que resurgen del propio capitalismo tardío tercermundista). La revolución rusa, su estirpe leninista, se arraiga en las poblaciones suramericanas que latinoamericanizan sus reivindicaciones sectoriales, las distintas totalidades académicas, ambientalistas, campesinas, comunitarias, étnicas, parlamentarias, partidarias, sexuales, síndicas (obreras y estudiantiles), sociales, religiosas, etc., necesariamente conformadas mediante alguna coordinación política de sus desarrollos en lo nacional, lo regional, o propiamente hemisférico y enfrentándose a una hegemonía neocolonial en el plano de las relaciones internacionales. </span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Podría asumirse que si la revolución rusa de los bolcheviques comenzó en la norteña <a href="https://es.rbth.com/cultura/cultura/2017/08/16/leningrado-petrogrado-san-petersburgo-cual-es-el-verdadero-nombre_823450" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Petrogrado</a> </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">(conocida como </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">San Petersburgo hasta el año de 1914 y como Leningrado a partir de 1924, para posteriormente desistir de sus nomenclátores anteriores y volverse San Petersburgo nuevamente en el año de 1991 aunque prevaleciendo oficialmente su lema de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Leningrado, ciudad heroica</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">)</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, donde hubo sustantivos levantamientos obreros, los de 1905 contra el zarismo</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, y siendo que sus revueltas se continuarían y </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">expandirían hacia sus múltiples repúblicas y etnias para conformar un </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">pueblo soviético</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">―</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">contra la beligerancia y progreso de una dictadura militar prozarista, en cierne durante 1917, y ante la impavidez de un gobierno provisorio demócrata-burgués que no poseyó condiciones para defender una nueva institucionalidad resueltamente anti-oligárquica</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">―</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> también se yergue a su vez del otro lado del mundo, en América, una gesta de siglo XIX que se hallará históricamente confirmada en el levantamiento armado de la sociedad cubana de 1957 contraria al tirano F. BATISTA y posteriormente en playa Girón, donde su revolución antillana, de raigambre antiimperialista y martiana, derrotó la invasión estadounidense de la administración EISENHOWER (quien autorizó la <a href="https://www.ecured.cu/Operaci%C3%B3n_Pluto" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Operación Pluto</a> con que se incursionaría de manera piloto en el reconocimiento aéreo con satélite espía y una propaganda negra que amedrentara mediante <a href="https://www.ecured.cu/Radio_Swan" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Radio Swan</a> </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">a la población isleña</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">), siendo continuada con una guerra económica, anteriormente iniciada contra la primera república socialista habida en la geopolítica caribeña y latinoamericana. Las formas anti-neoliberalistas de emancipación nacional, implicadas en los anti-reformismos macroeconómicos, finalmente resultan orientadas, no de manera automática, sino en su necesaria dialéctica histórica, hacia un enfático antiimperialismo. Y este antiimperialismo es una convicción independentista posible de fundamentar aunque nada sencilla de promover en los territorios latinoamericanos, si se reconocen las <a href="http://www.c5n.com/2ZYWoN5Pxbg" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">desapariciones forzadas</a> habidas y probadas, los arrestos injustificados a periodistas, o su procaz asesinato, las <a href="http://www.animalpolitico.com/2017/06/fosas-clandestinas-mexico-informe/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">fosas comunes clandestinas con inhumaciones que se cuentan de a centenas</a>, el <a href="http://www.resumenlatinoamericano.org/2017/08/31/argentina-cordoba-operativo-represivola-policia-realizo-este-jueves-allanamientos-simultaneos-a-locales-de-organizaciones-sociales-lista-de-detenidos-comunicado-persecucion-politica-bs-as-movi/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">allanamiento</a> a centros de comedor o de biblioteca comunales, o incluso a alguna sede de organización político partidaria, así como a la residencia privada de algún activista de derechos humanos con el propósito neoliberalista y fascista de configurar el mito de un </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">enemigo interior</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, así como la proliferación temeraria de <a href="https://www.telesurtv.net/news/Quien-es-Milagro-Sala-20160116-0042.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">presos políticos</a>, siendo especialmente nativos anti-capitalistas y <a href="https://www.copinh.org/article/rio-sin-principio-ni-mar-18-meses-de-la-siembra-de/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">mujeres dirigentes sociales ejecutadas</a>, alguna de estas víctimas nativas incluso hasta es integrante del <a href="https://www.parlamentomercosur.org/innovaportal/v/13563/1/parlasur/bancada-progresista-del-parlasur-visita-a-milagro-sala.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Parlasur</a>, muchas de estas poblaciones nativas han resultado sistemáticamente vulneradas, quedándoles escasos supervivientes, etc., es una sangrienta historia de mártires políticos, el martirologio de los explotados, a quienes de manera lábil además se priva de sus derechos civiles mediante meras «resultantes administrativas</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">». Estos hechos políticos devenidos </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">de democracias panamericanistas </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">―</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">no ya de siglos anteriores, XIX o XX, sino en pleno siglo XXI</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">―</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> proliferan de manera deliberada: los casos de Argentina, Brasil, Colombia, Honduras, México, o Paraguay, entre otros, podrían acaso ayudar a una clarividencia de esas persecuciones y asesinatos a activistas sociales, a trabajadores organizados como síndicos mediante una organización atributiva de sus representaciones, como central única de trabajadores y de ordenamiento clasista y antiimperialista, (unidad obrera que es históricamente contraria sin duda al <a href="https://www.marxists.org/espanol/lenin/obras/1918/mayo/05.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">infantilismo de reducirse a corpúsculos distributivos</a>, algo propio de intelectualoides pequeñoburgueses, de ideólogos meramente propatronales, de esquiroles o amarillistas pasotas). A los </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">estudiantes, a los periodistas, a los representantes comunitarios, etc., a las distintas totalidades sociales aunadas pues con el </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">mundo asalariado</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">», es </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">a quienes no se los ha atendido como </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">noticia</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> por parte de los oligopolios de la comunicación periodística. Algo esperable, puesto que esas sociedades anónimas </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">no son más </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">que aparatajes de propagandismo especializados en un anticomunismo generalista, actualmente operado a partir de <a href="https://www.ivoox.com/walter-martinez-discurso-orden-premio-periodismo-2016-audios-mp3_rf_12094937_1.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">guerras no convencionales y de cuarta generación</a> enfocadas en esa fantasmagoría que es el «peligro rojo</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">» de las emancipaciones nacionales</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">. El neoliberalismo suramericano de primera generación se expresó en una <a href="http://www.scielo.br/pdf/ts/v13n2/v13n2a03.pdf" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">regresión industrial</a> continentalizada durante la década de 1980 y rezumada de crisis económicas influidas por organismos de intermediación financiera hasta principios de siglo XXI. Una segunda generación de neoliberalismo tendrá por contexto económico, así, <a href="http://www.elpais.com.uy/informacion/habia-mil-nucleos-industriales-hoy-reducidos-mil.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">una disminución continuada de establecimientos industriales y de empleabilidad</a> (claro que esta segunda vuelta no podría confabularse en las condiciones fascistas o de sola <i>manu militari</i> del de primera generación, ni mediante una administración pinochetista en Chile, ni mediante una conflagración anglo-argentina a causa de un archipiélago atlántico <a href="http://seprin.info/2011/04/02/los-secretos-de-la-guerra-de-malvinas/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">invadido con flota perteneciente a la NATO</a>). Empezaría a concretarse mediante <a href="http://prometheuschannel.blogspot.com.uy/2016/09/geopolitica-dilma-rousseff-o-de-la.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">golpes de estado parlamentarios</a> como el dado en Brasil contra la <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/programas/entrevista/252345-rousseff-acciones-eeuu-causar-guerra-civil-venezuela" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">administración ROUSSEFF</a> (</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">proceso anti-latinoamericanista continental, </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">asociado a fiscalías que operan judicialmente mediante prototipos de anti-corrupción y de derechos humanos)</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> y</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> que se refractan políticamente en un tipo de <a href="https://cut.org.br/noticias/juca-ignora-178-emendas-e-quer-votar-reforma-da-terca-b4ce/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">desregularización y precarización de las relaciones laborales</a> capaz de retrotraer a la población asalariada a condiciones de trabajo propias de siglo XIX </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">―</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">aunque inmersa en una incipiente cuarta revolución industrial que los neoliberales conjeturarán a partir de suposiciones metafísicas de desaparición del trabajo, en tanto que la conclusión leninista implica reconocer las condiciones objetivas para conformar una sociedad comunista de superproducción de riquezas que pruebe el economismo anacrónico de reducir la antropología del trabajo a «mercancía</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">―</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">. Este neoliberalismo de segunda generación en suramérica </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">―la hipotética de su consumación jurídica</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">― </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">es aún más irracional en sus formas posibles de arqueología institucional que las relaciones serviles habidas en la Rusia preleninista (en la América Latina y Caribeña de siglo XXI se tiene a <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/250845-fao-hambre-america-latina-caribe" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">42 millones de personas en condiciones de hambruna</a>, así es presentada por la FAO esta situación de deterioro que además entiende como universalmente progresiva en su <a href="http://www.fao.org/state-of-food-security-nutrition/es/?utm_source=faohomepage&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=featurebar" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">informe de 2017</a> a pesar de haber en el planeta Tierra alimentos suficientes para las poblaciones). El neoliberalismo exacerba pues el carácter mismo del sistema capitalista: <i>se fabrican cosas que benefician a pocos (alimentos, </i></span><i style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">calzados, </i><i style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">condominios, </i><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><i>medicamentos, etc.),</i> <i>para que esas cosas sean inaccesibles a muchos (carentes de alimentos, de medicamentos, </i></span><i style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">de viviendas, </i><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><i>el listado resultaría extenso)</i>. Es un neoliberalismo de segunda generación que se ampara </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">―si acaso vale metodológicamente una historiografía antiimperialista</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">― </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">en un identitarismo imperial entramado en </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">las hipotéticas delirantes del </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">mundo blanco</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">. Ese mundo imperialista supura de ortogramas racistas, de una historia de asentistas que es identificable </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">―</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">si se </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">remeda a <a href="http://www.telesurtv.net/english/opinion/The-White-United-States-Real-Founding-Father-Lord-Dunmore-20140731-0040.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">G. HORNE</a></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">―</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">como netamente contrarrevolucionaria y en la que además se amparará la moralina del conquistador capitalista (los propietarios esclavócratas de siglo XVIII o los confederados de siglo XIX, o la <a href="http://www.peoplesworld.org/article/black-revolutionary-explores-life-of-william-patterson-and-global-freedom-fight/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">inteligencia gubernamental anti-panteras negras</a> de siglo XX se confirman, así, históricamente, posteriormente, en la burguesía oligopólica neoliberal anti-latinoamericanista de siglo XXI que se expresa contraria a la <a href="http://minci.gob.ve/2017/08/guerra-economica-arremete-la-asamblea-nacional-constituyente/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">emancipación bolivariana en territorio venezolano</a> y a la de otras naciones, mediante la <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/opinion/eva_golinger/view/143043-agresion-permanente-golpe-suave-america-latina" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">USAID</a>, la <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/opinion/eva_golinger/view/143045-agresion-permanente-golpe-suave-america-latina" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">NED</a> que de alguna manera reemplazará la operatoria encubierta que antaño realizara la CIA, la <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SLZn7WSYy7c" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">RAP</a>, etc., incluso cooptando </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">cipayos</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> en estamentos de representación gubernativa, síndica, o de empresas de comunicación, para retrogradar las </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">gestas independentistas nacionales y antiimperialistas, de manera similar a </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">como fuera ejecutado anteriormente contra Chile, Granada, Guatemala, o Nicaragua). Es pues a partir de un imperialismo racista que es posible identificar las persecuciones políticas instauradas contra las multiplicadas formas de negritud social (refractadas, más que en un fenotipo de piel, en el asalariado superexplotado, </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">en el desempleado, </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">en el desplazado forzoso, en el nativo desterrado, en el transexual reducido al ostracismo, incluso en el plano castrense, y, en general, en las multiplicadas poblaciones neocolonizadas). Es una legitimación de racismo-y-capitalismo que se aplica como ortopedia plutocrática por parte de un imperialismo oligopólico que recrea y renueva su fascismo en las condiciones de las <i><a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/246162-venezuela-fake-news-constituyente" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">fake news</a></i> (tecnología declarativa de noticias apócrifas que podría acaso hacer perecer a su propio inventor). Y con ese veneno esparcido, especialmente sobre la conciencia histórica de clase, se abate a poblaciones enteras para procrastinar toda revolución social anti-capitalista que acaso fuese políticamente posible. Esas <i>fake news</i> (posible de retrotraerlas al propagandismo contrarrevolucionario y esclavócrata de siglo XVIII que supeditó los derechos civiles a los del comercio y que de territorio caribeño se desplazará a territorio continental norteamericano), es aplicado en el siglo XXI para el despliegue operatorio de guerras no-convencionales y de cuarta generación. Y es que las celebraciones mundiales del centenario de la revolución leninista se hallan inmersas, claro que de manera no-convencional, en una tercera conflagración mundial claramente propensa a los <a href="http://prometheuschannel.blogspot.com.uy/2016/03/geopolitica-encuentro-del-santo-padre.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">desequilibrios regionales</a> (la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">balcanización</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">», o la geopolítica de los conflictos regionalizados, se sustenta tanto de corpúsculos terroristas como de la conformación artificiosa de separatismos étnicos</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">). Y su <i>progressus</i> continúa, puesto que toda confrontación imperialista contemporánea finaliza en el anticomunismo y sus multiplicadas formas emancipatorias. Así, para evitar estas emergencias antiimperialistas que hacen a la propia existencia y construcción de historia, la plutocracia intenta configurar una cuarta beligerancia verdaderamente universal con que pretende reconstituir la institucionalidad de los estados nacionales en función del mundo de los oligopolios (la geopolítica del pacífico, netamente talasocrática, demuestra ese propósito irracional que conduce necesariamente al ontocidio; e.g., se tiene el caso harto notorio aunque no único del bloqueo económico imperialista que se ejecuta contra una <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=r1wGY8VEDjw" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">RPDC que avanza hacia el desarrollo de su sociedad comunista</a> y la <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vDThvU56P48" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">unión pacífica de Corea</a>, a pesar de impedírsele su libertad de «comunicación» con Occidente: </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://mundo.sputniknews.com/asia/201709101072244949-corea-canal-uriminzokkiri/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Uriminzokkiri es un canal oficial de la RPDC rescindido durante 2017 por YOUTUBE</a></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">). La tecnología discursiva de las <i>fake news</i> </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">―</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">como operatoria de un complejo industrial de comunicación colectiva, o, al menos, de reconcentrada coordinación ideológica de una política de comunicación por parte de las empresas de comunicación destacadas internacionalmente</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">―</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> disipa hasta su aniquilamiento la convicción diplomática de una </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">moral internacional</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">» (aquella que e.g. en América del Sur supo promover la <a href="http://www.argentina-rree.com/8/8-044.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">administración YRIGOYEN</a> de República Argentina en la década de 1920, y, concomitantemente con otro principio fundamental que es el de la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">autodeterminación de los pueblos</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">», a instancias de una Sociedad de las Naciones que como organización diplomática era la respuesta internacional que la administración WILSON de Estados Unidos de América daba en el año de 1918 a la emergencia de la revolución bolchevique de Rusia</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">).</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> No obstante, las revoluciones emancipatorias anti-neocolonialistas en el tercer mundo, luego de V. LENIN, se han multiplicado </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">―</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">algo que se comprende, claro, si se revisa esta primera centuria, como un resultado socialmente pertinente e históricamente razonable</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">―</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">.</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="409" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/w4iMqVUdqw4" width="493" youtube-src-id="w4iMqVUdqw4"></iframe></div><br /><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Se ha sucedido un siglo de aquella pretérita Rusia imperial de terratenientes y servidumbre, así como de insipientes industriales. La <a href="http://www.knowbysight.info/index.asp" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Unión de Repúblicas Socialistas Soviéticas</a> (la otrora URSS, <a href="https://www.ecured.cu/Uni%C3%B3n_Sovi%C3%A9tica" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">constituida e</a></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://www.ecured.cu/Uni%C3%B3n_Sovi%C3%A9tica" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">n el año de 1922</a>) logra irrumpir en el mundo de las naciones de siglo XX. Resultó de un proceso emancipador comunista que asume el poder </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">en el año de 1917 </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">con su Comité Militar Revolucionario (órgano del Soviet de diputados obreros y soldados de Petrogrado). Ejecutan la rendición de un gobierno provisional que se había desligado de reivindicaciones económicas sustantivas, </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">como lo era la entrega de tierra a los campesinos</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">―exigencia revolucionaria que </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">definitivamente </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">contrarió los intereses de clase de una nobleza rusa virulenta en los estertores de su poderío</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">―</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">. Ese gobierno provisional era </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">un conglomerado de liberales que presidiría inicialmente el príncipe G. Y. LVOV </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">(proclive, a lo sumo, a un proceso reformista democrático-burgués); resultó </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">fomentado por una aristocracia que disolvía su Duma, como </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">una </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">forma política de pos-zarismo que se intentó. Fue la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">resultante de la abdicación </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">de Nicolás II Románov, no en vano conocido como el autócrata,</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">a favor de su hijo el </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">zarevich Alexei (aunque, ocurría a su vez que mientras obreros y solados derribaban a aquella monarquía en plena guerra civil, su burguesía autóctona durante el gobierno provisional que se instauró querría haber entregado el poder político al hermano del zar dimitente: el gran duque Miguel). El último zar </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">legaba un binomio luctuoso. A toda Rusia involucró en la primera guerra mundial, debido a </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">la relación comprometida que mantuvo con la Triple Entente y sus aliados (conformada como </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">tercer sistema</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, resultante imperialista asimismo de los <i><a href="https://books.google.com.uy/books?id=pbvXkJI6vFIC&pg=PT92&dq=Sistemas+bismarckianos&hl=es&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjQz53158_WAhUJEZAKHUuVDz4Q6AEITjAH#v=onepage&q=Sistemas%20bismarckianos&f=false" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">sistemas bismarckianos</a></i>)</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">. Esto diezmó a</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> sus súbditos, los abatimientos y heridos a causa de los combates se contabilizarían de a </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">cientos de miles y su concomitante hambruna terminaría de asolar a sus poblaciones.</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> Aquel gobierno provisorio, increíblemente, no sólo continuó con la estrategia bélica del zar; se orientó de manera </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">infructuosa, asimismo, al intento de liquidar a los bolcheviques, a los propios movimientos de obreros, a los de soldados y a los de campesinos que habían forjado durante décadas anteriores la decisión política de unificarse como clase e incluso de tomar las armas, de ser necesario, y así lo hicieron, para supervivir y librarse de las formas de opresión de los señores feudales, harto conocida por los siervos, o de la explotación capitalista sufrida </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">por los propios jornaleros </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">en las fábricas y en los yacimientos. No obstante, hubo un terrateniente a finales de siglo XIX que sí reconocería aquella opresión insana que padecía la servidumbre rusa: el conde <a href="http://tolstoymuseum.ru/museums/funds/photos.php" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">León TOLSTÓI</a>. En esta época revolucionaria logran imponer </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">los trabajadores y los desheredados, </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">a comienzos de aquel convulsionado siglo XX, su derecho a una insurrección, gestada en el anti-feudalismo y el anti-capitalismo y que calará con hondura en la historia de las naciones debido al bienestar social que se obtendría (la URSS consagró en un breve arco histórico múltiples derechos de raigambre leninista: la jornada laboral de ocho horas, las vacaciones anuales pagadas, la educación secundaria y superior al amparo de su gratuidad, la educación para la población preescolar, la atención médica al amparo de su gratuidad, la vivienda también en condiciones de gratuidad, la imposibilidad de despido al trabajador sin el consentimiento de su propia clase social organizada en lo síndico y lo partidario, la garantía de empleo a la persona graduada, el usufructo del transporte terrestre en condiciones de gratuidad para garantizar la movilidad de la persona a su trabajo o instituto de enseñanza, etc.). Los propios soldados ya no atendían a las jerarquías de un gobierno provisional que apenas perduró meses, diluyéndose estrepitosamente, además, el apoyo político y moral de quienes otrora fueran sus </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">electores</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">» dado que no había </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">paz</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, o </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">pan</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, ni </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">tierra</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">. Esa era una exigencia que sí se hallará formulada en la octavilla propagandista bolchevique, aparecida al defenderse Petrogrado contra la División Salvaje de L. KORNILOV </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">―</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">avanzaban sus regimientos de cosacos incluso con tanques británicos ante la ineptitud de ese gobierno provisorio dirigido entonces por A. KERENSKY, quien nada hizo contra aquel ataque</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">―.</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> Y a pesar de haberse vencido a KORNILOV por parte de los propios trabajadores, KERENSKY ordenará que se los disuelva como organización de consejos obreros y de soldados; intentó aniquilar a esos mismos soviets que habían defendido Petrogrado</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">. Los trabajadores asumen aquella defensa citadina mediante el Instituto Mayor de Defensa. El lema bolchevique se encarnó estratégicamente en la población rusa: <a href="https://www.marxists.org/espanol/lenin/obras/1910s/1916mil.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">¡Proletariado, aprende a manejar el fusil!</a> (a pesar del intento de apresar nuevamente a LENIN, durante su clandestinidad logró dirigir </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">―</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">mediante sus camaradas <a href="https://www.ecured.cu/Stalin" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">I. STALIN</a>, <a href="https://www.ecured.cu/Y%C3%A1kov_Sverdlov" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Y. M. SVERDLOV</a>, <a href="https://www.ecured.cu/Vyacheslav_Molotov" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">V. M. MOLOTOV</a> y <a href="http://www.knowbysight.info/OOO/05290.asp" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">G. K. ORDZHONIKIDSE</a></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">― </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">un <a href="https://www.marxists.org/espanol/tematica/histsov/pcr-b/cap7.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">VI Congreso del Partido Bolchevique</a> que planearía, secretamente en Petrogrado, el levantamiento armado del pueblo ruso contra sus opresores). Los ministros capitalistas de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">KERENSKY</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> carecerían de representatividad. Derrocar a la monarquía con el propósito de instaurar la primera revolución socialista implicó estratégicamente, pues, desestimar el apoyo a aquel gobierno provisional fijado en la estrategia belicista de la Triple Entente. Comienzan los revolucionarios comunistas a librar </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">a sus poblaciones </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">del vasallaje</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, al que durante centurias se hallaron subsumidas. El propio campesino hasta la década de 1860 no sería capaz de ninguna sindéresis distributiva (en el año de 1861, el zar Alejandro II aboliría ese régimen de servidumbre del que se valió su cuerpo dinástico, <a href="https://books.google.com.uy/books?id=W-QKI3e3BA4C&printsec=frontcover&dq=Rusia+en+el+siglo+XIX+de+Enrique+Bienzobas+Casta%C3%B1o&hl=es&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiAx8G-qZbXAhWSl5AKHRpNCQkQ6AEIJTAA#v=onepage&q=Rusia%20en%20el%20siglo%20XIX%20de%20Enrique%20Bienzobas%20Casta%C3%B1o&f=false" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">aunque la explotación servil se mantuvo de manera encubierta, así como el endeudamiento progresivo y explícito del campesinado con los terratenientes, debido a su relación con la baja rentabilidad de las parcelas que se adquirían por expropiación a precios sobrevalorados en millones de rublos</a>); al amparo y con la condescendencia de la ortodoxia religiosa, en esa tierra rusa aún sin Constitución, el siervo doméstico, o el sometido a la corvea, o el que pagara renta, ni siquiera habría podido casarse, ejercerse en una ética esponsalicia, sin la previa autorización de su terrateniente. En el año de 1879 era notoria ya la proliferación del propagandismo revolucionario entre los campesinos, dado el descontento político habido ante la carente distribución de tierras. Habrá después un parlamento nuevo, clasista, en un siglo XX incipiente. Instituyéndose en el antiimperialismo, internacionaliza su admirable alarma leninista contra del absolutismo desplegado por una dinastía zarista divinizada y sus posteriores liberales (el censo identificaría al zar como </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">terrateniente</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> con posesión de más de la mitad de toda la tierra de Rusia, unos 6 mil millones de acres) ―una alarma que alcanzó además a sus adláteres, devenidos de una arraigada aristocracia boyarda, de un clero funcional al régimen monárquico y de un aparato de burócratas que correspondía su tecnología discursiva con una instrumentalidad jurídica definitivamente parcializada―. El zarismo había instaurado un sistema militarizado de asesinato de trabajadores, al mando del gran duque Vladímir (tío del último zar). Las quejas salariales de los obreros peterburgueses llegarían hasta el mismísimo Palacio de Invierno, para resultar ahogadas en el fuego zarista de su infantería (esa jornada se conocería como </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.rebelion.org/docs/9906.pdf" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">el domingo de sangre</a></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">» de 1905</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">). Fue necesario de esta manera que aquellos jornaleros </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">defendiesen</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, organizándose en la clandestinidad, su derecho a la libertad política: l</span><span style="text-align: left;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">os militares rusos del zarismo en el año de 1903 persiguieron y desaparecieron a obreros en Yaroslavl, Petersburgo, Riga, Rostov del Don y en Zlatoúst. Alrededor de 40 mil presos políticos del zarismo morirían en el encierro. No obstante, ni aquel terror zarista ni el posterior terror que instauraran los revolucionarios demócratas burgueses logró detener este otro proceso revolucionario comunista que ya había comenzado a gestarse en las últimas décadas de siglo XIX. Esto, a pesar de que en el año de 1896 ―durante las huelgas de verano― </span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; text-align: left;">la dirigencia obrera ya había sido</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; text-align: left;"> diezmada mediante asesinatos compulsivos ejecutados por el aparato represivo del zarismo. Se deportaba a los obreros </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; text-align: left;">para evitar nuevos reagrupamientos síndicos; se los enviaba de las capitales a centros industriales de provincias. Las represiones anti-obreras continuarían, en el año de 1912 los mineros en Siberia se proclamarían en huelga: se los asesinó en pleno campo de trabajo. Luego de gigantescas proezas obreras, </span><span style="text-align: left;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">u</span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">na nueva época comienza para la civilización: el sistema capitalista es desbordado por un sistema social radicalmente distinto, posible de fundar a partir de repúblicas socialistas capaces de abolir dos mitos económicos inmanentes a la imaginación burguesa de aquello que entienden que es el mundo y que se refractan, además, en su aparato de Estado </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">―</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">como </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">estado burgués</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">―</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">. El primer mito: hay una supuesta necesidad de defender la propiedad privada (impide que los bienes fundamentales de las naciones, su riqueza patrimonial, pertenezcan colectivamente, como correspondería con el agua potable, la riqueza mineral, el conocimiento científico, los bienes de la industria, etc.). El segundo mito: hay una supuesta necesidad de mantener relaciones caóticas de producción, donde el sujeto de trabajo vive antropológicamente reducido a la mercancía (es un progreso confundido con una libertad de comercio donde las hogazas de pan no se producen para alimentar acaso a quien nunca debería hallarse hambriento, puesto que su producción se degenera para servir como mercancía, para servir a la sola contingencia de la venta; algunos, así, en ese esquema de enriquecimiento, </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">poseen </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">palacios aunque haya una muchedumbre que apenas resuelve su habitación en asentamientos humanos irregulares, indignos a cualquier persona). El mundo político ya no volverá a ser el mismo. Ahora la democracia burguesa </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">―</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">envuelta en sus ortogramas de libertad</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">―</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> reconoce históricamente a su verdadero enemigo político y no lo serán los reyes o príncipes a quienes se guillotinara con esmero en siglos anteriores</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, ni tampoco el clero: le preocupará el marxismo-leninismo y especialmente su dictadura del proletariado (i.e., el proceso de apropiación del poder económico de una clase explotadora rusa a quien se le arrebataba, diluyéndose una dictadura militar que intentaron imponer los zaristas con tanques británicos al mando de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">KORNILOV, sin lograrlo puesto </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">que la dirigencia política comunista lo contrarrestaría junto con obreros, campesinos y soldados), asunto que criticará A. SCHAFF, en base a la experiencia nacional polaca, debido a que aquella </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">dictadura del proletariado</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">» históricamente necesaria</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> para el bolchevismo tendría una <a href="https://books.google.com.uy/books?id=4uv0LjtRLeYC&printsec=frontcover&dq=Adam+SCHAFF+Meditaciones+sobre+el+socialismo&hl=es&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwijs5if0J3VAhUDS5AKHapYCEIQ6AEIJTAA#v=onepage&q=Adam%20SCHAFF%20Meditaciones%20sobre%20el%20socialismo&f=false" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><i>interpretación esquizofrénica</i></a> posteriormente en otras geo-antropografías, europeas o africanas, </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">así lo entenderá este teórico materialista, puesto que </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">siendo un </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">modelo de socialismo</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">» </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">universalizado, luego de instaurada su revolución de octubre que fuera asediada por múltiples intereses imperiales, terminaría por ser un proceso geopolítico deformador de aquel <a href="https://www.marxists.org/espanol/m-e/1840s/48-manif.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">comunismo que teorizó K. MARX y F. ENGELS en el manifiesto de 1848</a> y que impediría además como resultante de su equívoco ideológico la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">libertad individual</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">» en el bloque soviético</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">. No obstante, ¿qué libertad política hubiese podido obtenerse por parte de los bolcheviques cuando los contrarrevolucionarios vencían una y otra vez a finales de siglo XIX e inicios de siglo XX, mediante la masacre de una población desarmada y el aislamiento de las barriadas obreras? En esa contrarrevolución, los soldados integrantes d</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">el Primer Regimiento de Ametralladoras atendió el llamado a brindar apoyo militar a los obreros sublevados y se los acusaría de felonía por quienes representaban la política zarista devenida en democrático-liberal (igualmente estos presos políticos serían </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">poco después </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">liberados de sus calabozos por los propios bolcheviques). El Estado Mayor de la organización militar bolchevique fue atacado. El Comité de Petrogrado del partido bolchevique fue destruido. El ministro de justicia y de guerra, el ministro de la marina, entre otros, operaban políticamente con KERENSKY favoreciendo el interés monárquico. KERENSKY autoriza la orden para el restablecimiento de la pena capital tanto en el Ejército como en la Marina. </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La revolución comunista devendría en una antítesis última, al menos, en relación a las anteriores revoluciones que constituyeron a la civilización greco-latina. Incluso, claro que de manera generalísima, hasta podría conjeturarse que aquella gesta resultó involucrada en la transformación misma de una arqueología institucional que durante milenios remitía a esquemas de intercambio entronizados en las variadas formas históricas habidas de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">explotación del hombre por el hombre</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">. <a href="https://www.marxists.org/espanol/lenin/obras/1910s/internacional/informe.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">¿Libertad? ¿Libertad para qué?: si hay una libertad de lucro para los ricos, ¿esa es la libertad?</a> </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">LENIN analiza la democracia en condiciones adjetivadas, así como el «ambiente democrático» o la «amplia democracia» de una organización política. Discute la </span><i style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">exigencia democrática</i><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> de la socialdemocracia alemana no solo en relación a la autocracia rusa que oprimía al vasallaje y a sus obreros sino, a su vez, en relación a la valoración moral de los intercambios. Y discute la conformación democrática de una organización política en relación al movimiento emancipatorio comunista en las condiciones de la clandestinidad, desdoblándola en dos rasgos fundamentales: i. el carácter público de todas sus operaciones y ii. el carácter electivo de la dirigencia para tales operaciones. Y lo formula en sentido apagógico. </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Aunque debe destacarse que el «ejercicio democrático» </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">―</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">per sé, al menos como ortograma absoluto de la organización de los intercambios de un estado</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">―</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> es desestimado </span><i style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">para la práctica clandestina</i><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">. La propia regulación de las decisiones políticas se resuelve mucho más como posición moral, antes que en la sola exaltación del altruismo espontáneo: «</span><a href="https://www.marxists.org/espanol/lenin/obras/1900s/quehacer/qh4.htm" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;" target="_blank">El único principio de organización serio a que deben atenerse los dirigentes de nuestro movimiento ha de ser el siguiente: la más severa discreción conspirativa, la más rigurosa selección de los afiliados y la preparación de revolucionarios profesionales</a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">». </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">¿Pero a qué remite después de todo la democracia de las repúblicas burguesas, o de las naciones <i>democrático republicanas</i> en el sistema capitalista? A intereses de clases y no a meros sesgos democráticos que si es necesario se suprimen u omiten. Aunque se introyectan y refractan institucionalmente, es innegable (e.g. mediante toda una doctrina jurídica verdaderamente valiosa). No obstante, no implica esto que acaso resulten perpetuamente miscibles. ¿De no ser así, cómo habría sido posible acaso tanto <i><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vH6_jzFlkFg" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">despliegue de maldad insolente</a></i> en un siglo XX donde un hombre como Nelson MANDELA, entre muchos otros hombres, mientras se hallaba encarcelado y vejado por el régimen del apartheid, al procurar la <i>libertad política de los trabajadores negros sudafricanos</i>, estuviese identificado como terrorista hasta el año de 2008 por los gobiernos de Estados Unidos de América? ¿O cómo es posible que la única potencia bélico-industrial que se ha valido de bombas atómicas, para el aniquilamiento de civiles en el imperio del Japón, haya sido Estados Unidos de América, no habiéndose documentado, nunca, arrepentimiento ninguno en relación con la barbarie acometida? ¿Cómo es posible que tales prácticas, radicalmente inmorales, se hayan legitimado como relaciones asimétricas de estado? ¿En aras de la libertad? ¿De</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> una </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">libertad para qué</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">», respecto de quiénes y en relación a la conformación de qué Derecho? Es un objeto de trabajo teórico </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">―</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">la libertad, i.e. el desplazamiento de la <i>cosa en sí</i> a la <i>cosa en sí cognoscible</i> como <i>cosa en sí para nosotros</i></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">―</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">no solo hipostasiado a causa del relato literario y los centones que se valen de un anterior utopismo, sino también debido al embrollo teórico en que se envuelve, notorio incluso en el neoliberalismo discursivo circundante, y de la catacresis que conlleva su <i>sentido político</i> y esto, así, sin más morfología, solo ridiculiza su análisis (asunto que preocupó a MARX en el año de 1868 y que resultara <a href="https://www.marxists.org/espanol/lenin/obras/1910s/carlos_marx/carlosmarx.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">retomado por LENIN en el año de 1914</a>). Y es que incluso su análisis r</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">emite a intereses de clases envueltos en la razón de Imperio (o en la categoría de imperio, entendida incluso como entimema del discurso democrático capitalista, así como se podría </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">acaso </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">discutir, mediante otras formas, respecto de la democracia esclavista de la Época Clásica, etc.). Esto, igualmente no logra concluirse, acaso, como una negación mediocre de la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">democracia</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">» (la más de las veces, sólo revisada como objeto lisológico de las relaciones republicanas de estado), </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">en pos de alguna erudición moral (la revolución comunista no se reduce a la República de Sócrates o a algún otro areópago antidemocrático ensimismado en su sabiduría); simplemente refiere a que LENIN se niega a que la propia democracia, incluso como objeto de trabajo teórico y por tanto político y entonces necesariamente adjetivable, sea reducida a oclocracia ―si se quiere, a un actual fundamentalismo democrático primermundista―. Después de todo, hasta los reyes son demócratas, si acaso esa Democracia </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">ampara sus intereses de clase, e.g. en la forma jurídica de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">una monarquía constitucional (de Estado, como el caso del Reino de España que reaccionó impidiendo un referendo en relación a su <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/tag/Catalu%C3%B1a" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">territorio catalán</a> que otra vez ha intentado la secesión). </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En estas cuestiones, LENIN discreparía con la intelectualidad marxista que le resultara contemporánea, como R. LUXEMBURGO o L. TROTSKY o <a href="https://www.marxists.org/espanol/pannekoek/index.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">A. PANNEKOEK</a>. Un intelectual estadounidense como N. CHOMSKY más recientemente concluyó a LENIN como un <i>oportunista político</i>. Esta suposición anarquista no es una retrospectiva suficiente (máxime si se considera para tal denominación moral que hay incluso formas de anarquismo neoliberalista en el siglo XXI, especialmente en el campo de las criptodivisas). Y es que el leninismo </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">―</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">en su condición dialéctica de ensamblaje de intereses políticos</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">― no reduce al marxismo las cosas del mundo (aunque esto posteriormente no se comprendió en lo relativo a <a href="http://www.fundacionrodneyarismendi.org/pdf/los_intelectuales.pdf" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">cuestiones estéticas o metodológicas en general, si se atienden las observaciones teóricas de ARISMENDI</a>), sino que aplica a las cosas del mundo un criterio de relación marxista incluso si los intercambios habidos objetivamente continúan produciendo capitalismo (se vale de aquel estadio de materialismo histórico que refluye como organización de lo político partidario de las naciones, incluso si se hallan sumidas en la degradación moral de sus necesidades sociales e individuales). Es el materialismo histórico con que construye conocimiento conceptual acerca del capitalismo (y operatorio de sus oposiciones concretas con que puede darse forma al socialismo, es una posibilidad, como su contradictorio). Se investiga el capitalismo, sus totalidades necesarias, y, no se lo contrapone a resoluciones o presuposiciones volitivas, sino a la categoría de imperialismo, respecto de aquellas decisiones políticas que confirmaran dominarlo histórico-institucionalmente, hasta su aniquilamiento como sistema (esto, si se asume la simpleza de concebir que todo sistema social es, respecto de aquella historia económica de que resulta, un sistema enantiológico). </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Conjeturar que el ejercicio gubernativo de los soviets (o consejos de obreros, campesinos y </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">soldados), </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">es acaso una vuelta al zarismo, siendo que esto el anarquismo lo ha supuesto, si no, incluso fue supuesto como mero totalitarismo, implicaría adjetivar a la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">revolución rusa mediante meros ortogramas democráticos, ignorándose que LENIN si algo no </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">podía hacer es ejecutar de <i>motu proprio</i> las decisiones políticas que sólo se </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">confirmaban en condiciones de parlamento, hallándose </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">antagónicos a un belicismo imperial que junto con la propia población rusa rechazaban </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">―</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">aunque la democracia de los terratenientes e industriales pretendería continuar una primera guerra mundial como fórmula para la libertad, donde el terror de la dictadura </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">militar para restaurar el zarismo que aquellos demócratas burgueses y príncipes no enfrentaron, debió contrarrestarse necesariamente con el terror revolucionario de la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">dictadura del proletariado, puesto que el enemigo de clase al amparo de capitales ingleses o franceses no entendía que debiera acaso entregar ninguna de las riquezas que explotaba en la propia Rusia</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">―</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">. Y así fue cómo la historia del mundo asalariado empezaría a transformar la deontología del obrero y del oprimido, de una manera que nunca antes revolución alguna hubiese logrado. </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El 10 de octubre el Comité Central del Partido Bolchevique debatía el levantamiento armado. Se aprueba la posición leninista de organizar el Comité Militar Revolucionario. LENIN, retornado secretamente de la clandestinidad asume la dirección del levantamiento comunista. El llamamiento a las armas fue publicado. </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">A los ciudadanos de Rusia: ¡El gobierno provisional cayó!</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">».</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> El poder del estado es asumido por las autoridades de obreros y soldados soviéticos de Petrogrado. Es media mañana, 25 de octubre de 1917 en el anterior calendario juliano. </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Ahora, aquella gesta de dignidad de una clase obrera emancipada por la vía teórica del marxismo, se ha vuelto semilla prolífica. LENIN </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">―</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">sin que esto implique un sentido mitificado, o mágico, sino de necesaria <i>cocina política</i></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">―</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">ha sido multiplicado </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">como los panes y los peces que no se acaban. </span><br />
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<b style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana, sans-serif; text-align: left;">El precio de la historia</b><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small; text-align: left;">A. GRAMSCI</span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><span style="text-align: left;"><br /></span></span>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">¿Qué reclama aún la Historia al proletariado ruso para legitimar y hacer permanentes sus victorias? ¿Qué otro precio sangriento, qué más sacrificios pretende esta soberana absoluta del destino de los hombres?</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Las dificultades y las objeciones que la Revolución proletaria debe superar se han revelado inmensamente superiores a las de cualquier otra Revolución del pasado. Estas tendían tan sólo a corregir las formas de la propiedad privada y nacional de los medios de producción y de cambio; afectaban a una parte limitada de los elementos humanos. La Revolución proletaria es la máxima revolución; porque quiere abolir la propiedad privada y nacional, y abolir las clases, afecta a todos los hombres y no sólo a una parte de ellos. Obliga a todos los hombres a moverse, a intervenir en la lucha, a tomar partido explícitamente. Transforma fundamentalmente la Sociedad; de organismo unicelular (de individuos-ciudadanos) la transforma en organismo pluricelular; pone como base de la Sociedad núcleos ya orgánicos de la Sociedad misma. Obliga a toda la Sociedad a identificarse con el Estado; quiere que todos los hombres sean conocimiento espiritual e histórico. Por eso la Revolución proletaria es social; por eso debe superar dificultades y objeciones inauditas; por eso la Historia reclama para su buen logro precios monstruosos como los que el pueblo ruso se ve obligado a resistir.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La Revolución rusa ha triunfado hasta ahora de todas las objeciones de la Historia. Ha revelado al pueblo ruso una aristocracia de estadistas como ninguna otra nación posee; se trata de un par de millares de hombres que han dedicado toda su vida al estudio (experimental) de las ciencias políticas y económicas, que durante decenas de años de exilio han analizado y profundizado todos los problemas de la Revolución, que en la lucha, en el duelo sin par contra la potencia del zarismo, se han forjado un carácter de acero, que, viviendo en contacto con todas las formas de la civilización capitalista de Europa, Asia y América, sumergiéndose en las corrientes mundiales de los cambios y de la historia, han adquirido una conciencia de responsabilidad exacta y precisa, fría y cortante como las espadas de los conquistadores de imperios.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Los comunistas rusos son un núcleo dirigente de primer orden. Lenin se ha revelado, testimonian cuantos le han conocido, como el más grande estadista de la Europa contemporánea; el hombre cuyo prestigio se impone naturalmente, capaz de inflamar y disciplinar a los pueblos; el hombre que logra dominar en su vasto cerebro todas la energías sociales del mundo que pueden ser desencadenadas en beneficio de la Revolución; el hombre que tiene en ascuas y derrota a los más refinados y astutos estadistas de la <i>rutina</i> burguesa.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Pero una cosa es la doctrina comunista, el partido político que la propugna, la clase obrera que la encarna conscientemente y otra el inmenso pueblo ruso, destrozado, desorganizado, arrojado a un sombrío abismo de miseria, de barbarie, de anarquía, de aniquilación en una prolongada y desastrosa guerra. La grandeza política, la histórica obra maestra de los bolcheviques consiste precisamente en haber puesto en pie al gigante caído, en haber dado de nuevo (o por primera vez) una forma concreta y dinámica a esta desintegración, a este caos; en haber sabido fundir la doctrina comunista con la conciencia colectiva del pueblo ruso, en haber construido los sólidos cimientos sobre los que la Sociedad comunista ha iniciado su proceso de desarrollo histórico; en una palabra: en haber traducido históricamente en la realidad experimental la fórmula marxista de la dictadura del proletariado.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La Revolución es eso, y no un globo hinchado de retórica demagógica, cuando se encarna en un tipo de Estado, cuando se transforma en un sistema organizado del poder. No existe Sociedad más que en un Estado, que es la fuente y el fin de todo derecho y de todo deber, que es garantía de permanencia y éxito de toda actividad social. La Revolución es proletaria cuando de ella nace, en ella se encarna un Estado típicamente proletario, custodio del derecho proletario, que cumple sus funciones esenciales como emanación de la vida y del poder proletario.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Los bolcheviques han dado forma estatal a las experiencias históricas y sociales del proletariado ruso, que son las experiencias de la clase obrera y campesina internacional; han sistematizado en un organismo complejo y ágilmente articulado su vida íntima, su tradición y su más profunda y apreciada historia espiritual y social. Han roto con el pasado, pero han continuado el pasado; han despedazado una tradición, pero han desarrollado y enriquecido una tradición; han roto con el pasado de la historia dominado por las clases poseedoras, han continuado, desarrollado, enriquecido la tradición vital de la clase proletaria, obrera y campesina. En eso han sido revolucionarios y por eso han instaurado el nuevo orden y la nueva disciplina. La ruptura es irrevocable porque afecta a lo esencial de la historia, sin más posibilidad de vuelta atrás que el desplomamiento sobre la sociedad rusa de un inmenso desastre. Y era esta iniciación de un formidable duelo con todas las necesidades de la Historia, desde las más elementales a las más complejas, lo que había que incorporar al nuevo Estado proletario, dominar, frenar, en las funciones del nuevo Estado proletario.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Se precisaba conquistar para el nuevo Estado a la mayoría leal del pueblo ruso; mostrar al pueblo ruso que el nuevo Estado era su Estado, su vida, su espíritu, su tradición, su más precioso patrimonio. El Estado de los Soviets tenía un núcleo dirigente, el Partido comunista bolchevique; tenía el apoyo de una minoría social, representante de la conciencia de clase, de los intereses vitales y permanentes de toda la clase, los obreros de la industria. Se ha transformado en el Estado de todo el pueblo ruso, merced a la tenaz perseverancia del Partido comunista, a la fe y la entusiasta lealtad de los obreros, a la asidua e incesante labor de propaganda, de esclarecimiento, de educación de los hombres excepcionales del comunismo ruso, dirigidos por la voluntad clara y rectilínea del maestro de todos, Lenin. El Soviet ha demostrado ser inmortal como forma de sociedad organizada que responde plásticamente a las multiformes necesidades (económicas y políticas), permanentes y vitales, de la gran masa del pueblo ruso, que encarna y satisface las aspiraciones y las esperanzas de todos los oprimidos del mundo.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La prolongada y desgraciada guerra había dejado una triste herencia de miseria, de barbarie, de anarquía; la organización de los servicios sociales estaba deshecha; la misma comunidad humana se había reducido a una horda nómada, sin trabajo, sin voluntad, sin disciplina, materia opaca de una inmensa descomposición. El nuevo Estado recogió de la matanza los trozos torturados de la sociedad y los recompuso, los soldó; reconstruyó una fe, una disciplina, un alma, una voluntad de trabajo y de progreso. Misión que puede constituir la gloria de toda una generación.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">No basta. La Historia no se conforma con esta prueba. Formidables enemigos se alzan implacables contra el nuevo Estado. Se pone en circulación moneda falsa para corromper al campesino, se juega con su estómago hambriento. Rusia se ve cortada de toda salida al mar, de todo intercambio comercial, de cualquier solidaridad; se ve privada de Ucrania, de la cuenca del Donetz, de Siberia, de todo mercado de materias primas y de víveres. En un frente de diez mil kilómetros, bandas armadas amenazan con la invasión; se pagan sublevaciones, traiciones, vandalismo, actos de terrorismo y de sabotaje. Las victorias más clamorosas se convierten, mediante la traición, en súbitos fiascos.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">No importa. El poder de los Soviets resiste. Del caos que sigue a la derrota, crea un poderoso ejército que se transforma en la espina dorsal del Estado proletario. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Presionado por imponentes fuerzas antagónicas, encuentra en sí el vigor intelectual y la plasticidad histórica para adaptarse a las necesidades de la contingencia, sin desnaturalizarse, sin comprometer el feliz proceso de desarrollo hacia el Comunismo.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El Estado de los Soviets demuestra así ser un momento inevitable e irrevocable del proceso ineluctable de la civilización humana; ser el primer núcleo de una nueva sociedad.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y puesto que los otros Estados no pueden convivir con la Rusia proletaria y son impotentes para destruirla, puesto que los enormes medios de que el capital dispone ―el monopolio de la información, la posibilidad de la calumnia, la corrupción, el bloqueo terrestre y marítimo, el boicot, el sabotaje, la impúdica deslealtad (<a href="https://www.marxists.org/portugues/stalin/1919/03/16.htm#tn71" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Prinkipo</a>), la violación del derecho de gentes (guerra sin declaración), la presión militar con medios técnicos superiores― son impotentes contra la fe de un pueblo, es históricamente necesario que los otros Estados desaparezcan o se transformen al nivel de Rusia.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El cisma de la especie humana </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><span style="color: #444444;">no</span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> puede prolongarse mucho tiempo. La humanidad tiende a la unificación interior y exterior, tiende a organizarse en un sistema de convivencia pacífica que permita la reconstrucción del mundo. La forma de régimen debe ser capaz de satisfacer las necesidades de la humanidad. Rusia, tras una guerra desastrosa, con el bloqueo, sin ayudas, contando con sus únicas fuerzas, ha sobrevivido dos años; los Estados capitalistas, con la ayuda de todo el mundo, exacerbando la expoliación colonial para sostenerse, continúan decayendo, acumulando ruinas sobre ruinas, destrucciones sobre destrucciones.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La historia es, pues, Rusia; la vida está, pues, en Rusia; sólo en el régimen de los Consejos encuentran adecuada solución los problemas de vida o de muerte que incumben al mundo. La Revolución rusa ha pagado su precio a la historia, precio de muerte, de miseria, de hambre, de sacrificio, de indomable voluntad. Hoy culmina el duelo: el pueblo ruso se ha puesto en pie, terrible gigante en su ascética escualidez, dominando la voluntad de pigmeos que le agreden furiosamente.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Todo ese pueblo se ha armado para su <a href="http://remilitari.com/cronolog/napoleon/valmy.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Valmy</a>. No puede ser vencido; ha pagado su precio. Debe ser defendido contra el orden de los ebrios mercenarios, de los aventureros, de los bandidos que quieren morder su corazón rojo y palpitante. Sus aliados naturales, sus camaradas de todo el mundo, deben hacerle oír un grito guerrero de irresistible eco que le abra las vías para el retorno a la vida del mundo.</span><br />
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display: inline; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="533" data-original-width="800" height="159" src="https://i0.wp.com/kprf-ugra.ru/wp-content/uploads/2021/11/100_let_SSSR.jpg?resize=1536%2C1024&ssl=1" width="237" /></a><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="198" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/sIPHjy-YCLU" width="237" youtube-src-id="sIPHjy-YCLU"></iframe></div><a href="https://www.rline.tv/news/2022-12-23-gennadiy-zyuganov-tolko-pobeda/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><br /></a><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><b><span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana;"><a href="https://www.rline.tv/news/2022-12-23-gennadiy-zyuganov-tolko-pobeda/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span>Геннадий Зюганов:</span><span> </span></a></span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><b><span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana;"><a href="https://www.rline.tv/news/2022-12-23-gennadiy-zyuganov-tolko-pobeda/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span>Только победа</span></a></span></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/@aurora_history/videos" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; display: inline; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="183" data-original-width="1083" height="41" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj0PoiZQ3ECGAKvEEtMBxBYTGSXq5q0V7EiweXCfo_3S9VAEVf8Uovvjmwpz3sXnKnew-aJTLU3PlDGKXvnyrKpnrFRzJp2vV2Mn_L7R7QfKnb8yEfXE3oTCpsqfYHt8OwxPLH0NiNtrvORz-X08qwGHRm07FclyDRL8DGq8C_Mx8MBH7GD27aMf99S5A/w239-h41/Captura%20de%20pantalla%20(24).png" width="239" /></a></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"></div></div></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #2875e0;"><b><br /></b></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #2875e0;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.pcc.cu/noticias/xxii-eipco-en-cuba-unidos-somos-mas-fuertes" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="680" data-original-width="680" height="484" src="https://pbs.twimg.com/media/Ffnc0NxXgAAydi5?format=jpg&name=small" width="484" /></a></div><br /><b><br /></b></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #2875e0;"><b><br /></b></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div><span style="font-size: x-small;">Octubre 28, 2022 Por: <a href="https://twitter.com/FonsecaSosa" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Claudia Fonseca Sosa</a></span></div><div><b>Comienza en La Habana el XXII Encuentro Internacional de Partidos Comunistas y Obreros (+ Vídeo)</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://media.cubadebate.cu/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/20221028_095013.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="435" data-original-width="580" height="364" src="http://media.cubadebate.cu/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/20221028_095013.jpg" width="484" /></a></div><br /><div><br /></div><div>El XXII Encuentro Internacional de Partidos Comunistas y Obreros (EIPCO), comenzó hoy en el Palacio de las Convenciones de la capital cubana, bajo el lema “Unidos somos más fuertes”. Cuba es sede del EIPCO por primera vez desde su fundación en Atenas, Grecia, en 1998. <a href="http://www.cubadebate.cu/noticias/2022/10/21/cuba-acogera-encuentro-internacional-de-partidos-comunistas-y-obreros-2/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">El encuentro</a>, que congrega en La Habana a decenas de fuerzas políticas del mundo, permitirá reflexionar sobre los enormes desafíos que enfrentan las fuerzas de izquierda ante la ofensiva imperialista, en su afán por imponer su hegemonía a nivel global, y la imperiosa necesidad de continuar fortaleciendo la unidad, la solidaridad y la concertación de los partidos comunistas y obreros del mundo, en pos de la lucha de nuestros pueblos por su verdadera y definitiva emancipación.</div><div><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="407" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/tmVEUP2X1XY" width="490" youtube-src-id="tmVEUP2X1XY"></iframe></div><div><a href="http://www.cubadebate.cu/noticias/2022/10/28/comienza-en-la-habana-el-xxii-encuentro-internacional-de-partidos-comunistas-y-obreros/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.cubadebate.cu/noticias/2022/10/28/comienza-en-la-habana-el-xxii-encuentro-internacional-de-partidos-comunistas-y-obreros/</a></div></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BMlV-xhM0z4" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; display: inline; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: center;" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: times;"><img border="0" data-original-height="115" data-original-width="903" height="53" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgJD3o4yhHpPS0FvIFD4XjBSbWyhAwiVJK27HdsVcQZkkYKme8d03g90TlDiTXJyLbGFDR3QkDoHJXwFY_q74wPrl2aurx4XBxc-gPBu8Sl3jDVjgdtEA-6Z1K0TQk8E87c6uL07NdbC9On/w242-h53/Festival+de+cine+chino+II.jpg" width="242" /></span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #cc0000; font-family: times;"><b>Festival del Cine Chino en Panamá 2021</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #cc0000; font-family: times;"><b><br /></b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: times;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;">¡Bienvenidos al Festival del Cine Chino en Panamá 2021! En junio de 2021, la Embajada de China en Panamá, el Ministerio de Cultura de Panamá, <a href="https://tv.cctv.com/cctv6/index.shtml?spm=C28340.PJuTaLplvEZR.E2PQtIunpEaz.11" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Canal CCTV 6</a> de China y el Sistema Estatal de Radio y Televisión (SERTV) celebran conjuntamente el <i>Festival del Cine Chino en Panamá 2021</i>. Del 24 de junio al 1 de julio se transmiten en vivo, desde las 20:00 horas por <a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/sertvpanama/videos" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">SERTV Panamá</a> o a través del Ministerio de Cultura de Panamá, y por medio de las plataformas Facebook y <a href="https://www.youtube.com/c/MinisteriodeCulturadePanam%C3%A1/videos" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Youtube</a>, siete obras cinematográficas chinas: </div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Dm7sqayNExY" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">El comienzo del gran renacimiento</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gdpYjcpYAq0" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Mejor y mejor</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MDzdKvvygng" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Mi 1919</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #666666; text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wfxpQ1Xg3BY" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">¡Vamos, Lala, vamos!</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="color: #444444; text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PRkBhr_mFHQ" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Caminar al colegio</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #666666; text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VG0DfpKD09M" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">El fotógrafo</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #666666; text-align: justify;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zdbJVnzqjRA" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Mi pueblo, mi país</a></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"></div></span></div></span></span></div></div> <div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: times;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: times;"></span><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: times;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="201" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/fdM7KtLqcPE" width="240" youtube-src-id="fdM7KtLqcPE"></iframe></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCq2Cg1w0sfmo_HcxbUMsXqA/videos" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; display: inline; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="88" data-original-width="88" src="https://yt3.ggpht.com/ytc/AKedOLSWrCzDCnl32oHrD0xCqklQ2AoNnAAWsGM6Xwng=s88-c-k-c0x00ffffff-no-rj" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ynmYyggru6s" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Making a New China Ep. 01: The Birth of the Party</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rB3pr71Kd7U&t=33s" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Making a New China Ep. 02: From a Single Spark to a Prairie Fire</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7xpI2Ym5ouw" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Making a New China Ep. 03: The Long March</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tW23twgPt7c" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Making a New China Ep. 04: The Mainstay</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OekspeJf4S0" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Making a New China Ep. 05: Duel of Destiny</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QDWbqx5cPZQ" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Making a New China Ep. 06: The Founding of the People’s Republic</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2zyu6meR5do" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Making a New China Ep. 07: Solidifying the Foundation</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cKKmrmPSYB8" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Making a New China Ep. 08: An Arduous Journey of Exploration</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nL5lYi9sbI4" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Making a New China Ep. 09: A Historic Turning Point</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"></div><div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"></div></div></span></span></div></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-XgKOSrCkUg" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: times;">Making a New China Ep. 10: Reform and Opening-Up</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qfjBpYVMa4E" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: times;">Making a New China Ep. 11: Doubt vs. Determination</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rpiFOnk-0Qk" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: times;">Making a New China Ep. 12: Home Coming Journeys</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dsUufiV_tC8" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: times;">Making a New China Ep. 13: The Scientific Outlook on Development</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=duc4C-cDH3s" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: times;">Making A New China Ep. 14: For the Well-being of the People</span></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div><div><div><div><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=o8CMxuxBxnw" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: times;">Making a New China Ep. 15: The Chinese Dream</span></a></div></div></div></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: times; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s0szJweyHsI" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Making a New China Ep. 16: Critical Battles to Deepen Reform</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oUe9lQIkOPs" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Making a New China Ep. 17: The Rule of Law</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bV_1aa1QwzI" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Making a New China Ep. 18: Targeted Poverty Alleviation</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fVnx9HhiAB8&t=107s" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Making A New China Ep. 19: Cultural Confidence</a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-0JaeRFq4TQ" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: times;">Making a New China Ep. 20: Building a Beautiful China</span></a></div></div></div></span></div></div></div></span></div></div></span></div></div></div></div></div></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: times; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"></div></span><div style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: times;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pqPYKkc5uu4" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Making a New China Ep. 21: A Shared Future for Mankind</a></span></div><div style="text-align: left;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bkZaQcrI7F4" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: times;">Making a New China Ep. 22: Strengthening the People’s Military</span></a></div><div style="text-align: left;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=d29mfTzNqOM" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: times;">Making a New China Ep. 23: Self-reform</span></a></div><div style="text-align: left;"><div><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s27xZL-ITY8" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: times;">Making a New China Ep.24: Eternal Great Cause</span></a></div><div></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="205" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/WNPKRjNEZ5E" width="247" youtube-src-id="WNPKRjNEZ5E"></iframe></div></div></span></div>
</div><br /><div><span style="color: #444444;">April 14,2021 By:People's Daily</span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;"><b>Communist Party of China makes tremendous success in human rights development over its 100-year history</b></span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2021/TRENDS_0414/16351.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2021/TRENDS_0414/16351.html</a></span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;">April 09,2021 By:Xinhua</span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;"><b>China hosts int’l conference on CPC and human rights progress in China</b></span></div><div><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2021/TRENDS_0409/16341.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2021/TRENDS_0409/16341.htm</a></span></div><div><br /></div><div><br /></div>
Pablo Pallashttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02676986163926451532noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8368737022377042313.post-17894526788632172332017-03-27T21:06:00.004-03:002021-07-03T11:52:48.340-03:00Del reconocimiento del discurso «democrático-latinoamericanista»<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<a href="http://www.revistaanfibia.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/carta_walsh_der_2.jpg" style="clear: left; display: inline; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" height="265" src="http://www.revistaanfibia.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/carta_walsh_der_2.jpg" width="400" /></a><br />
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<span style="font-size: x-large;"><b style="color: #444444; font-family: times, "times new roman", serif;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">De la tensión histórica </span></b></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-large;"><b style="color: #444444; font-family: times, "times new roman", serif;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">habida </span></b></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-large;"><b style="color: #444444; font-family: times, "times new roman", serif;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">entre el discurso </span></b></span><br />
<b style="color: #444444; font-family: times, "times new roman", serif; font-size: xx-large;">«</b><span style="font-size: x-large;"><b style="color: #444444; font-family: times, "times new roman", serif;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">democrático-latinoamericanista</span></b></span><b style="color: #444444; font-family: times, "times new roman", serif; font-size: xx-large;">»</b><span style="font-size: x-large;"><b style="color: #444444; font-family: times, "times new roman", serif;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"> </span></b></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-large;"><b style="color: #444444; font-family: times, "times new roman", serif;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">y el propagandismo panamericanista </span></b></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-large;"><b style="color: #444444; font-family: times, "times new roman", serif;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">como supuesto precursor de lo </span></b></span><b style="color: #444444; font-family: times, "times new roman", serif; font-size: xx-large;">«</b><span style="font-size: x-large;"><b style="color: #444444; font-family: times, "times new roman", serif;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">democrático</span></b></span><b style="color: #444444; font-family: times, "times new roman", serif; font-size: xx-large;">»</b><span style="font-size: x-large;"><b style="color: #444444; font-family: times, "times new roman", serif;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"> </span></b></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #3d85c6; font-size: x-small;">¿Cómo es posible identificar las categorías del </span><span style="color: #3d85c6; font-size: x-small;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">discurso democrático</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"> en l</span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #3d85c6; font-size: x-small;">as condiciones de la adjetivación geopolítica, i.e. finalmente, del discurso democrático-latinoamericanista emergente de una <a href="http://prometheuschannel.blogspot.com.uy/2016/09/geopolitica-dilma-rousseff-o-de-la.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">comunicación política</a>?</span><br />
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<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /><a href="http://misionverdad.com/la-guerra-en-venezuela/la-guerra-de-la-informacion-en-venezuela-manual" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;" target="_blank"><iframe allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/M08vFohNMok" style="color: #3d85c6; font-family: verdana, sans-serif; font-size: small; text-align: justify;" width="419"></iframe></a></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #3d85c6; font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://www.voltairenet.org/article196380.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">El Pentágono tiene a Venezuela en la mira, reportaje a Thierry MEYSSAN en Red Voltaire</a></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://www.cne.gob.ve/web/index.php" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="512" data-original-width="512" height="200" src="https://2.bp.blogspot.com/n4KT1VRlI22ecixSEXezKQ4-qidDW7FAkizzGKsj7DiD82VADqXEtNQb_0CWch4SVA=h900" width="200" /></a></span></div>
<blockquote class="twitter-video" data-lang="es">
<div dir="ltr" lang="es">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">Venezuela, el país donde puede explotar una bomba al paso de la Policía y los medios no hablan de atentado <br /><br />Con <a href="https://twitter.com/inafinogenova">@inafinogenova</a> <a href="https://t.co/tYLZiKtaiz">pic.twitter.com/tYLZiKtaiz</a></span></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">— RT en Español (@ActualidadRT) <a href="https://twitter.com/ActualidadRT/status/892126984020541440">31 de julio de 2017</a></span></blockquote>
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<a href="https://www.dropbox.com/s/hvr7gw8sm9peas4/DEL%20DISCURSO%20COMO%20OBJETO%20DE%20TRABAJO%20EN%20COORDENADAS%20GEOPOL%C3%8DTICAS%20V.pdf?dl=0" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif; font-size: small;" target="_blank">Versión en PDF</a><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">Por Pablo PALLAS</span><br />
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<a href="https://hips.hearstapps.com/es.h-cdn.co/quoes/images/ciencia/noticias/la_fortuna_del_tio_sam/90050-1-esl-ES/la_fortuna_del_tio_sam.jpg?crop=1xw:0.36257928118393234xh;center,top&resize=640:*" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="172" data-original-width="343" height="100" src="https://hips.hearstapps.com/es.h-cdn.co/quoes/images/ciencia/noticias/la_fortuna_del_tio_sam/90050-1-esl-ES/la_fortuna_del_tio_sam.jpg?crop=1xw:0.36257928118393234xh;center,top&resize=640:*" width="200" /></a></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>Escolio.</b> En el marco del proceso propagandista </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">desarrollado (o precipitado) por la <a href="http://www.oas.org/en/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">OAS</a> en 2017,</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> de estricta <i>propaganda negra </i>desatada, y rezumado de actos antecedentes de <a href="http://www.telesurtv.net/news/Que-ocurrio-en-Venezuela-el-12-de-Abril-de-2002-20140412-0027.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">personalidades golpistas</a> venezolanas de 2002, presentados como </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.telesurtv.net/news/Los-rostros-del-Golpe-del-11-A-de-2002--20160407-0025.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">gobierno transitorio</a></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, y posteriormente reincidentes aquellos actores del fascismo político como probados autores de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><a href="http://www.telesurtv.net/news/Conozca-que-son-las-guarimbas-en-Venezuela-y-quienes-estan-detras-20140312-0050.html" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;" target="_blank">guarimbas</a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">» durante 2014</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, contra gobiernos jurídicamente legítimos <i>en origen y desempeño</i> de la República Bolivariana de Venezuela, es que se propone </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">para una propedéutica de la <a href="https://docs.google.com/file/d/0By4kcbi6MzzdQVJyZ2lCS0M4dDA/edit" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">retórica aristotélica</a> como mundo comunicológico (respecto de su estructura, de la concepción de los argumentos, de la apelación al sujeto reflexivo, del discurso como vía de persuasión, etc.)</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> un compendio de artículos formulados por distintos investigadores que son atinentes con un escopo discursivo relevante: la «Carta abierta de un escritor a la Junta Militar» —y siendo que este corpus periodístico de R. WALSH, de denuncia al pro-imperialismo y militarismo argentinos (realidad analizada por O. BAYER, A. BORÓN, J. C. GAMBINA, E. BARILLARO y F. LA GRECA en su <a href="https://docs.google.com/file/d/0Bx2YC3gJbq2TSUs1dUJRUlBrMGc/edit" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Terrorismo de Estado</a>), resulta, incluso, un «material emancipatorio» geopolítico que <i>desorganiza</i> la razón de las múltiples formas neocolonialistas (si se atienden, además, de alguna manera, las complicadas transformaciones habidas entre dos mundos disociados: o </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Imperio</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> o </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Democracia</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">», fórmula que atienden catedráticos como P. PEÑALVER GÓMEZ en su <a href="http://www.nodulo.org/ec/2003/n016p14.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Notas sobre Imperio y Democracia</a></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">)—. ¿Y por qué pues su asociación con un asunto de <i>otro siglo</i>? Tienen en común </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">el discurso de WALSH de siglo XX y las proclamas bolivarianas de siglo XXI</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> un ensayar crítico que discute cómo una institucionalidad de Derechos Humanos resuelve su existencia política (emergente de aquel <a href="http://www.cervantesvirtual.com/obra-visor/los-monstruos-del-latinoamericanismo-arielista-variaciones-del-apetito-en-la-periferia-neocolonial/html/1cbb2714-8b3b-407a-adb0-42b16db79e0a_1.html/marca/1928" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">panlatinismo</a> que resulta posteriormente desbordado por un pensamiento martiano de vital raigambre antiimperialista), oponiéndose a una decimonónica <a href="http://www.filosofia.org/ave/001/a264.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Doctrina de Monroe</a> (renovada con posteriores ortogramas y corolarios imperiales: </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">el <a href="http://www.fgbueno.es/act/efo077.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Destino Manifiesto</a> de J. O'SULLIVAN, </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">la <a href="https://www.ecured.cu/Enmienda_Platt" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">enmienda</a> de O. PLATT, etc.). Esto, quizá </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">tal como lo propone la sociología de Boaventura de SOUSA SANTOS en su <a href="http://www.boaventuradesousasantos.pt/media/Descolonizar%20el%20saber_final%20-%20C%C3%B3pia.pdf" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Descolonizar el saber, reiventar el poder</a></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> mediante la resolución efectiva de algún </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">giro decolonial</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">. No se asocian los documentos sólo con el propósito de presentar algún paralelismo tácito posible, a partir de casos que se consignan <i>ut infra </i>(</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">I y II)</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, respecto del acto de desajustada injerencia diplomática históricamente habida en Suramérica y el Caribe por parte de la OAS </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—intermediándose a base de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">operatorias administrativas que prescinden de la <a href="http://www.filosofia.org/cod/c1976pue.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Declaración universal de los derechos de los pueblos</a>, resuelta en el encuentro de naciones habido en Argel, durante 1976, y a otros principios atinentes en general con el <a href="https://www.ecured.cu/Derecho_Internacional_P%C3%BAblico" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Derecho Internacional Público</a> como lo es el de la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.un.org/es/comun/docs/?symbol=A/RES/2625(XXV)&Lang=S&Area=RESOLUTION" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">igualdad soberana</a></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">» y a la doctrina sustantiva que dictan sus articulados</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, en decremento de una necesaria figura de autodeterminación en las relaciones internacionales entre estados, etc.</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> sino a su vez como un dispositivo portavoz e identificador del verdadero discurso democrático-latinoamericanista (tensionándose sus categorías, en general historiográficas, claro, al ser contradictorias con todo propagandismo panamericanista acerca de <i>lo democrático </i>y sus parodias<i> </i>envolventes<i> </i>en las condiciones del </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">slogan</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">» o del </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">show</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">», i.e. de sus tipos de aporía</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">). </span></div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>Caso I. Antecedencias categoriales de un discurso democrático-latinoamericanista</b></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; text-align: justify;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; text-align: justify;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; text-align: justify;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; text-align: justify;">El discurso democrático como discurso político por
antonomasia ―siendo además un ejercicio propio de </span><i style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana, sans-serif; text-align: justify;">economía concentrada</i><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; text-align: justify;">― se
constituye de las operatorias transaccionales que le resultan efectivamente
posibles. Requieren sus argumentaciones y justificaciones de alguna
contundencia al valorarlas (reflexionándose por las vías política y negativa,
ciertamente). Es el fundamento con que se envuelve el asunto tratado, en la
condición de sus universales. Si el discurso democrático se disuelve en la mera
catacresis, eso permite prever que su narratología no se orienta a la transformación del mundo, i.e. a la definición teórica de su
síntesis (atendiéndose el sentido clásico </span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; text-align: justify;">―</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; text-align: justify;">o alemán</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; text-align: justify;">―</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; text-align: justify;"> de su cuestión metodológica, hay una previa
y necesaria tesis que presenta la relación de sus entimemas, alguna antítesis
que le corresponde como su contradictorio, quizá como </span><i style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">regressus</i><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; text-align: justify;">, y un análisis que verdaderamente
objetive su problemática, radicalizando históricamente su <a href="https://www.marxists.org/espanol/m-e/1840s/manuscritos/man2.htm#2-1" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">sentido relacional</a>, además, como
problemática de clases). El discursar democrático se ha reducido a un
</span><a href="http://www.fgbueno.es/gbm/gb2010fd.htm" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;" target="_blank">fundamentalismo democrático</a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; text-align: justify;"> que señala hacia el «mundo entero» (es, sobre todo,
un primermundismo </span><i style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">mostrándose como moda</i><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; text-align: justify;">), algo extraño dado que su narrativa es
proclive a la vaguedad. Ese discursar democrático ―la realidad política de su
fundación― proviene de un reconocido mundo de oligopolios que predetermina las
conclusiones, verdaderamente impera por sobre las relevancias periodísticas generalmente
constituidas </span><i style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">in extrema res</i><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; text-align: justify;">. Fija su hegemonía reaccionaria. La noticia sólo se
asume a partir de su eficacia propagandista y su relato es discontinuado (operatoria
que resultó reconocida a partir de </span><a href="http://www.blest.eu/biblio/itt/cap1.html" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;" target="_blank">los documentos de inteligencia estadounidense descubiertos y traducidos por la propia administración ALLENDE</a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; text-align: justify;">, posteriormente
<a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nnZI4RX5Fh4" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">derrocada por el panamericanismo en su forma oligárquica más destemplada</a>). Es
una operatoria propagandista que se concatena con expansiones de virtualidad asociadas
a esa ortopédica vincular que son las redes digitales (es la «nube de libertad»
que devino de la teletecnología iniciada como «red galáctica»; su </span><a href="https://books.google.com.uy/books?id=IvFV0zoRWA8C&pg=PA194&dq=Arpanet&hl=es-419&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiaifmO7bbTAhVCwiYKHS58CU8Q6AEIIDAA#v=onepage&q&f=false" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;" target="_blank">ARPANET</a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; text-align: justify;"> de
1969, previo a la INTERNET de siglo XXI,
concibió una «Aldea Global» como ortograma de autoridad para el control
universal al que se remitió el Departamento de Defensa estadounidense en sus
operaciones). En ese conglomerado es que radican las verdaderas categorías de
las mentadas conclusiones democráticas que en general se aplican contra
<a href="http://www.voltairenet.org/mot782.html?lang=es" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">gobiernos que postulen alguna segunda y definitiva independencia latinoamericanista</a> (un asunto revolucionario de siglo XIX que alcanza y
trasvasa al antiimperialismo de siglo XXI, incluso en su forma bolivariana
aunque no únicamente). La cuestión categorial de Imperio, históricamente vigente,
rige pues las totalidades discursivas de ese «mundo democrático», el gestado por los
demócratas panamericanistas. Y es esa narratología del discursar democrático de
Occidente, (dado que el imperialismo no carece de institucionalidad), una
mecánica de </span><a href="http://prometheuschannel.blogspot.com.uy/2012/12/semiotica-de-lo-transaccional-en-las_19.html" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;" target="_blank">relacionismo público</a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; text-align: justify;"> que a base de sinarquía, desplegada a sangre y
fuego, incorpora sus productos noticiosos (comúnmente, siendo fantasmagorías),
sus macrodatos, sus imágenes institucionales, sus impresiones acerca del mundo,
sus secuencias fotográficas o audiovisuales, su propia concatenación de
opiniones públicas, etc. No es más que una de las fábulas de ESOPO, es el
relato de «</span><a href="https://books.google.com.uy/books?id=ADs1AQAAMAAJ&pg=PA92&dq=Esopo+El+Lobo+y+el+Cordero&hl=es-419&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwi9qq61lq_TAhVBhpAKHYnKCCMQ6AEIMjAD#v=onepage&q=Esopo%20El%20Lobo%20y%20el%20Cordero&f=false" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;" target="_blank">El Lobo y el Cordero</a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; text-align: justify;">». Es la existencia del propio lobo calumniador,
quien disfrazándose de cordero culpa falazmente a los corderos de ser lobos. Así,
el ortograma del propagandismo panamericanista que regula el discurso
periodístico ―especialmente como refractación oligopólica― opera para que
resulten indistintos, fábula mediante, «aullidos» de «balidos». Esos aullidos ―tras
del antifaz del balido― remiten a la consecución del eufemismo con que
concretan los oligopolios sus declaraciones democrático-fundamentalistas,
incluso exacerbándose a las condiciones de la necedad patológica o de una
inmoralidad sólo propia de los sofistas contemporáneos, de su comunidad de tecnócratas.
No obstante, hay alternativas como contravalor a esa hegemonía. La historia
independentista se ha encontrado con WALSH, quien se involucra en el fenómeno
latinoamericano de una política de periodismo que justamente distingue del
discurso político neocolonial sus eufemismos ―mediante el aniquilamiento
terminológico, lo hizo en su Agencia de Noticias Clandestinas, en 1976, y
previamente junto a Prensa Latina, en 1959―. Traduce esos eufemismos al
verdadero sentido de su resultante imperial histórica, al declarar su denuncia:
</span><i style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">aquello que ustedes llaman aciertos son errores</i><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; text-align: justify;">, </span><i style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">aquello que ustedes reconocen
como errores son crímenes y aquello que ustedes omiten son calamidades</i><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; text-align: justify;"> (el «ustedes»
de WALSH refiere a un «ellos» reconocible, a
los pro-imperialistas, a ese cónclave inmoral, a los malos
americanos)... Es WALSH de una estirpe de intelectual necesaria (es el «intelectual»
de </span><a href="http://www.gramsci.org.ar/" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;" target="_blank">A. GRAMSCI</a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; text-align: justify;">), puesto que es capaz de asociar la comparación y la reflexión, como
formas complejas de pensamiento, a la existencia misma de pensamientos de
distinto tipo. Hay tipos de pensamiento por tanto que son envolventes de tipos
de comunicación. Y es que no es lo mismo ejercer el periodismo (o el propagandismo), como tipo posible de comunicación, a partir de un
pensamiento reaccionario, o de un pensamiento conservador que es preámbulo del anterior, a
mantener una relación antropológicamente responsable con el mundo de los acontecimientos y de los
procesos históricos mediante un pensamiento revolucionario. Esta dilemática moral, o
panamericanismo o latinoamericanismo, (una innegable disyunción absoluta), fue
enfrentada por WALSH; su pensamiento revolucionario fue que la dirimió.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://sedici.unlp.edu.ar/handle/10915/46792" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Análisis de «Carta abierta de un escritor a la Junta Militar» de Rodolfo Walsh, de C. FINO</a> </span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.pacarinadelsur.com/home/figuras-e-ideas/888-aproximacion-biopolitica-a-la-carta-abierta-a-la-junta-militar-de-rodolfo-walsh" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Aproximación biopolítica a la Carta Abierta a la Junta Militar,de Rodolfo Walsh, de M. A. BRAGHETTO GALLARDO </a></span><br />
<a href="http://fcc.unc.edu.ar/sites/default/files/archivos/walshbaja.pdf" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;" target="_blank">Carta abierta de un escritor a la Junta Militar, de R. WALSH</a><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #0000ee;"><a href="https://www.pagina12.com.ar/diario/elpais/1-190444-2012-03-26.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Carta abierta por la memoria de Walsh, de A. DANDAN</a></span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #0000ee;"><a href="https://pendientedemigracion.ucm.es/info/especulo/numero43/rowalsh.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Rodolfo Walsh en el contexto setentista latinoamericano, de C. CASTILLO</a></span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #0000ee;"><a href="http://www.revistaanfibia.com/cronica/todos-los-misterios-la-carta-walsh/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Todos los misterios de la carta de Walsh, de D. IGAL</a></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #0000ee;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b>Caso II. Identificación del discurso democrático-latinoamericanista tensionado históricamente con un propagandismo panamericanista</b></span></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #0000ee;"><span style="color: #444444;"><b><iframe allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/xMaWL8ItZMk" width="419"></iframe></b></span></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #0000ee;"><span style="color: #444444;">El propagandismo panamericanista de <i>lo democrático</i> </span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">adquiere su forma estratégica </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">como <i>reacción imperial</i> de siglo XXI a los principios del discurso democrático-latinoamericanista</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> en el documento estadounidense <a href="http://www.papelesdesociedad.info/IMG/pdf/operacion_venezuela_freedom-2-2.pdf" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Venezuela Freedom 2 – Operation</a> del <a href="http://www.southcom.mil/About/Area-of-Responsibility/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">SOUTHCOM</a> de 2016, a partir de dos fases </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">(una de injerencia diplomática en las relaciones hemisféricas mediante la OAS y otra de posterior neutralización del personal combatiente chavista y de sus mandos por hallarse comprometidos con la defensa bolivariana de las instituciones democráticas de su </span><a href="http://www.mp.gob.ve/LEYES/constitucion/constitucion1.html" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;" target="_blank">Constitución de 1999</a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">).</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Ese propagandismo panamericanista de <i>lo democrático</i> no logra ejercerse sino a través de una industria del espectáculo que se impone oligopólica (constituida especialmente de programas noticiosos, donde <i>el periodista que es propagandista</i> pasa a ser un logógrafo, y de una doxa que se regurgita de las propias <a href="http://www.telesurtv.net/news/Redes-sociales-fomentan-guerra-psicologica-en-Venezuela-20170414-0017.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">redes digitales</a> y que incluso colapsa reduciéndose a lo inefable). Su comunicación, aquella que es producida en el esquematismo de la repetitividad, a su vez, en general, se orienta principalmente al propósito liberal (o benthamista) de desplazar los conflictos sociales a meros conflictos individuales-psicológicos. Y así, sin historicidad alguna con qué definir una necesaria e ilustrada </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GYxVNNcVUq8" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">convicción independentista</a>» de América Latina y del Caribe</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, la confusión se hallará preparada y servida para un teatro de operaciones que requiera sólo de muchedumbre, i.e. de posiciones personales regidas por la pauperización ideológica y el espontaneísmo. Es un propagandismo que finalmente vilipendia y minusvalora las formas que adquiere una conciencia histórica, aquella al menos que emana de una verdadera educación universal. Y </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">remedando a J. P. VARELA</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> podría proponerse que es a causa de esa ignorancia exaltada (de ese amañando proceso de dominación sobre las poblaciones) que «(...) </span><a href="http://bibliotecadigital.bibna.gub.uy:8080/jspui/handle/123456789/1130" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;" target="_blank">la república desaparece, la democracia se hace imposible y las oligarquías, disfrazadas con el atavío y el título de república, disponen a su antojo del destino de los pueblos y esterilizan las fuerzas vivas y portentosas que todas las naciones tienen en sí mismas</a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">». </span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://albatcp.cubaminrex.cu/article/defendamos-la-soberania-la-independencia-y-la-paz-de-venezuela-y-de-toda-nuestra-america" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Déclaration de la Quinzième Réunion du Conseil politique de l’Alliance bolivarienne des peuples de Notre Amérique-Traité de commerce des peuples (ALBA-TCP)</a></span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://misionverdad.com/la-guerra-en-Venezuela" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">La Guerra en Venezuela, de MISIÓN VERDAD</a></span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/237251-negocios-lucrativa-empresa-oposicion-venezuela" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Negocios son negocios: La lucrativa empresa de ser oposición en Venezuela, de RT</a> </span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://hastaelnocau.wordpress.com/2017/08/03/la-violencia-politica-en-venezuela/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">La violencia política en Venezuela, de M. TERUGGI</a></span><br />
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<iframe allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/rcpLG0dFzrY?ecver=1" width="419"></iframe> </span></span><iframe allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/wF2Gg7dIzCI" style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana, sans-serif; text-align: left;" width="419"></iframe></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #0000ee;"><span style="color: #444444;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/NyCFyFKyTVY" width="419"></iframe></span></span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #0000ee;"><span style="color: #444444;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/MJxSELOQ8r8?ecver=1" width="419"></iframe></span></span>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #0000ee;"><span style="color: #444444;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/cwG7QDyWiJQ?ecver=1" width="419"></iframe></span></span>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #0000ee;"><span style="color: #444444;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/zKOruleKFfw" width="419"></iframe></span></span>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #0000ee;"><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></span>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #0000ee;"><span style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/noticiastsj" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Noticias del Tribunal Supremo de Justicia de la República Bolivariana de Venezuela</a></span></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #0000ee;"><a href="http://www.cenal.gob.ve/wp-content/uploads/2015/11/Bolivar-y-santander.pdf" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; text-align: justify;" target="_blank">Bolívar y Santander. Dos posiciones contrapuestas, de J. SANT ROZ</a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; text-align: justify;"> </span></span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://vimeo.com/92806398" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">DEMOCRACY in the US, CUBA & VENEZUELA, by Arnold AUGUST</a></span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://www.newera.com.na/2014/03/07/chaos-homeland-lessons-venezuela-protests/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">CHAOS IN THE HOMELAND – Lessons from Venezuela Protests, by E. KAFITA</a></span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.voltairenet.org/article196348.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">¿Hacia una primavera latina?, de Thierry MEYSSAN</a></span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://www.newera.com.na/2007/10/19/lessons-from-hugo-chavez/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Lessons from Hugo Chavez by Hilma Kupila SHINDONDOLA</a></span><br />
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Pablo Pallashttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02676986163926451532noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8368737022377042313.post-46799162257910743932016-12-26T22:13:00.001-03:002017-02-12T22:09:58.636-03:00 De la verdad narrada: Caso VII<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<a href="http://images.fineartamerica.com/images-medium-large/magical-architecture-of-yemen-in-ink-lee-ann-adendorff.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="Magical Architecture Of Yemen In Ink is a drawing by Adendorff Design which was uploaded on May 25th, 2012. [fineartamerica]" border="0" src="http://images.fineartamerica.com/images-medium-large/magical-architecture-of-yemen-in-ink-lee-ann-adendorff.jpg" height="285" title="" width="400" /></a></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;">Semiótica de la verdad narrada</span><br />
<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;">Problemáticas de la valoración</span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: x-large;"> </span><br />
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<span style="color: #3d85c6; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: x-small;">¿Cómo aplicar crítica a partir de una macrohabilidad lingüística como lo es el «saber leer», confrontándose al mundo de lo narrado?</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><b>Fuente hemerográfica:</b> </span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://www.middleeasteye.net/users/nafeez-ahmed" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">AHMED, Y</a>. 2016, febrero 22. «La guerre saoudienne pour l’oléoduc yéménite renforce al-Qaïda et l’État islamique» en URL: <a href="http://www.middleeasteye.net/opinions/la-guerre-saoudienne-pour-l-ol-oduc-y-m-nite-renforce-al-qa-da-et-l-tat-islamique" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.middleeasteye.net/opinions/la-guerre-saoudienne-pour-l-ol-oduc-y-m-nite-renforce-al-qa-da-et-l-tat-islamique</a> (Acceso 2016, diciembre 26).</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><b>Nota ecdótica:</b> el artículo de N. AHMED ―presentado como Caso VII de análisis material― se halla editado con el propósito didáctico de contextualizar sus enunciaciones. La fuente hemerográfica, a su vez, remite a texto y cotexto sin edición docente.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://www.middleeasteye.net/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Middle East Eye (MEE)</a></span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://www.middleeasteye.net/topics/yemenwar" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">#YemenWar</a></span></div>
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<b style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">La guerre saoudienne pour l’oléoduc yéménite renforce al-Qaïda et l’État islamique</b></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: x-small;">Nafeez AHMED</span></div>
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<a href="http://cdn.c.photoshelter.com/img-get/I0000sDj599hbGuk/s/860/860/yemen-7136.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="Fish market in Aden, Yemen. [Swiatoslaw Wojtkowiak ] " border="0" src="http://cdn.c.photoshelter.com/img-get/I0000sDj599hbGuk/s/860/860/yemen-7136.jpg" height="266" title="" width="400" /></a></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: x-small;">Un câble secret et une responsable du gouvernement néerlandais confirment que la guerre menée par l’Arabie saoudite au Yémen est en partie motivée par un rêve ambitieux de pipeline soutenu par les États-Unis</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Près de 3 000 civils ont été massacrés et un million ont été déplacés lors des nobles bombardements aériens du Yémen orchestrés par l’Arabie saoudite, soutenue par les États-Unis et la Grande-Bretagne.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Plus de 14 millions de Yéménites font face à une situation d’<a href="http://www.oxfamamerica.org/explore/stories/hunger-haunts-millions-across-yemen-and-syria/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">insécurité alimentaire</a>, soit un bond de 12 % depuis juin 2015. Parmi eux, trois millions d’enfants souffrent de malnutrition. Et dans l’ensemble du pays, on estime que 20 millions de personnes n’ont pas d’accès sécurisé à l’eau potable.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">L’armée de l’air saoudienne a <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/jan/27/un-report-into-saudi-led-strikes-in-yemen-raises-questions-over-uk-role" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">bombardé systématiquement</a> l’infrastructure civile du Yémen, enfreignant de manière flagrante le droit international humanitaire. Un rapport officiel de l’ONU destiné au Conseil de sécurité et divulgué le mois dernier a fait le constat que les Saoudiens ont « mené des frappes aériennes contre des civils et des biens de caractère civil [...], notamment des camps de déplacés et de réfugiés, des rassemblements civils tels que des mariages, des véhicules civils tels que des bus, des zones résidentielles civiles, des établissements médicaux, des écoles, des mosquées, des marchés, des usines et des entrepôts de produits alimentaires, ainsi que d’autres infrastructures civiles essentielles telles que l’aéroport de Sanaa, le port de Hodeida et des axes de transit nationaux. »</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Des bombes à fragmentation de fabrication américaine ont été larguées sur des zones résidentielles, un acte qui « pourrait constituer un crime de guerre », a même <a href="http://www.motherjones.com/politics/2016/01/us-backed-saudi-led-airwar-yemen-condemned-potentially-committing-war-crimes-again" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">concédé</a> timidement le secrétaire général des Nations unies Ban Ki-moon.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">En d’autres termes, l’Arabie saoudite est un État voyou. Mais ne vous y méprenez pas. Ce royaume est notre État voyou.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Les gouvernements américain et britannique qui fournissent l’Arabie saoudite en armes pour se déchaîner sur les civils yéménites prétendent ne pas être impliqués dans la guerre et ne pas être responsables des crimes de guerre de notre État voyou allié.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Un porte-parole du ministère britannique de la Défense a insisté sur le fait que les forces britanniques donnaient simplement des conseils « sur les meilleures pratiques au niveau technique [...] Le personnel militaire du Royaume-Uni n’est pas directement impliqué dans les opérations de la coalition dirigée par l’Arabie saoudite. »</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Mais ce sont là des termes ambigus, étant donné la récente <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/jan/15/british-us-military-in-command-room-saudi-strikes-yemen" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">révélation</a> faite par le ministre saoudien des Affaires étrangères Adel al-Joubeir, qui a indiqué que des responsables militaires britanniques et américains travaillent « dans le centre de commandement et de contrôle des frappes aériennes saoudiennes au Yémen ».</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">On peut supposer que le contribuable ne les paie pas pour qu’ils poireautent et boivent du thé toute la journée.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Non, nous les payons pour qu’ils supervisent la guerre aérienne. « Nous avons des responsables britanniques et américains et des responsables d’autres pays dans notre centre de commandement et de contrôle », a déclaré le ministre saoudien des Affaires étrangères. « Ils connaissent la liste des cibles et ont une idée de ce que nous faisons et de ce que nous ne faisons pas. »</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Les responsables américains et britanniques ont « pu examiner sa campagne aérienne et ont été satisfaits par ses garanties ».</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">En avril 2015, les responsables américains étaient beaucoup plus francs au sujet de cet arrangement. Le secrétaire d’État adjoint américain Antony J. Blinken avait <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2015/04/08/world/middleeast/yemen-houthis.html?_r=0" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">indiqué</a> lors d’une conférence de presse à Riyad que les États-Unis avaient intensifié leur échange de renseignements avec les Saoudiens via une « cellule de planification et de coordination conjointe » englobant la sélection des cibles.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Quoi qu'il en soit, les dirigeants civilisés du monde libre ont une vue d’ensemble de l’intérieur des crimes de guerre systémiques commis par l’armée saoudienne au Yémen, et il semblerait que ces dirigeants les approuvent.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b>Une guerre sectaire ?</b></span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Les objectifs de la coalition dirigée par l’Arabie saoudite sont obscurs.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Il est largement admis que la guerre a de vastes dynamiques sectaires et géopolitiques. Les Saoudiens craignent que la montée des Houthis ne soit un signe de l’influence grandissante de l’Iran au Yémen.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Alors que l’Iran est actif en Syrie, en Irak et au Liban, l’Arabie saoudite voit la rébellion houthie comme une nouvelle composante de l’encerclement stratégique du royaume par les forces intermédiaires de l’Iran. Cette situation est aggravée par l’accord sur le nucléaire iranien soutenu par les États-Unis, qui ouvre la voie à l’intégration de l’Iran dans les marchés mondiaux, à l’ouverture de ses secteurs sous-développés du pétrole et du gaz et à la consolidation de son statut de puissance régionale.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Mais ce discours <a href="http://www.middleeasteye.net/columns/houthi-arms-bonanza-came-saleh-not-iran-1224808066" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">ne traduit pas toute la réalité</a>. Si les contacts entre l’Iran et les Houthis sont incontestables, les Houthis avaient obtenu la plupart de leurs armes depuis deux sources avant la campagne aérienne saoudienne : le marché noir et l’ancien président Ali Abdallah Saleh.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Des responsables des services de renseignement américains <a href="http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2015/04/20/iran-houthis-yemen_n_7101456.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">confirment</a> que l’Iran avait explicitement sommé les Houthis de ne pas attaquer la capitale yéménite l’an dernier. « Nous estimons toujours que l’Iran n’exerce aucun commandement ou contrôle sur les Houthis au Yémen », a déclaré Bernadette Meehan, porte-parole du Conseil de sécurité nationale de la Maison Blanche.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Selon l’ancien envoyé spécial de l’ONU au Yémen Jamal Benomar, les frappes aériennes saoudiennes ont fait <a href="http://www.commondreams.org/news/2015/04/27/saudi-led-airstrikes-destroyed-diplomacy-yemen-former-un-envoy-claims" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">capoter</a> un accord de paix imminent qui aurait entraîné un partage du pouvoir entre douze groupes politiques et tribaux rivaux.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">« Lorsque cette campagne a commencé, une chose importante est cependant passée inaperçue : le fait que les Yéménites étaient proches d’un accord qui aurait institué un partage du pouvoir avec les Houthis », avait <a href="http://www.wsj.com/articles/former-u-n-envoy-says-yemen-political-deal-was-close-before-saudi-airstrikes-began-1430081791" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">affirmé</a> Benomar au <i>Wall Street Journal</i>.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">L’Iran n’entrait alors pas en cause. Les Saoudiens, mais aussi apparemment les États-Unis et le Royaume-Uni, ne voulaient pas voir une transition véritable vers un semblant de démocratie au Yémen.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">En réalité, les États-Unis s’opposent explicitement à la démocratisation de l’ensemble de la région du Golfe et s’acharnent à « stabiliser » le flux de pétrole du Golfe vers les marchés mondiaux.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">En mars 2015, Anthony Cordesman, consultant spécialiste de l’armée américaine et de l’OTAN pour le Center for Strategic and International Studies, basé à Washington DC, a <a href="http://csis.org/publication/america-saudi-arabia-and-strategic-importance-yemen" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">expliqué</a> que « le Yémen revêt une grande importance stratégique pour les États-Unis, de même que la stabilité à plus large échelle de l’Arabie saoudite et de tous les États du golfe Persique. Malgré tous les discours sur l’"indépendance" énergétique des États-Unis, la réalité reste tout autre. Le développement du pétrole et des combustibles alternatifs en dehors du Golfe n’a pas influé sur son importance stratégique vitale pour l’économie mondiale et américaine [...] Le Yémen ne vaut pas l’importance stratégique du Golfe mais est toujours d’une grande importance stratégique pour la stabilité de l’Arabie saoudite et de la péninsule arabique. »</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">En d’autres termes, la guerre au Yémen consiste à protéger le principal État voyou de l’Occident dans le Golfe afin de maintenir le flux de pétrole. Cordesman poursuit en précisant que « le territoire et les îles yéménites jouent un rôle essentiel dans la sécurité d’un autre goulot d’étranglement mondial situé à l’extrémité sud de la mer Rouge, appelé Bab el-Mandeb, ou "porte des lamentations" ».</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Le détroit de Bab el-Mandeb est « un goulot d’étranglement entre la Corne de l’Afrique et le Moyen-Orient et constitue un lien stratégique entre la mer Méditerranée et l’océan Indien » où passent la plupart des exportations du golfe Persique qui transitent par le canal de Suez et l’oléoduc Suez-Méditerranée (Sumed).</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">« Toute présence aérienne ou maritime hostile au Yémen pourrait menacer l’ensemble du trafic passant par le canal de Suez, ainsi qu’un flux quotidien de pétrole et de produits pétroliers qui est passé de 2,9 mbj [million de barils par jour] en 2009 à 3,8 mbj en 2013 selon les estimations de l’EIA [US Energy Information Administration] », ajoute Cordesman.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b>Le rêve du pipeline yéménite</b></span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Toutefois, il existe ici un sous-objectif parallèle, reconnu en privé par les responsables occidentaux mais non évoqué en public : le Yémen a encore un potentiel inexploité pour former un ensemble alternatif de voies de transbordement de pétrole et de gaz afin d’exporter le pétrole saoudien en contournant l’Iran et le détroit d’Ormuz.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">La réalité des ambitions du royaume à cet égard est dévoilée dans un <a href="https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/08SANAA1053_a.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">câble </a>secret de 2008 du département d’État émis par l’ambassade américaine au Yémen et destiné au secrétaire d’État, et obtenu par WikiLeaks :</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">« Un diplomate britannique basé au Yémen a indiqué [au responsable politique de l’ambassade américaine] que l’Arabie saoudite avait un intérêt à construire un pipeline entièrement détenu, exploité et protégé par l’Arabie saoudite entre Hadramaout et un port du golfe d’Aden, contournant ainsi le golfe Arabique/Persique et le détroit d’Ormuz. »</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">« Saleh s’y est toujours opposé. Le diplomate a affirmé qu’en soutenant le leadership militaire yéménite, en payant la loyauté des cheikhs et à travers d’autres moyens, l’Arabie saoudite se positionnait de manière à s’assurer d’obtenir à un bon prix, de la part du successeur de Saleh, les droits pour ce pipeline. »</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">En effet, le gouvernorat d’Hadramaout, dans l’est du Yémen, est resté curieusement immunisé contre les bombardements saoudiens. Cette province, la plus grande du Yémen, renferme la majeure partie des ressources pétrolières et gazières restantes du Yémen.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">« L’intérêt principal du royaume dans le gouvernorat est la construction éventuelle d’un oléoduc. Ce pipeline est depuis longtemps un rêve du gouvernement saoudien », <a href="http://www.jamestown.org/programs/tm/single/?tx_ttnews%5Btt_news%5D=44145&cHash=abcfc50789744995937a4a6609dcc4c6#.VrnQA7QwyfR" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">observe</a> Michael Horton, spécialiste du Yémen à la fondation Jamestown. « Un pipeline traversant le gouvernorat de l’Hadramaout donnerait à l’Arabie saoudite et ses alliés des pays du Golfe un accès direct au golfe d’Aden et à l’océan Indien ; cela leur permettrait de contourner le détroit d’Ormuz, un goulot d’étranglement stratégique susceptible d’être bloqué au moins temporairement par l’Iran dans un futur conflit. La perspective d’obtenir un tracé pour un futur pipeline traversant le gouvernorat de l’Hadramaout figure probablement dans la stratégie à long terme plus vaste de l’Arabie saoudite au Yémen. »</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b>Des pipelines dissimulés</b></span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Les responsables occidentaux sont soucieux d’éviter de porter à la connaissance du public la géopolitique énergétique qui sous-tend l’escalade du conflit.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">L’an dernier, une analyse tranchante de ces problématiques a été <a href="http://www.jokeburinga.com/divide-and-rule-saudi-arabia-oil-and-yemen-3/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">publiée</a> par Joke Buringa, conseillère principale en matière de sécurité et de primauté du droit au Yémen, au ministère néerlandais des Affaires étrangères, sur son blog personnel, le 2 juin 2015.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">« La crainte d’un blocus iranien du détroit d’Ormuz et de ses conséquences potentiellement désastreuses pour l’économie mondiale existe depuis des années », a-t-elle écrit dans son article, intitulé « Diviser pour mieux régner : l’Arabie saoudite, le pétrole et le Yémen » (« Divide and Rule: Saudi Arabia, Oil and Yemen »). « Les États-Unis ont donc fait pression sur les États du Golfe pour que ces derniers développent des alternatives. En 2007, l’Arabie saoudite, Bahreïn, les Émirats arabes unis, Oman et le Yémen ont lancé conjointement le projet d’oléoduc trans-arabe. Des nouveaux pipelines devaient être construits de la ville saoudienne de Ras Tanura, sur le golfe Persique, et des Émirats arabes unis, jusqu’au golfe d’Oman (un pipeline dans l’émirat de Fujaïrah et deux à Oman) et au golfe d’Aden (deux pipelines au Yémen). »</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">En 2012, la liaison entre Abou Dhabi et Fujaïrah, à l’intérieur des Émirats arabes unis, est devenue opérationnelle. Pendant ce temps, l’Iran et Oman ont conclu leur propre accord de pipeline. « La méfiance quant aux intentions d’Oman a augmenté l’attrait de l’option du gouvernorat de l’Hadramaout au Yémen, un souhait de longue date de l’Arabie saoudite », a écrit Buringa.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Néanmoins, le président Saleh représentait un obstacle majeur aux ambitions saoudiennes. Selon Buringa, Saleh « s’est opposé à la construction d’un pipeline sous contrôle saoudien sur le territoire yéménite. Depuis de nombreuses années, les Saoudiens investissent auprès des chefs tribaux dans l’espoir de mener à bien ce projet sous le successeur de Saleh. Les soulèvements populaires de 2011 menés par des manifestants demandant la démocratie ont bouleversé ces plans. »</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Buringa est la seule représentante de haut rang d’un gouvernement occidental à avoir reconnu publiquement cette question. Toutefois, lorsque je l’ai contactée pour demander une interview le 1er février, j’ai reçu quatre jours plus tard une réponse de Roel van der Meij, porte-parole pour les affaires institutionnelles au ministère des Affaires étrangères du gouvernement néerlandais : « Mme Joke Buringa m’a demandé de vous informer de son indisponibilité pour l’interview. »</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Le blog de Buringa, auparavant consultable à l’adresse <a href="http://www.jokeburinga.com/">www.jokeburinga.com</a>, avait été complètement supprimé entre-temps.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Une version archivée de son article sur la géopolitique énergétique de la guerre saoudienne au Yémen est <a href="http://web.archive.org/web/20150701113930/http:/www.jokeburinga.com/divide-and-rule-saudi-arabia-oil-and-yemen-3/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">disponible</a> dans la Wayback Machine.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">J’ai demandé à la fois à Buringa et à van der Meij pourquoi le blog de Buringa avait été complètement supprimé aussi rapidement après ma demande d’interview et si elle avait été forcée de le faire sous la pression du gouvernement pour protéger les liens néerlandais avec l’Arabie saoudite.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Dans un e-mail, Buringa a nié avoir subi des pressions du ministère néerlandais des Affaires étrangères afin qu’elle supprime le blog : « Désolée de vous décevoir, mais je n’ai pas subi de pressions du ministère. La mise en page du blog me dérangeait depuis le départ et j’avais l’intention de la changer depuis plusieurs mois [...] Votre question m’a rappelé que je voulais changer mon site et repenser ce que je souhaite en faire. N’y cherchez rien de plus. »</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Cependant, van der Meij, le porte-parole pour les affaires institutionnelles du gouvernement néerlandais, n’a pas répondu aux demandes de commentaires faites par e-mail et par téléphone au sujet de la suppression du blog.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">De nombreuses compagnies néerlandaises sont actives dans le royaume et y entretiennent des investissements conjoints, notamment le géant du pétrole anglo-néerlandais Shell. En raison de la position de passerelle vers l’Europe des Pays-Bas, deux multinationales saoudiennes, la compagnie pétrolière nationale Aramco et le géant de l’industrie pétrochimique SABIC, ont installé leur siège européen aux Pays-Bas, à La Haye et Sittard. Les exportations néerlandaises vers l’Arabie saoudite ont également augmenté de façon spectaculaire au cours des dernières années, observant une hausse de 25 % entre 2006 et 2010.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">En 2013, l’Arabie saoudite a exporté près de 34 milliards d’euros de combustibles minéraux aux Pays-Bas et importé des Pays-Bas un peu plus de 8 milliards d’euros de machines et de matériel de transport, 4,8 milliards d’euros de produits chimiques et 3,7 milliards d’euros de denrées alimentaires et d’animaux.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b>L’alliance saoudienne avec al-Qaïda</b></span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Parmi les principaux bénéficiaires de la stratégie saoudienne au Yémen figure al-Qaïda dans la péninsule arabique (AQPA), le même groupe qui a revendiqué le massacre de <i>Charlie Hebdo</i> à Paris.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">« Le gouvernorat de l’Hadramaout est une des rares zones où la coalition dirigée par l’Arabie saoudite n’a effectué aucune frappe aérienne, avait <a href="http://web.archive.org/web/20150701113930/http:/www.jokeburinga.com/divide-and-rule-saudi-arabia-oil-and-yemen-3/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">noté</a> Buringa. Le port et l’aéroport international d’al-Mukalla sont dans un état optimal et sous le contrôle d’al-Qaïda. En outre, l’Arabie saoudite livre des armes à al-Qaïda, [qui] étend sa sphère d’influence. »</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">L’alliance saoudienne avec les terroristes affiliés à al-Qaïda au Yémen a été mise en lumière en juin dernier, lorsque le gouvernement « transitoire » d’Abd Rabbo Mansour Hadi soutenu par l’Arabie saoudite a dépêché un délégué officiel à Genève pour les pourparlers des Nations unies.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Il s’est avéré que ce représentant n’était <a href="http://www.huffingtonpost.com/giorgio-cafiero/saudi-arabia-and-alqaeda-_b_8184338.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">nul autre</a> qu’Abdel Wahab al-Humayqani, identifié en tant que « terroriste mondial expressément désigné » (« Specially Designated Global Terrorist » – SDGT) en 2013 par le département du Trésor des États-Unis pour des activités de recrutement et de financement pour le compte d’AQPA. Humayqani aurait également été à l’origine d’un attentat à la voiture piégée perpétré par al-Qaïda qui a tué sept personnes dans une base de la Garde républicaine yéménite en 2012.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">D’autres analystes sont du même avis. « AQPA peut aussi bénéficier du fait qu’il pourrait bien être considéré comme un intermédiaire utile par l’Arabie saoudite dans sa guerre contre les Houthis », <a href="http://www.jamestown.org/programs/tm/single/?tx_ttnews%5Btt_news%5D=44145&cHash=abcfc50789744995937a4a6609dcc4c6#.VrnQA7QwyfR" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">commente</a> Michael Horton dans la publication <i>Terrorism Monitor</i> de la fondation Jamestown. « L’Arabie saoudite et ses alliés sont en train d’armer une multitude de milices disparates dans tout le sud du Yémen. Il est presque certain qu’une partie voire une grande partie du financement et du matériel arrivera jusqu’à AQPA et très probablement jusqu’à l’État islamique. »</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Tout en proclamant la guerre contre l’État islamique en Irak et en Syrie, l’Occident ouvre la voie à la résurgence d’al-Qaïda mais aussi de l’État islamique au Yémen.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">« L’Arabie saoudite ne veut pas d’un pays fort et démocratique de l’autre côté de la frontière longue de plus de 1 500 kilomètres qui sépare les deux pays [l’Arabie saoudite et le Yémen] », avait remarqué la responsable du ministère néerlandais des Affaires étrangères Joke Buringa dans son article désormais censuré. Un avis que partagent également les États-Unis et le Royaume-Uni, semblerait-il. « Ces pipelines en direction d’al-Mukalla devraient finalement voir le jour », avait-elle ajouté.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Cela ne sera probablement pas le cas, mais il y aura toujours des contrecoups.</span></div>
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<a href="http://www.stopwar.org.uk/index.php/search?searchword=yemen&searchphrase=all" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><img alt="http://www.stopwar.org.uk/index.php/search?searchword=yemen&searchphrase=all" border="0" src="http://www.therussophile.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/11/stopwar-coalition.jpg" height="106" width="320" /></a></div>
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<span style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><a href="http://www.telesurtv.net/tags/Yemen" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><img alt="Over 530,000 thousand children in Yemen face potential famine and death, as the humanitarian crisis deepens. | Photo: Reuters [telesur ] " border="0" src="http://www.telesurtv.net/__export/1445243193446/sites/telesur/img/news/2015/10/19/yemen-children.jpg_1718483346.jpg" height="226" title="" width="400" /></a></span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://wikileaks.org/yemen-files/document/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Yemen Files</a></span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><b>WikiLeaks</b>/ <a href="https://wikileaks.org/yemen-files/releases/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Releases</a> 25.11.16</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">«</span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The Yemen Files are a collection of more than 500 documents from the United States embassy in Sana'a, Yemen. Comprising more than 200 emails and 300 PDFs, the collection details official documents and correspondence pertaining to the Office for Military Cooperation (OMC) located at the US embassy. The collection spans the period from 2009 until just before the war in Yemen broke out in earnest during March 2015. This time period covers both Hillary Clinton's term as Secretary of State (20092013) and the first two years of Secretary John Kerry’s tenure</span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">»</span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">. </span></span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: xx-small;"><b>UN</b></span></span><br />
<a href="http://www.un.org/es/comun/docs/?symbol=S/RES/2216(2015)" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif;" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: x-small;">S/RES/2216 (2015)</span></a></div>
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Pablo Pallashttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02676986163926451532noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8368737022377042313.post-58839184100297334402016-09-09T21:28:00.005-03:002022-12-14T13:47:29.081-03:00Geopolítica: Dilma Rousseff ―o de la civilización del «tecnicismo»― <div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;"><span style="color: #444444;">De las simplezas de la </span><span style="color: #444444;">«</span><span style="color: #444444;">comunicación política</span><span style="color: #444444;">»</span></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">Por Pablo PALLAS</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>Escolio.</b> Si bien términos sin adjetivar tales como «democracia», «democrático», «democratización», etc., en el propio plano de las nematologías institucionales de los estados occidentales, se han resuelto en el aparato discursivo </span><span face=""segoe ui" , sans-serif" style="font-size: 12pt;"><span style="color: #444444;">―</span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">de un <i>mundo democrático neoliberal</i>,<i> </i>además</span><span face=""segoe ui" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: 16px;">―</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> apenas como un frágil ejercicio de catacresis (<i><a href="http://www.lexigram.gr/lex/newg/%CE%BA%CE%B1%CF%84%CE%AC%CF%87%CF%81%CE%B7%CF%83%CE%B9%CF%82#Hist1" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">κατάχρησις</a></i>), no obstante, la defensa latinoamericanista (o antiimperialista) de la «Democracia» en América del Sur se refracta propiamente, de alguna manera, de una historia política y de una historia jurídica, de siglos XIX y XX, de la que rezumaría, una vez desbordadas sus respectivas categorías, la propia <a href="http://www.nodulo.org/ec/2008/n072p04.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">institucionalidad de sus independencias</a> (independencias de primera generación, si se quiere, en tanto que las independencias de segunda generación a partir de la década de 1980 resultarían de confrontarse especialmente a las alternativas diplomáticas orientadas por los <a href="https://www.ecured.cu/Documento_de_Santa_F%C3%A9_I" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Documentos de Santa Fe I, II, III y IV</a>). Esto mismo, en el siglo XXI, la propia legitimidad democrática de la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">vida política</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">» de los estados</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> se hallaría enfrentada a una problemática ideológica renovada: la <a href="http://www.filosofia.org/filomat/df242.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">civilización</a> del tecnicismo (podría pensarse, acaso, hasta como un dispositivo sofístico), en tanto </span><i style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">reductor administrativo </i><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">de las verdades normativas a lo verosímil, y, en el mismo proceso de las decisiones gubernativas. Y una forma que adquiere esta operatoria </span><span face=""segoe ui" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: 16px;">―</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">en el experimental <i>golpismo parlamentario</i></span><span face=""segoe ui" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: 16px;">―</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> es la de la otrora <i>probatio diabolica </i>a una de las partes, a la usanza inquisitorial, siendo inexistente un riguroso rigor que impida omitir el principio de presunción de inocencia en el objeto de la <i>litis</i>, no ya respecto de una brujería acometida, sino, a causa de acusaciones inducidas al influjo de una mundana imagen moral de corrupción presunta, asociada </span><span face=""segoe ui" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: 16px;">―</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">remedando a G. BUENO, en su rasguño teórico de <a href="http://nodulo.org/ec/2013/n132p02.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Corrupción & Crisis</a></span><span face=""segoe ui" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: 16px;">―</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> a una corrupción de <i>economía idiotética</i> y doméstica, absurdamente resuelta sin embargo a partir de una corrupción de la <i>economía política </i>efectivamente<i> </i>instaurada. El caso del Brasil, en este sentido, es paradigmático, si se advierte cómo supuran hipotéticas delirantes alrededor de tecnologías institucionalizadas </span><span face=""segoe ui" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: 16px;">―</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">devenidas por </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">conceptos</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""segoe ui" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: 16px;">―</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> mediante las que se pretenden sustentar asimismo algunas prerrogativas de decisión y dilucidación, en beneficio de ciertos elegidos, detentadores de la <a href="http://www.ual.es/personal/fjgarcia/Civ_4_1_b.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Heliea</a> actual</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, para que ejecuten amañados procesos de exclusión política (acaso, sustituyentes del ostraciso). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">De estos casos, Occidente conoce: es la sencilla historia de muchos de sus héroes políticos. En estos casos, una vez más, hay que <a href="http://prometheuschannel.blogspot.com.uy/2009/08/socrates-comparece-ante-su-logos.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">rememorar a Sócrates</a> (a ese héroe de la civilización impune, quien resolvería en versos algunas fábulas esópicas, las formuladas como parodia política contra de la monarquía absoluta, mientras aguardaba incólume su ejecución). Y es por esto que de manera cuodlibetal se propone </span><span face=""segoe ui" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: 16px;">―</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">intentándose algo parecido a un <i>paralelismo tácito</i></span><span face=""segoe ui" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: 16px;">―</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> una relectura de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><u style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">La condena</u><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">» </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">de J. R. SAN MIGUEL HEVIA. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b><a href="http://www.nodulo.org/ec/2004/n023p08.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">La condena</a></b></span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.nodulo.org/ec/aut/smh.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">José Ramón SAN MIGUEL HEVIA</a></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><b><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Fuerza de la ironía, </span></b></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-small;"><b><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">o de cómo Sócrates consiguió </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">que los Heliastas le condenasen a muerte</span></b></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Después de un tiempo relativamente breve, el tribunal de los Heliastas había declarado culpable a Sócrates del delito de impiedad y de incitación a la rebelión contra el orden establecido. Es verdad que sus enseñanzas a los más ilustres de entre los jóvenes atenienses parecían a primera vista pacíficas e inofensivas sin el menor atisbo de revolución violenta. Pero Anitos, el principal promotor de la acusación, era uno de los políticos clave en la nueva democracia y sabía por experiencia el efecto dañino que habían tenido en el pasado las palabras del maestro de Alcibiades y de los treinta tiranos.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Por su parte Licón, el retórico que había preparado el juicio, tuvo buen cuidado de dejar en segundo plano, como un añadido sin importancia, ese delito de subversión, para que no le alcanzase la amnistía de Euclides extensiva a todos los crímenes políticos. En cambio sacó del baúl de los recuerdos la antigua actitud de Sócrates, que negaba las divinidades del panteón politeísta, tanto más cuanto que los autores de comedias lo habían representado en repetidas ocasiones. Esa actitud –de la que el filósofo nunca se desdijo– justificaba la gravísima acusación de impiedad, que seguía siendo válida para todo ciudadano de Atenas por encima de cualquier mudanza de la constitución.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Anitos y Licón no presentaron directamente la acusación, disimulando así hábilmente su motivo y su procedimiento. Habían elegido de común acuerdo a un actor de teatro, Meletos, que seguiría fielmente el guión señalado por ellos y, como buen profesional, tendría la suficiente fuerza de persuasión para inclinar a su favor el voto de los espectadores jueces. Meletos conocía además y había recitado dos comedias donde un Sócrates impío aparecía como protagonista.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Hasta ahora todo se había desarrollado de acuerdo con el plan prefijado por Anitos y Licón. Los quinientos un jueces ya habían votado dividiéndose entre una mayoría de doscientos ochenta y uno que declaraban culpable a Sócrates del delito de impiedad, y una minoría considerable de doscientos veinte partidarios de su inocencia. Esa corta diferencia daba la razón a sus acusadores y al mismo tiempo permitía que el juicio no pasase a mayores, porque a la hora de señalar la pena el tribunal elegiría la propuesta del filósofo, a poco razonable que fuese.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Licón sabía que los juicios de impiedad en Atenas siempre habían tenido parecido argumento. El derecho ático tenía prevista para esos casos una especie de evasión ritual, por la que el acusado pudiese eludir la condenación, dejando la ciudad y aceptando así su muerte civil. Pero en caso de que se sometiese al juicio de los Heliastas y respetase todos sus pasos, al llegar a la determinación de la pena, siempre terminaba proponiendo su exilio perpetuo, que era aceptado de forma casi automática por los jueces.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En cuanto a Anitos, echaba de menos la institución del ostracismo, un procedimiento para lograr con la máxima rapidez el destierro durante al menos diez años de los ciudadanos indeseables por su actividad política, su conducta o su excelencia. Pero como el ostracismo había entrado en desuso hacía ya dieciocho años, tuvo que echar mano a la acusación de <a href="http://www.filosofia.org/filomat/df392.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">asebeia</a> para eliminar a un individuo tan molesto e importuno como peligroso enemigo del nuevo régimen. El político sabía por experiencia que esta temible acusación había tenido en el pasado un éxito total.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La primera parte del juicio se desarrolló con normalidad y sin grandes novedades, como no fuese el rifirrafe entre Sócrates y Meletos, a propósito de los dos términos de la acusación. El filósofo tenía derecho a interrogar a la parte demandante, que estaba por ley obligado a contestar. Naturalmente, como no quería privarse de esta satisfacción, inició una discusión, que por su forma y su contenido recordaba sus interminables conversaciones diarias en la plaza pública de Atenas.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Sócrates había superado brillantemente la primera parte de la acusación –la que se refería a su aciaga actividad política– por medio de su formidable dialéctica. Puesto que según Meletos maleducaba a los jóvenes, interrogó quién o quiénes les educaban bien, y el infortunado acusador tuvo que conceder sucesivamente que eran los jueces, pero no uno ni muchos sino todos, y los miembros sorteados del Consejo, y en fin los componentes de la Asamblea, en una palabra, cualquiera de los ciudadanos excepto el acusado.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Como era su costumbre, Sócrates desmontó estas afirmaciones, tomando ejemplo en los oficios de la ciudad. El zapatero, el médico o el domador de caballos, siempre fueron uno o muy pocos especialistas, mientras que el común de los hombres, privados de la correspondiente sabiduría, echarían a perder el calzado, la salud o el arte de la equitación. Por analogía, el educador de los jóvenes tendría que ser un único profesional de la política, pues si la multitud se aplicase a esta difícil tarea terminaría estropeando sin remedio a los futuros ciudadanos. A los asistentes al juicio no les había hecho ninguna gracia que les echasen en cara su universal ignorancia, pero tenían la suficiente veneración a las palabras para perdonar cualquier incontinencia, si estaba avalada por un perfecto razonamiento.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En cambio el filósofo no había podido o no había querido desmontar el otro término de la acusación, el que se refería a su impiedad y su ateísmo al no venerar a los dioses oficiales de la ciudad. La defensa era esta vez mucho más difícil, pues desde hacía mucho tiempo los autores de teatro, y por encima de todos el gran Aristófanes, le habían convertido en personaje de sus comedias. La figura central de <a href="https://books.google.com.uy/books?id=o_MPCgAAQBAJ&printsec=frontcover&dq=Las+Nubes,+de+Arist%C3%B3fanes&hl=es&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjkqvvpt4PPAhUCQpAKHa6TADwQ6AEIMjAF#v=onepage&q=Las%20Nubes%2C%20de%20Arist%C3%B3fanes&f=false" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Las Nubes</a>, dos veces representada, era precisamente un Sócrates que había introducido nuevas divinidades –el aire, las inestables nubes y la variable lengua– para dar razón de los fenómenos físicos y de los argumentos sofísticos.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Además, los maestros de Sócrates habían sido Anaxágoras, condenado por impiedad al profanar el cielo con sus observaciones, y sobre todo Diógenes de Apolonia el frigio, que figuraba en la nómina oficial de ateos y que en su estancia en Atenas había corrido también peligro por el atrevimiento de sus doctrinas. La acusación de impiedad estaba más que fundada por estos antecedentes tan poco recomendables y por el desparpajo con que el filósofo había tratado las creencias más venerables de Atenas.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Por lo demás, en su contestación a Meleto, Sócrates no había negado el delito que figuraba en el acta de acusación. Ni siquiera tuvo una palabra de deferencia para las divinidades públicas pero declaró que «no era del todo ateo», pues tenía un misterioso e invisible demonio, que gobernaba su conducta privada, le pertenecía sólo a él por oposición a los demás dioses, le había dirigido al juicio, y en fin parecía una variante del aire-inteligencia, sostenido por los dos físicos metecos del Asia Menor.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Faltaba la segunda parte del juicio, la que determinase la pena que Sócrates cumpliría. Los jueces tenían que votar por segunda vez, eligiendo forzosamente entre dos castigos, el propuesto por el acusador y la alternativa que ofreciese el culpable. Para eso tenían que subir otra vez los dos al estrado, pues el número y la complicación del tribunal y la rapidez del proceso hacían imposible la aplicación de una tercera sentencia.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La intervención de Meletos había sido muy breve, pues sencillamente recordó el acta de acusación en que se había pedido la muerte por el crimen de impiedad. Para que quedase desvanecida toda apariencia de venganza política, siguió los consejos de Anitos y Licón y mantuvo la primera acusación, rectificándola hábilmente. Según esta nueva formulación, Sócrates maleducaba a sus jóvenes discípulos, enseñándoles a menospreciar a los dioses oficiales.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Ahora sólo faltaba para terminar el proceso, que Sócrates plantease al tribunal una alternativa, cosa tanto más fácil cuanto que disponía de un cuadro de soluciones bastante considerable. Podía reconocer su culpabilidad y comprometerse a interrumpir sus lecciones, pedir perdón a sus jueces, y como prueba de su nueva actitud aceptar el exilio fuera de Atenas. De esa forma sustituiría la muerte física por la muerte civil y dejaría tranquilos de una vez a los nuevos demócratas. Hubo silencio en los jueces y en el público cuando por fin el filósofo tomó la palabra.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—Con gran preocupación y sobresalto he seguido, atenienses, la marcha de vuestra votación. Y con razón, porque la diferencia entre las habas blancas o negras fue tan estrecha que, al hacer el recuento y en tres ocasiones –corregidme si me equivoco– las que determinaban mi inocencia superaban en número a las que me declaraban culpable. Ciertamente, si tal cosa hubiera acontecido al final, sería ocasión de burla y chacota para el tribunal y para mí mismo, pues cuando nos preguntasen qué habíamos hecho perdiendo el tiempo y sufriendo los insoportables calores del día, habríamos de contestar para vergüenza nuestra que no hicimos nada.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—Ahora, sin embargo ya podemos respirar tranquilos, porque los jueces heliastas no se han reunido en vano y han aprobado el acta de acusación que hace a Sócrates reo del crimen de impiedad. Y mi satisfacción es tan grande que de buena gana daría por terminado mi proceso y aceptaría la pena que con tanto celo ha propuesto para mí el virtuoso Meletos. Pero estoy obligado por ley a presentar una alternativa, y justificarla a través de los más cuidadosos razonamientos. Y desde luego, no seré yo quien desobedezca a la ciudad ni desprecie al tribunal que por encima de cualquier otra institución la representa.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—Pero al dirigiros la palabra se me presenta una dificultad casi insalvable, pues mi costumbre y mi oficio siempre consistió en interrogar a los ciudadanos de más variada condición, tomándolos uno a uno en el ágora, ensalzando su sabiduría y pidiéndoles que me la comunicasen. Y ahora que tengo frente a mí nada menos que quinientos uno, seré incapaz de tomar lecciones de todos vosotros antes de que se ponga el sol y termine el proceso.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—Sólo se me ocurre una solución para salir de este laberinto, y es seguir el ejemplo de los físicos, considerar a cada uno de los heliastas como miembros de un único ser vivo, hacer la historia de este tribunal, de sus excelencias en el pasado y su gloria en el presente y el futuro de Atenas. Después de dar este primer paso ya puedo presentar mi alternativa, razonándola con cuidado, y solicitar la opinión de quien sabe ciertamente mucho más que yo, pues de otra forma no se atrevería a juzgarme.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—Permitidme, heliastas, que admire primero que nada vuestro poder, muy superior al de todos los reinos y ciudades de Grecia. Y para eso no necesito remontarme a tiempos arcaicos, pues yo mismo fui testigo en mi juventud de cómo mil quinientos jueces humillaron a <a href="https://books.google.com.uy/books?id=BFOuxCZWDYsC&printsec=frontcover&dq=Pericles,+el+primer+ciudadano&hl=es&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiEtqOpu4PPAhWIEpAKHfyyBOkQ6AEIHDAA#v=onepage&q=Pericles%2C%20el%20primer%20ciudadano&f=false" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Pericles</a>, el estrategos más noble de Atenas y de la confederación a los que gobernó durante más de veinte años, obligándole a rendir cuentas de los caudales públicos.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—Verdaderamente sois grandes, y mucho más si se piensa que aquel varón necesitó para gobernar pertenecer al linaje de los Alcmeónidas y estudiar con los maestros más eminentes de Atenas. Y que todos los días sin faltar uno bajaba a la Asamblea y pronunciaba hermosas oraciones para persuadir al pueblo de la excelencia de sus proyectos. Mientras que cada uno de sus jueces, de los que vosotros sois herederos, aunque su padre fuese un choricero y él mismo un ignorante incapaz de pronunciar tres palabras con sentido, podía determinar el destino del más excelso ciudadano, con la cínica condición de que el azar le hubiese nombrado miembro del tribunal.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—Pues si del poder pasamos a la sabiduría, ningún sofista ni filósofo pudo nunca compararse con los heliastas, cuando todavía tenían menos autoridad que vosotros. Fueron ellos quienes llevaron a juicio al gran Anaxágoras, sobresaliente por su ciencia, porque profanaba los cielos observando la figura y movimiento del sol, la luna y las estrellas. Y además le condenaron con el exilio por sus mediciones de los eclipses, por su doctrina que igualaba los cielos y la tierra, y sobre todo por su pretensión de tener una inteligencia más penetrante que todos y cada uno de los innumerables miembros del tribunal.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—Esta suprema sabiduría de vuestros antepasados llenó de temor a los demás filósofos, que estaban de paso por Atenas y que se apresuraron a poner el mar por en medio para no ser tratados como ignorantes y merecedores de penas severísimas. Y de nada le valió a Protágoras su elocuencia ni a Diógenes de Apolonia su teoría del aire inteligente, director del mundo físico e interior a cada hombre. Todos se tuvieron que exiliar, dando así testimonio de vuestro infalible conocimiento de las cosas divinas y humanas.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—Y que esta sabiduría de los heliastas no es de ayer, porque también vosotros participáis de ella, bien comprobado queda por el acta de acusación, porque en ella perseguís otra vez la doctrina Anaxágoras, atribuyendo a Sócrates sus ideas de que el sol es una piedra incandescente y la luna un cuerpo opaco, y que en resolución los cielos, morada de los dioses y ellos mismos divinos, tienen la misma composición de la tierra. Ciertamente, estoy muy honrado por esta equivocación, pero más honrados os tenéis que sentir vosotros, que sois capaces de definir la figura del universo, mejor que todos los filósofos y sofistas.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—Además de todas estas cualidades que harían palidecer de envidia a los reyes, los filósofos y los más grandes creadores de belleza, los jueces atenienses habéis tenido siempre el don de la oportunidad, el más querido por los dioses y por los hombres que gobiernan. Pues cuando hace nada más de siete años logramos una victoria naval junto a las islas Arginusas y con esta ocasión tomamos de nuevo la iniciativa guerrera frente a Esparta después de muchos desastres, el tribunal decidió enmendar la plana a los vencedores, que corrían peligro de caer en el crimen de desmesura.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—Y para que no se volviesen a repetir hechos tan llamativos, después de que el Consejo acusó a los generales por no haber dado sepultura a las víctimas del combate, el tribunal los condenó a muerte y efectivamente fueron ejecutados. De esta forma nadie en el futuro tendrá la mala idea de destacarse por su excelencia sobre los ciudadanos comunes, y quedará asegurada la igualdad de todos los atenienses, sin la cual es imposible la democracia. Por cierto que uno de los estrategos era Pericles el joven, hijo de Pericles y de Aspasia, que ya había sido elegido de forma continua varias veces, y que amenazaba con seguir el camino de su padre, manteniendo la excelencia y anulando injustamente la mediocridad.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—Es verdad que en aquella ocasión un tal Sócrates, que había sido nombrado por suerte miembro del Consejo y de la tribu que ocupaba la pritanía, levantó su voz en medio de la hostilidad de muchos ciudadanos, diciendo que no había tal crimen, pues una violenta tempestad impidió aquel gesto de piedad. Además se atrevió a poner en entredicho a los jueces que contra toda ley procesaron a los acusados en un solo juicio a mano alzada y no individualmente y en secreto. Pero pronto tuvo que callar aquel impertinente, pues las decisiones soberanas de los heliastas no admitían ninguna apelación ante los Quinientos, ni siquiera ante la Asamblea del pueblo.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—En el breve tiempo en que gobernó la oligarquía de los cuatrocientos, aquellos desalmados, sin tener en cuenta todos esas excelencias, os suprimieron los tres óbolos que con toda justicia veníais cobrando por cada juicio y lo mismo hicieron los Treinta, suprimiendo además vuestro poder soberano. Y con mucha razón son todos ellos llamados tiranos y enemigos de la democracia.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—Pues aunque sus leyes fuesen más sabias justas y blandas que las de aquellos patriarcas de los siglos de oro, simplemente esa determinación de no pagar al pueblo lo que le pertenece es suficiente para indignar y hasta sublevar a un ciudadano bien nacido. Pues no hay derecho, atenienses, a que una minoría, por muy ilustre que pretenda ser, os deje, por decirlo así, en la calle y os quite el pan de vuestros hijos. Y por eso, más que por otra cosa, pienso yo que deben ser llamados oligarcas y tiranos.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">11</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—Afortunadamente soplan vientos mejores, pues ya los demócratas, desterrados en Tebas, han organizado una revolución y establecido un régimen donde los tribunales tenéis el premio bien merecido. Porque dándose cuenta de los incontables servicios que habéis hecho a la ciudad y de que nunca os equivocasteis al juzgar a los más sabios y justos, todavía aumentan más vuestros poderes. Porque los derechos soberanos que en el pasado tenía el Consejo de los Quinientos han quedado anulados en vuestro favor.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—Y por eso el pueblo ha decidido que cualquier condena a multa, a prisión o a muerte sólo será válida cuando sea votada por un tribunal, y que sólo la decisión de los jueces sea soberana. Y aunque el Consejo puede juzgar a un magistrado cualquiera, sobre todo a los que manejan dinero, la sentencia no es definitiva hasta que no pase por uno de vuestros dicasterios.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—Pero estas no son las únicas excelencias de los jueces atenienses. Pues si el Consejo de los Quinientos, al someter a examen a los arcontes o a los nuevos consejeros nombrados anualmente por suerte, excluye a alguno de ellos, ése ciudadano puede también recurrir a los heliastas, por muy grave que haya sido el motivo de su exclusión. Ni siquiera los estrategos, nombrados a mano alzada, se escapan al juicio de vuestros tribunales, porque si una de las diez comisiones anuales del Consejo no confirma en el poder a uno de ellos, todavía puede apelar a vuestra sentencia definitiva para volver a su cargo o pagar la pena correspondiente.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—¿Y qué pena puedo yo proponer para que merezca, aunque sea por un poco, vuestra consideración? Desde luego no la prisión, que me privaría del trato y conversación de tan gran multitud de sabios. A no ser, atenienses, que os comprometieseis a hacerme compañía en grupos de tres o cuatro diarios, para que al cabo del año hubiese podido interrogaros a todos, adquirir un barniz de sabiduría y volver a este tribunal que me sometería a un riguroso examen. Y si el calabozo os resulta un lugar humillante, estoy dispuesto a recibiros en el Pritaneo, siempre que me aseguréis una enseñanza digna en las cosas del mundo físico y en los asuntos de la política.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—Tampoco pienso proponer el exilio, como hicieron otros muchos acusados y condenados por impiedad, y como muchos de vosotros estaréis deseando. Porque de esta forma, no sólo me vería lejos de vuestra compañía, sino de los otros miembros de la Hilea, tan sabios como vosotros. Y lo que es mucho más grave, sería objeto de la burla universal cuando los ciudadanos de toda Grecia tuviesen noticia de que había sido expulsado de Atenas por ser tan ignorante que ni siquiera era capaz de aprender filosofía de tantos miles de maestros.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—De buena gana os ofrecería una sustanciosa multa, pero eso es imposible porque no tengo tanto dinero. Sabréis que he depositado los parcos ahorros de mis padres en manos de Critón, aquí presente. Y aunque mis gastos son mínimos y el discípulo ha administrado los caudales sabiamente, sin embargo, al cabo de setenta años de vida sin recibir ningún denario por lecciones ni siquiera los tres óbolos de los jueces, pues la ignorancia no enseña ni juzga, sólo puedo invertir en mi defensa una mina de plata.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">13</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—Es verdad que Platón está dispuesto a pagaros hasta treinta minas de oro, pero en ese caso yo no sufriría ningún castigo, aunque debería quedar agradecido a la generosidad de un amigo. Y confirmándome en mi ofrecimiento de una modesta mina de plata, me puse a pensar cuál podría ser el destino de suma tan imponente, a condición de que no formase parte de la pena. Porque sería gran necedad no aprovecharse de esa cantidad de dinero, en vista de las necesidades que tienen cada vez más ciudadanos.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—Y llegué a la conclusión –vosotros diréis si tengo o no razón– de que el mejor destino que se pueda dar a la generosidad de mis discípulos sería el establecimiento de una fundación o montepío para subvencionar a quienes no ejerzan como jueces. Porque sería una enorme injusticia, atenienses, que el azar o el designio de los dioses inmortales, en quienes tanta fe tenéis, premiase una y otra vez con el privilegio de ser heliastas y con los tres deseados óbolos a los mismos ciudadanos, despreciando, por así decirlo, a los demás.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—Así que ya tenéis la alternativa a la pena de muerte, tal como la propuso el acusador Meletos. No tengo ningún inconveniente en recibiros en el Pritaneo para que me comuniquéis uno a uno la sabiduría política necesaria para ejercer la difícil gobernación de Atenas. Además os ofrezco una pieza de plata, porque cualquier otra suma estaría por encima de mis posibilidades. Finalmente mis discípulos están dispuestos a proteger a los ciudadanos en paro judicial con treinta minas de oro, con lo cual demuestran qué lejos está de su ánimo trastornar el orden público de la ciudad y qué infundada es la suposición de estar políticamente maleducados.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Después de haber oído sucesivamente a Meletos y a Sócrates, los quinientos un heliastas se prepararon para la última y decisiva votación. Según establecía el derecho penal ático, sólo podían elegir una de las dos alternativas, la pena de muerte o las proposiciones del filósofo. Quedaba por consiguiente excluido el exilio y la prisión, con los que siempre habían terminado en el pasado los juicios de impiedad.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Al parecer la opinión de los heliastas había cambiado bruscamente después del largo parlamento de Sócrates. Una gran mayoría, trescientos sesenta, había votado con la acusación el castigo máximo, y sólo ciento cuarenta y uno aceptaron la multa propuesta por el filósofo y sus discípulos. Más de ochenta jueces habían cambiado el sentido de su voto, pasando de la proclamación de inocencia a la imposición de la pena de muerte. Sócrates, al parecer visiblemente satisfecho, pidió despedirse brevemente de los heliastas y subió por tercera vez al estrado.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">15</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—Estoy verdaderamente sorprendido, jueces atenienses, considerando el sentido de vuestra segunda votación. Pues yo calculaba que en vista de la ajustada declaración de culpabilidad, donde eran casi tantos los jueces favorables como los contrarios, y después de mis palabras que ensalzaron la sabiduría y el poder de vuestros tribunales verdaderos quicios de la democracia, no sólo me impondríais una pena puramente simbólica sino que además me aclamaríais como a los héroes olímpicos, que con sus hazañas dan lustre a su ciudad.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—Como además mis discípulos, que son tanto o más que yo los acusados en este juicio, os ofrecieron una suculenta multa para enriquecer las arcas de la Heliea, y Sócrates mismo, confesando su ignorancia, estaba dispuesto a recibir de todos vosotros lecciones de alta política en el Pritaneo, nunca dudé que el brillo del oro y el engreimiento de la vanidad terminarían inclinando a mi favor vuestra universal opinión.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—Pero ya veo, heliastas, que sois incorruptibles, porque ni los halagos, por otra parte bien merecidos, ni la esperanza de premios son suficientes para influir en vuestras sentencias. Y esta imparcialidad, que no cae a derecha ni a izquierda, es otra cualidad que estoy obligado a concederos, junto a la ciencia, la autoridad suprema y el sentido de la oportunidad. Y ahora, cuando mi destino ya no depende de vosotros, después de esta última y definitiva votación, declaro que la ciudad basada en fundamentos tan firmes y preciosos es verdaderamente feliz.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—No os enfadéis al ver que he recibido la sentencia capital con un ánimo templado y hasta satisfecho, y os voy a dar las razones de esta actitud al parecer extraña. Desde mi edad de setenta años he contemplado con envidia la muerte que sorprende a los viejos en medio del sosiego del sueño, porque de esta forma no tienen que atravesar los dolorosos trances de la decadencia o de una larga enfermedad.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—Y de muy buena gana habría seguido voluntariamente ese destino, si no estuviese obligado a obedecer a la naturaleza. Pero ahora, cuando las leyes de la ciudad, según vosotros infinitamente más sagradas que las naturales, me obligan a beber el veneno, entrando así en un letargo profundo y definitivo, no pienso dejar pasar de largo esta oportunidad inesperada de morir con el descanso y al mismo tiempo con la dignidad propias de un filósofo.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">17</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—Pero hay otra razón que me invita a soportar la pena máxima, y ésta tiene que ver con vuestro régimen de gobierno, donde los jueces tenéis la última palabra. Porque si la sentencia del tribunal es verdadera y ajustada a razón, es deber de todo ciudadano acatarla y hacer que se cumpla, aunque parezca que contraría sus intereses y hasta atenta contra su vida. Pues sería una grave insensatez de su parte pretender que los demás cumplan las leyes y al mismo tiempo desobedecerlas, cuando no le convienen.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">—Pero si en cambio la sentencia de condenación es falsa e injusta, con más razón debe aceptarla, aunque le lleve a la muerte, porque así demostrará las consecuencias absurdas de una constitución, y por lo mismo declarará falsos los principios en que se fundamenta. Y por todas esas razones privadas y políticas estoy decidido a morir. Así que no os hagáis ilusiones, atenienses, pues no pienso huir de la ciudad en estos días sagrados, aunque vosotros miréis para otra parte, los carceleros duerman y mis amigos me preparen un nuevo domicilio en Megara.</span></div>
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Pablo Pallashttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02676986163926451532noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8368737022377042313.post-80020482871571430162016-03-12T23:46:00.002-03:002021-04-23T21:26:52.900-03:00Geopolítica: Encuentro del santo padre Francisco con su santidad Kiril, patriarca de Moscú y Toda Rusia <div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><a href="https://biteproject.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/ancla-inscripcion-1024x695.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="543" data-original-width="800" height="334" src="https://biteproject.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/ancla-inscripcion-1024x695.jpg" width="490" /></a></div><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><b style="font-family: times, "times new roman", serif; font-size: x-large;"><span style="color: #3d85c6;">ENCUENTRO</span></b><b style="color: #444444; font-family: times, "times new roman", serif; font-size: x-large;"> </b></div>
<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>DEL SANTO PADRE FRANCISCO</b></span><br />
<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>CON SU SANTIDAD KIRIL, </b></span><br />
<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;"><b>PATRIARCA DE MOSCÚ Y TODA RUSIA</b></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #3d85c6; font-size: x-small; text-align: justify;">¿Cómo identificar y delimitar la circularidad antropológica de un objeto de trabajo discursivo, conformado en las condiciones i. de una retórica política influenciada por la eutaxia religiosa y ii. de una filosofía administrada al amparo, a su vez, de una </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #3d85c6; font-size: x-small; text-align: justify;"> </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #3d85c6; font-size: x-small; text-align: justify;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #3d85c6; font-size: x-small; text-align: justify;">humanidad ecuménica</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #3d85c6; font-size: x-small; text-align: justify;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #3d85c6; font-size: x-small; text-align: justify;">?</span><br />
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<span style="font-size: xx-small;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><span style="color: #444444;">La Santa Sede. 2016, febrero 12. «</span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">ENCUENTRO DEL SANTO PADRE FRANCISCO CON SU SANTIDAD KIRIL, PATRIARCA DE MOSCÚ Y DE TODAS LAS RUSIAS. FIRMA DE LA DECLARACIÓN CONJUNTA</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><span style="color: #444444;">» en URL: <a href="http://w2.vatican.va/content/francesco/es/speeches/2016/february/documents/papa-francesco_20160212_dichiarazione-comune-kirill.pdf">http://w2.vatican.va/content/francesco/es/speeches/2016/february/documents/papa-francesco_20160212_dichiarazione-comune-kirill.pdf</a></span><span style="color: #444444;"> (Acceso 2016, febrero 13)</span></span></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;"><b>Nota ecdótica:</b> el texto de La Santa Sede -presentado como escopo comunicológico, en coordenadas geopolíticas- se halla editado con el propósito didáctico de contextualizar sus enunciaciones. La fuente hemerográfica -a su vez- remite a texto y cotexto sin edición docente. </span></div>
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<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><a href="https://i.pinimg.com/originals/e4/e5/cb/e4e5cb98f6775670fc68bee8536f50cb.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="245" data-original-width="800" height="195" src="https://i.pinimg.com/originals/e4/e5/cb/e4e5cb98f6775670fc68bee8536f50cb.jpg" width="490" /></a></div><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><b style="color: #444444; font-family: arial; text-align: justify;">Declaración conjunta</b></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: arial;">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>del Papa Francisco </b></span><b style="color: #444444;">y del Patriarca Kiril de Moscú y Toda Rusia</b></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">“Que la gracia del Señor Jesucristo, el amor de Dios y la participación del Espíritu Santo estén </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">con todos vosotros” (2 Corintios 13,13).</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">1. Por la voluntad de Dios Padre, de quien procede todo don, en el nombre de Nuestro Señor </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Jesucristo, con la ayuda del Espíritu Santo Consolador, nosotros, Francisco, Papa y Obispo de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Roma, y Kiril, Patriarca de Moscú y Toda Rusia, reunimos hoy en La Habana. Damos gracias a </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Dios, glorificado en la Santísima Trinidad, por este encuentro, el primero en la historia. </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Con alegría, nos reunimos como hermanos en la fe cristiana que se encontraron para “hablar… </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">personalmente” (2 Juan, 12), de corazón a corazón, y discutir las relaciones mutuas entre las </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Iglesias, los problemas palpitantes de nuestro rebaño y las perspectivas del desarrollo de la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">civilización humana.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">2. Nuestro encuentro fraterno se llevó a cabo en Cuba, en la encrucijada entre el Norte y el Sur, el </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Este y el Oeste. Desde esta isla, un símbolo de esperanza del Nuevo Mundo y de los dramáticos </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">acontecimientos de la historia del siglo XX, dirigimos nuestras palabras a todas las naciones de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">América Latina y de otros continentes. </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Nos alegra el hecho de que hoy en día aquí la fe cristiana evoluciona dinámicamente. El potencial </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">religioso de gran alcance en América Latina, sus tradiciones cristianas multiseculares, </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">manifestadas en la experiencia personal de millones de personas, son clave para un gran futuro </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">de esta región.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">3. Al reunirnos a distancia de las antiguas disputas del Viejo Mundo, sentimos muy fuertemente la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">necesidad de colaboración entre los católicos y los ortodoxos, que deben estar siempre </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">preparados para responder a cualquiera que les pida razón de la esperanza (1 Pedro 3, 15).</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">4. Damos gracias a Dios por los dones que hemos recibido a través de la venida al mundo de su </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Hijo Unigénito. Compartimos la Tradición espiritual común del primer milenio del cristianismo. Los </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">testigos de esta Tradición son la Santísima Madre de Dios, la Virgen María, y los santos a </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">quienes veneramos. Entre ellos están innumerables mártires que mostraron su fidelidad a Cristo y </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">se convirtieron en “la semilla de cristianos”.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">5. A pesar de tener la Tradición común de diez primeros siglos, los católicos y los ortodoxos, </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">durante casi mil años, están privados de comunicación en la Eucaristía. Permanecimos divididos </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">dado a las heridas causadas por los conflictos del pasado lejano y reciente, por las diferencias </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">heredadas de nuestros antepasados, en la comprensión y la explicación de nuestra fe en Dios, un </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">ser único que existe como tres personas: Padre, Hijo y Espíritu Santo. Lamentamos la pérdida de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">la unidad, que era una consecuencia de la debilidad y la pecaminosidad humana, que se produjo </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">a despecho de la oración del Primer Sacerdote, Cristo Salvador: “Te pido que todos ellos estén </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">unidos; que como tú, Padre, estás en mí y yo en ti, también ellos estén en nosotros, para que el </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">mundo crea que tú me enviaste” (Juan 17, 21).</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">6. Conscientes de muchos obstáculos que hay que superar, esperamos que nuestro encuentro </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">contribuya a la obtención de la unidad mandada por Dios, por la que Cristo había rezado. Que </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">nuestro encuentro inspire a los cristianos de todo el mundo para invocar con el nuevo fervor al </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Señor, orando sobre la plena unidad de todos sus discípulos. Que ésta, en el mundo que espera </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">de nosotros no sólo palabras, sino acciones, sea un signo de esperanza para todas las personas </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">de buena voluntad.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">7. Teniendo firmeza en hacer todo lo necesario para superar las diferencias históricas heredadas </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">por nosotros, queremos reunir nuestros esfuerzos a fin de dar testimonio del Evangelio de Cristo y </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">del patrimonio común de la Iglesia del primer milenio, respondiendo conjuntamente a los desafíos </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">del mundo moderno. Los ortodoxos y los católicos deben aprender a llevar el testimonio común </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">de la verdad en aquellas áreas, en las que es posible y necesario. La civilización humana ha </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">entrado en un período de cambios epocales. La conciencia cristiana y la responsabilidad pastoral </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">no nos permiten que permanezcamos indiferentes ante los desafíos que requieren una respuesta </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">conjunta.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">8. Nuestra atención está dirigida principalmente hacia aquellas regiones del mundo donde los </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">cristianos están sometidos a persecución. En muchos países de Oriente Medio y África del Norte, </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">se exterminan familias completas de nuestros hermanos y hermanas en Cristo, pueblos y </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">ciudades enteros habitados por ellos. Sus templos están sometidos a la destrucción bárbara y a </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">los saqueos, los santuarios – a la profanación, los monumentos – a la demolición. En Siria, Irak y </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">otros países de Oriente Medio observamos con dolor el éxodo masivo de cristianos de la tierra </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">donde nuestra fe comenzó a extenderse, y donde ellos vivían a partir de los tiempos apostólicos, </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">junto con otras comunidades religiosas.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">9. Hacemos un llamamiento a la comunidad internacional a tomar medidas inmediatas para evitar </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">un mayor desplazamiento de los cristianos de Oriente Medio. Levantando nuestras voces en </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">defensa de los cristianos perseguidos, también solidarizamos con sufrimientos de seguidores de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">otras tradiciones religiosas, que se han convertido en víctimas de la guerra civil, el caos y la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">violencia terrorista.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">10. En Siria e Irak esta violencia ha cobrado miles de vidas, dejando sin hogares y medios de vida </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">a unos millones de personas. Hacemos un llamamiento a la comunidad internacional a unirse </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">para poner fin a la violencia y al terrorismo y al mismo tiempo, a través del diálogo, a contribuir a </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">la pronta obtención de la paz civil. Se requiere una ayuda humanitaria de gran escala para el </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">pueblo que sufre, y para muchos refugiados en los países vecinos. </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Solicitamos a todos los que pueden, influir en el destino de todos los secuestrados, incluyendo a </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">los Metropolitas de Alepo, Pablo y Juan Ibrahim, capturados en abril de 2013, para hacer todo lo </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">necesario a fin de su pronta liberación.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">11. Enviamos oraciones a Cristo, Salvador del mundo, sobre el establecimiento en suelo de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Oriente Medio de la paz, que es producto de la justicia (Isaías 32, 17), sobre el fortalecimiento de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">la convivencia fraterna entre diversos pueblos, Iglesias y religiones situados en esta tierra, sobre </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">el regreso de los refugiados a sus casas, sobre la curación de los heridos y el reposo de almas de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">las víctimas inocentes. </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Dirigimos a todas las partes que puedan estar involucradas en los conflictos, un ferviente </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">llamamiento para manifestar buena voluntad y llegar a la mesa de negociación. Al mismo tiempo, </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">es necesario que la comunidad internacional haga todos los esfuerzos posibles para poner fin al </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">terrorismo mediante acciones comunes, conjuntas y sincronizadas. Hacemos un llamamiento a </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">todos los países involucrados en la lucha contra el terrorismo, a las acciones responsables y </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">prudentes. Hacemos un llamado a todos los cristianos y a todos los creyentes en Dios para rezar </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">al Señor Creador y Providente que cuida el mundo, que guarde su creación de la destrucción y no </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">permita una nueva guerra mundial. Para que la paz sea duradera y fiable, se requieren esfuerzos </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">especiales destinadas al regreso a los valores comunes, que nos unen, basados en el Evangelio </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">de Nuestro Señor Jesucristo.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">12. Admiramos la valentía de aquellos que entregan sus vidas por haber dado testimonio de la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">verdad del Evangelio, prefiriendo la muerte ante la abjuración de Cristo. Creemos que los mártires </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">de nuestros tiempos, procedentes de diferentes Iglesias, pero unidos por un sufrimiento común, </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">son la clave para la unidad de los cristianos. A vosotros, los que sufren por Cristo, dirige su </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">palabra el Apóstol del Señor: “Queridos hermanos,… alegraos de tener parte en los sufrimientos </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">de Cristo, para que también os llenéis de alegría cuando su gloria se manifieste” (1 Pedro 4, 12-</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">13).</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">13. En esta época turbadora se necesita el diálogo interreligioso. Las diferencias en comprensión </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">de las verdades religiosas no deben impedir que las personas de diversas religiones vivan en paz </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">y armonía. En las circunstancias actuales, los líderes religiosos tienen una responsabilidad </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">especial por la educación de su rebaño en el espíritu de respeto por las creencias de aquellos que </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">pertenecen a otras tradiciones religiosas. Los intentos de justificar actos criminales por consignas </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">religiosas son absolutamente inaceptables. Ningún crimen puede ser cometido en el nombre de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Dios, “porque Dios es Dios de paz y no de confusión” (1 Corintios 14, 33).</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">14. Atestiguando el alto valor de la libertad religiosa, damos gracias a Dios por el renacimiento sin </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">precedentes de la fe cristiana que ahora se lleva a cabo en Rusia y muchos países de Europa del </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Este, donde por décadas han gobernado regímenes ateos. Hoy en día, las cadenas del ateísmo </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">militante cayeron, y en muchos lugares los cristianos son libres de profesar su fe. Durante un </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">cuarto de siglo, aquí se erigieron decenas de miles de nuevos templos, se abrieron cientos de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">monasterios y escuelas teológicas. Las comunidades cristianas realizan amplias actividades </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">caritativas y sociales, prestando diversa asistencia a los necesitados. Los ortodoxos y los </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">católicos a menudo trabajan hombro con hombro. Ellos defienden la base espiritual común de la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">sociedad humana, dando testimonio de los valores evangélicos.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">15. Al mismo tiempo, nos preocupa la situación que tiene lugar en tantos países, donde los </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">cristianos enfrentan cada vez más la restricción de la libertad religiosa y del derecho a dar </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">testimonio sobre sus creencias y a vivir de acuerdo con ellas. En particular, vemos que la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">transformación de algunos países en las sociedades secularizadas, ajenas de cualquier memoria </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">de Dios y su verdad, implica una grave amenaza para la libertad religiosa. Estamos preocupados </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">por la limitación de los derechos de los cristianos, por no hablar de la discriminación contra ellos, </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">cuando algunas fuerzas políticas, guiadas por la ideología del secularismo que en numerosos </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">casos se vuelve agresivo, tienden a empujarles a los márgenes de la vida pública.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">16. El proceso de la integración europea, que comenzó después de siglos de conflictos </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">sangrientos, fue acogido por muchas personas con esperanza, como prenda de paz y seguridad. </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Al mismo tiempo, advertimos en contra de aquella clase de integración que no respeta la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">identidad religiosa. Respetamos la contribución de otras religiones a nuestra civilización, pero </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">estamos convencidos de que Europa debe mantener la fidelidad a sus raíces cristianas. Hacemos </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">un llamamiento a los cristianos en Europa Occidental y Europa Oriental a unirse a fin de dar </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">testimonio conjunto sobre Cristo y el Evangelio, para que Europa mantenga su alma formada por </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">dos mil años de la tradición cristiana.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">17. Nuestra atención está destinada a las personas que se encuentran en una situación </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">desesperada, viven en la pobreza extrema en el momento en que la riqueza de la humanidad está </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">creciendo. No podemos permanecer indiferentes al destino de millones de migrantes y refugiados </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">que tocan a las puertas de los países ricos. El consumo incontrolado, típico para algunos estados </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">más desarrollados, agota rápidamente los recursos de nuestro planeta. La creciente desigualdad </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">en la distribución de bienes terrenales, aumenta el sentido de la injusticia del sistema de las </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">relaciones internacionales que se está implantando.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">18. Las Iglesias cristianas están llamadas a defender exigencias de la justicia, del respeto a las </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">tradiciones nacionales y de la solidaridad efectiva con todos los que sufren. Nosotros, los </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">cristianos, no debemos olvidar que “para avergonzar a los sabios, Dios ha escogido a los que el </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">mundo tiene por tontos; y para avergonzar a los fuertes ha escogido a los que el mundo tiene por </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">débiles. Dios ha escogido a la gente despreciada y sin importancia de este mundo, es decir, a los </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">que no son nada, para anular a los que son algo. Así nadie podrá presumir delante de Dios” (1 </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Corintios 1, 27-29).</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">19. La familia es el centro natural de la vida de un ser humano y de la sociedad. Estamos </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">preocupados por la crisis de la familia en muchos países. Los ortodoxos y los católicos, </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">compartiendo la misma visión de la familia, están llamados a testificar acerca de la familia como </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">de un camino hacia la santidad, que se manifiesta en la fidelidad mutua de los cónyuges, su </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">disponibilidad para dar a luz a los niños y formarles, en la solidaridad entre las generaciones y el </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">respeto hacia los enfermizos.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">20. La familia es fundada sobre el matrimonio que es un acto libre y fiel de amor entre un hombre </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">y una mujer. El amor fortalece su unión, les enseña a aceptar uno a otros como a un don. El </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">matrimonio es la escuela del amor y de la fidelidad. Lamentamos que otras formas de convivencia </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">se equiparan ahora con esta unión, y la visión de la paternidad y la maternidad como de especial </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">vocación del hombre y de la mujer en el matrimonio, santificada por la tradición bíblica, se expulsa </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">de la conciencia pública.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">21. Hacemos un llamamiento a todos para respetar el derecho inalienable a la vida. Unos millones </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">de bebés están privados de la propia posibilidad de aparecer a la luz. La sangre de los niños no </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">nacidos pide a gritos a Dios que haga justicia. (Génesis 4, 10). </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La divulgación de la así llamada eutanasia conduce al hecho de que los ancianos y enfermos </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">comienzan a sentirse carga excesiva para su familia y la sociedad en conjunto. </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Expresamos nuestra preocupación por el uso cada vez más extendido de las tecnologías </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">biomédicas de reproducción, porque la manipulación de la vida humana es un ataque contra los </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">fundamentos del ser de la persona creada a imagen de Dios. Consideramos que nuestro deber es </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">hacer acordarse sobre la inmutabilidad de los principios morales cristianos, basados en el respeto </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">por la dignidad de la persona que está destinada a la vida de acuerdo con el plan de su Creador.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">22. Queremos hoy dirigir unas palabras especiales a la juventud cristiana. Vosotros, los jóvenes, </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">no debéis esconder dinero en la tierra (Mateo 25, 25), sino usar todas las dotes dadas por Dios, </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">para afirmar la verdad de Cristo en el mundo, realizar los mandamientos evangélicos del amor a </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Dios y al prójimo. No tengáis miedo de ir contra la corriente, defendiendo la verdad de Dios, con la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">que no siempre se ajustan las normas seculares modernas.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">23. Dios os ama y espera de cada uno de vosotros que seáis sus discípulos y apóstoles. Sed la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">luz de este mundo, para que otros, viendo el bien que hacéis, alaben todos a vuestro Padre que </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">está en el cielo (Mateo 5, 14-16). Educad a los niños en la fe cristiana para entregarles la perla </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">preciosa de la fe (Mateo 13, 46) que recibisteis de vuestros padres y antepasados. No olvidéis </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">que “Dios os ha comprado por un precio” (1 Corintios 6, 20), el precio de la muerte en la cruz de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Dios Hombre, Jesucristo.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">24. Los ortodoxos y los católicos están unidos no sólo por la Tradición común de la Iglesia del </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">primer milenio, sino también por la misión de predicar el Evangelio de Cristo en el mundo </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">contemporáneo. Esta misión requiere respeto mutuo entre los miembros de las comunidades </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">cristianas, excluye cualquier forma del proselitismo. </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">No somos competidores, sino hermanos: debemos arrancar de este concepto ejecutando todas </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">actividades relacionadas con nuestros lazos y contactos con el mundo exterior. Instamos a los </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">católicos y a los ortodoxos de todo el mundo para aprender a vivir juntos en paz, amor y armonía </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">unos con otros (Romanos 15, 5). Es inaceptable el uso de medios incorrectos para obligar a los </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">fieles a pasar de una Iglesia a otra, dejando de lado su libertad religiosa y sus propias tradiciones. </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Estamos llamados a poner en práctica el mandamiento de San Pablo Apóstol y “anunciar el </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">evangelio donde nunca antes se había oído hablar de Cristo, para no construir sobre cimientos </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">puestos por otros” (Romanos 15, 20).</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">25. Esperamos que nuestro encuentro contribuya a la reconciliación donde hay tensiones entre </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">los greco-católicos y los ortodoxos. Hoy en día es obvio que el método de “la unión” de los siglos </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">pasados que implica la unidad de una comunidad con la otra a costa de la separación de su </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Iglesia, no es la manera de restaurar la unidad. Al mismo tiempo, las comunidades eclesiásticas </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">que han aparecido como resultado de circunstancias históricas tienen derecho a existir y hacer </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">todo lo necesario para satisfacer menesteres espirituales de sus fieles, buscando la paz con sus </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">vecinos. Los ortodoxos y los greco-católicos necesitan la reconciliación y la búsqueda de formas </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">de convivencia mutuamente aceptables.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">26. Lamentamos el enfrentamiento en Ucrania que ya cobró muchas vidas, causó sufrimientos </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">innumerables a los civiles, hundió la sociedad en una profunda crisis económica y humanitaria. </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Hacemos un llamamiento a todas las partes del conflicto a tener prudencia, mostrar la solidaridad </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">social y trabajar activamente para el establecimiento de la paz. Instamos a nuestras Iglesias en </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Ucrania a trabajar para lograr la armonía social, abstenerse de participar en la confrontación y de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">apoyar el desarrollo del conflicto.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">27. Esperamos que la división entre los creyentes ortodoxos en Ucrania sea vencida sobre la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">base de las normas canónicas existentes, que todos los cristianos ortodoxos de Ucrania vivan en </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">paz y armonía, y que las comunidades católicas del país contribuyan a ello, para que nuestra </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">hermandad cristiana sea aún más evidente.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">28. En el mundo de hoy, multifacético y al mismo tiempo unido por el destino común, los católicos </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">y los ortodoxos están llamados a colaborar fraternamente para anunciar el Evangelio de la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">salvación, dar testimonio común de la dignidad moral y la auténtica libertad humana, “para que el </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">mundo crea” (Juan 17, 21). Este mundo, en el que se están socavando rápidamente los </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">fundamentos morales de la existencia humana, espera de nosotros el fuerte testimonio cristiano </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">en todos los ámbitos de la vida personal y social. ¿Podremos en la época crucial dar testimonio </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">conjunto del Espíritu de la verdad? De esto depende, en gran medida, el futuro de la humanidad.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">29. Que Jesucristo, Dios Hombre, Nuestro Señor y Salvador, nos ayude en el anuncio valiente de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">la verdad de Dios y de la Buena Noticia de salvación. El Señor nos fortalece espiritualmente con </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">su promesa infalible: “No tengáis miedo, pequeño rebaño, que el Padre, en su bondad, ha </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">decidido daros el reino” (Lucas 12, 32). </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Cristo es una fuente de alegría y de esperanza. La fe en él transfigura la vida del ser humano, la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">llena de significado. Lo han vivido por su propia experiencia todos aquellos de los que se puede </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">decir con las palabras de San Pedro Apóstol: “Antes, ni siquiera erais pueblo, pero ahora sois </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">pueblo de Dios; antes Dios no os tenía compasión, pero ahora tiene compasión de vosotros” (1 </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Pedro 2, 10).</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">30. Llenos de gratitud por el don de comprensión mutua que se manifestó en nuestra reunión, nos </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">dirigimos con esperanza a la Santísima Madre de Dios, haciendo solicitud con las palabras de la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">antigua oración: “Bajo tu amparo nos acogemos, Santa Madre de Dios”. Que la Santísima Virgen </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">María con su amparo fortalezca la hermandad de todos que la veneran, para que ellos, en un </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">momento determinado por Dios, se junten, en paz y concordia, en el único pueblo de Dios, ¡sea </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">glorificado el nombre de la Trinidad Consustancial e Inseparable!</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Francisco <span style="font-size: x-small;"> </span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Kiril</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Obispo de Roma, </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Patriarca de Moscú</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Papa de la Iglesia Católica </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">y Toda Rusia</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">12 de febrero de 2016, La Habana (Cuba)</span><br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh4VjMzixquy76N4ENlCotbc6yqHN3do9sgSmtbODK9ZWRljznz2_59DMOdp9Ji-La7CR-3-WOiER8E-5tg9Hg-wtsHdCsv5pC5ZNo9vpIYNSC8WaxTx3VvVywx-rYawY7zxddHUVfnMDI/s1600/Ma%CC%81rtires+de+Abitinia.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh4VjMzixquy76N4ENlCotbc6yqHN3do9sgSmtbODK9ZWRljznz2_59DMOdp9Ji-La7CR-3-WOiER8E-5tg9Hg-wtsHdCsv5pC5ZNo9vpIYNSC8WaxTx3VvVywx-rYawY7zxddHUVfnMDI/s1600/Ma%CC%81rtires+de+Abitinia.jpg" width="280" /></a></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>Del <i>status viae</i> confrontado al </b></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>«</b></span><b style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">mundo noticioso</b><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>»</b></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">Por Pablo PALLAS</span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://www.dropbox.com/s/oa4i3vi863hhfpn/Del%20status%20viae.pdf?dl=0" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Versión en PDF</a></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>Escolio.</b> El objeto de trabajo comunicológico presentado -en las condiciones del <i>discurso ejemplar</i>- se sugiere de las propias antecedencias de la filosofía administrada que ejerce, en el sentido político de la eutaxia, el corpus religioso católico. Ortodoxos rusos y apostólicos romanos se reencuentran, luego de casi un milenio (§5), luego del Cisma de Oriente y Occidente de 1054, para contraponerse en la reafirmación de su cristología (doctrina de Cristo arraigada en los primeros ocho siglos y en sus primeros seis concilios, donde el título a María de <i>Christotokos</i> no iría en desmedro de otro también fundamental que es el de <i>Theotokos</i>). Esto, aunque las derivaciones de la cristología (criteriología teológica mediante) han permitido presupuestos como el del «cristomorfismo del varón» –improponible en las relaciones jurídicas de un estado laico, además de ser objeto de crítica moral en el propio campo teológico debido al influjo que ejerce en el sermón homilético misionero o ministerial. En coordenadas geopolíticas, se presenta como discusión permanente del discurso ortodoxo y romano <i>la persecución a católicos</i> (§8) en los territorios abarcados por el pretendido califato que se denominó a sí mismo «Estado Islámico de Irak y Siria» (valga advertirlo en las condiciones de una reacción histórica envolvente: i. deberán enterarse alguna vez que el imperialismo turco otomano -siendo pluriconfesional- fue abolido, ii. deberán enterarse a su vez de la manipulación oligopólica habida de su «lucha contra los infieles», interpretada como tradición aunque podría conjeturarse que <a href="http://www.fgbueno.es/hem/2001n16a.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">tendrá un resultado homólogo al de la Iglesia de siglo XVIII enfrentada a la Ilustración</a> y iii. deberán enterarse que <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/201650-formularios-inscripcion-ei-identificar-yihadistas" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">apenas el 3% de sus combatientes proceden de Irak o de Siria</a>). Mueren en Oriente Medio muchos mercenarios que no son musulmanes, siendo esto «exigencia» para su contrato por parte de empresas como ACADEMI (sucesora de BLACKWATER, especialista en captar criminales del campo paramilitar; aunque ya con anterioridad el presidente estadounidense George W. BUSH se valdrá del Pentágono para <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/181633-bastardos-gloria-ejercito-eeuu" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">sistematizar el reclutamiento entre <i>delincuentes comunes</i></a>). Mueren también muchas más personas musulmanas inocentes (§9) –víctimas integrantes de la Ummah, de su comunidad de creyentes del Islam. Y es cierta también otra tragedia: mueren muchas mujeres y varones católicos verdaderamente valerosos (§12). El asesinato es «fundamentado» a partir de una tradición del Islam que aunque posee sabiduría literaria carece de filosofía (IBN RUSHD, conocido como AVERROES, fue quien intentó dotar de carácter universal al Corán, intentó situar el pensamiento árabe en las coordenadas del aristotelismo en su <a href="http://legacy.fordham.edu/halsall/source/1190averroes.asp" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Kitab fasl al-Maqal</a>, pero con anterioridad ya se hallaba el «esplendor de la civilización islámica» encauzada mediante el pensamiento clásico grecorromano que preservaron cristianos «<a href="https://books.google.com.uy/books?id=sDLiGTVj-1EC&printsec=frontcover&dq=%22El+enigma+de+Jes%C3%BAs+de+Nazaret%22&hl=es&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwje19CXmM3LAhVFqB4KHVdMAqwQ6AEIGjAA#v=onepage&q&f=false" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">nestorianos</a>» -o difisitas- en Persia, quienes concibieron a María solo con el título de <i>Christotokos</i>). Ante esto, hay una aclaración necesaria –propia del pensamiento material histórico: el Dios monoteísta es una idea platónica -antes que una idea religiosa- a ser fundada y desarrollada posteriormente por Aristóteles como monoteísmo filosófico; es el Dios del «Acto Puro». La racionalidad, al amparo de una tradición institucional, al amparo de una discusión a escala histórica (no a escala de una experiencia-personal o del perspectivismo), es una matriz necesaria para toda discusión religiosa que refiera al <i>producto salvífico </i>(</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">§28)</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">. Todo integrismo o todo fundamentalismo que atenten contra la «lógica humana» efectivamente corrompen la racionalidad de los procesos de laicización de las relaciones (de cooperación, de oposición, etc.), siendo que esa laicización no necesariamente deberá resolverse en el </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">abstencionismo</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">. Y por tanto el hecho político de discutir acerca del odio, asumiéndolo como un ejercicio racionalista, solo se confirma resolviéndose una idea (filosófica) de odio –como lo es e.g. y legítimamente el histórico <i>odio de clase</i> del «proletariado» europeo, si es enseñado y aprendido ese reconocimiento de quién se es como entente psicológica, puesto que no refirió ese <i>asumirse proletariado</i> de siglo XIX a una <i>identidad atributiva</i>, como interpretación de un conflicto político que es metodológicamente reducido a las luchas de intereses de las clases sociales y de las fracciones de clases devenidas en un desarrollo económico (apreciado por un Karl MARX, durante su destierro a Londres, en <a href="https://www.marxists.org/espanol/m-e/1850s/francia/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><i>Las luchas de clases en Francia de 1848 a 1850</i></a>). Es un odio resultante de la experiencia no-personal, de la realidad política (sin implicar, esto, el tener que recaer en separaciones hipostasiadas que evitasen el reconocimiento de categorías lógico-materiales, en un análisis holótico, de dialécticas especiales como las propias de los estados o de las clases sociales en lo efectivamente concerniente a «oposiciones concretas»). En todo caso, el «odio» religioso, o patriótico, o racista -u otros a definir en relación adjetivada- podrían discutirse en una codeterminación de dialécticas a la que se ciñe el propósito de apropiación de medios de producción y de cambio por la sociedad política. Estas presuposiciones para una <i>idea de odio</i> resultan, claro, contrarias al sentido senequista de los «odios», contrarias incluso, en general, a todo <a href="http://www.filosofia.org/hem/193/fes/fe0408.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">senequismo cristiano</a> revuelto -durante siglo XX- en el zarismo o el anticomunismo (en <i>De la ira</i>, Lucio Anneo SÉNECA reduciría el odio a una forma radicalizada y última de ira). Hay que considerar por otra parte que la «expansión islámica» de comienzos de siglo XXI prolifera en un <i>neomedievalismo</i> que se ha alcanzado mediante la andadura neoliberal, de un neoliberalismo que alimenta el proselitismo «antiislamista» (principalmente como «mundialismo antiislamista», pero también como «antiislamismo indentitario» al que más se van plegando los xenófobos), un neoliberalismo recreado mediante sucesivas intervenciones macroeconómicas sobre los países, adquirente incluso de formas fatídicas, como lo es la del terrorismo de estado harto conocida en Suramérica, y que es habida en un campo diplomático gobernado por las potencias occidentales y sus adláteres. No obstante, el problema de la <i>expansión</i> del Islam como «peligro demográfico» para Europa no es más que una hipotética delirante. El pontífice romano afirmará a cristianos franceses que <a href="http://www.osservatoreromano.va/it/news/il-papa-e-i-pesci-rosa" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><i>solo Europa posee una vocación de universalidad</i></a>. Y anteriormente afirmará: <i>el único continente que es capaz de aportar unidad al mundo es Europa</i>. E históricamente ha sido así, especialmente en cuestiones de filosofía política -y esto, claro, no es un tema menor. Y es precisamente por esta identidad arqueológica que resulta posible identificar lo infundado del temor proclamado -a viva voz, <span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">a</span> los cuatro vientos- referente a una supuesta arabización progresiva (comúnmente reducida, de man<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">era lábil, </span>además, a islamización). Solo cinco naciones se declaran repúblicas islámicas: Afganistán (diezmada por el ejército estadounidense), Irán (limitada en su desarrollo energético por el gobierno estadounidense), Mauritania (país de acogida de miles de refugiados norteafricanos), Pakistán (decidida a no intervenir, al menos no de manera unilateral, en los conflictos de Oriente Medio) y Gambia (considerada como el quinto país africano que emite emigrantes hacia Europa). Los atentados terroristas a los que alude Occidente -según el orden de crecimiento de ofensivas a 2015 y que publicara el <a href="http://www.visionofhumanity.org/#/page/our-gti-findings" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Instituto de Economía y Paz</a> en su <i>índice de paz global</i>- remiten fundamentalmente a las <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/192204-grupos-terroristas-mas-letales" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">siguientes organizaciones</a>: Boko Haram (islamista), Estado Islámico (</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span>yihadista</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span>), Talibán (islamista), Milicianos Fulani (catalogados como de «religión musulmana») y Al Shabbaab (islamista). Nótese que en este <i>top five</i> no se hallaría Al Qaeda (organización de resistencia islámica contra la invasión de Occidente, otrora pergeñada con fondos de la administración estadounidense de R. REAGAN). Se estima que hay unas quinientas treinta organizaciones terroristas en todo el planeta. Y nada permite vislumbrar que estas acotadas organizaciones criminales se hallen financiadas por estas otras pocas repúblicas islámicas. Además, en estas coordenadas geopolíticas, hay que considerar que la Liga Árabe junto con la Federación Rusa, en <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/200665-rusia-liga-arabe-coalicion-antiterrorista-onu" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">declaración conjunta</a>, brindan su apoyo político a la concreción de una amplia coalición antiterrorista. Y es que no ha sido Europa quien más ha padecido atentados criminales -de la clase que se analizan- sino <a href="http://www.visionofhumanity.org/#/page/our-gti-findings" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">naciones de otros territorios</a>: Afganistán, Irak, Nigeria, Pakistán y Siria. Es asimismo necesario -para la lectura de la declaración de las partes eclesiásticas- reconocer clases de terrorismo (más allá de lo fenoménico de sus semejanzas, triviales, como lo serían el de pretender sistemáticamente «oponerse al diálogo», a «procesos de pacificación», etc.). Hay que reconocer una clase de terrorismo fundamentalista que se concibe en una concepción <i>supraindividual del entendimiento</i> y que aunque dimana del Islam no hace del Islam -como organización religiosa- un «autor ideológico» de los atentados perpetrados en territorios no solamente occidentales. Este plano de análisis se propone como razonable, dado que es definitivamente razonable el discurso ortodoxo ruso y apostólico romano propuesto y documentado -entre las sedes, luego de discutido durante veinte años como <i>agenda política</i>- y finalmente resuelto en la República de Cuba, siendo que el encuentro ecuménico resultó posible también por intercesión de la diplomacia socialista de la isla. Es razonable especificar como problema que es una alternativa geopolítica objetiva la posibilidad del desplazamiento de la vida católica hacia «fuera» de Oriente Medio. Si se concretara esa «pérdida de territorio», los católicos deberían retirarse, desmontarse, del mismísimo suelo en que forjaron la prédica evangélica. Y esto no habría de producirse mágicamente (i.e. mediante mecanismos individuales), o ahistóricamente, sino en relación diplomática -no gratuita- con <a href="http://blogs.scientificamerican.com/sa-visual/refugee-data-tells-visual-stories-of-a-changing-world/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">el desplazamiento de miríada de personas, de múltiples poblaciones</a>, hacia una vieja Europa que aún añora ser imperial. Múltiples realidades del tercermundismo se incorporan al mundo europeo. El problema político fundamental es que la defensa del «mundo europeo» (y de Occidente como si se hallara devenido de un «mundo europoide») no se resuelva acaso mediante una distorsión del terrorismo fundamentalista, elevándose ese conflicto a guerra mundial –siendo que una tercera beligerancia no tendría por verdadero propósito la conquista de ninguna clase de terrorismo, sino el de una geopolítica que por vía talasocrática reduzca el derecho internacional a meros «tratados de libre comercio» protegidos por una OTAN que se valdría y no casualmente de su ejército turco como segunda fuerza militar con capacidad de combate que posee (inventándose acaso si fueren convenientes «guerras civiles», nutridas bien podría ser con nexos causales internos). En la primera mitad de siglo XXI, la gran tarea antiimperialista -la <i>responsabilidad racional</i> por antonomasia- es la de contraponerse a una tercera guerra que sea eslabón del ontocidio planetario (el <a href="https://www.arcgis.com/apps/Time/index.html?appid=b8540a8a2500472c8037bdd2a35c4be0" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">registro de ESRI</a> publicó unas dos mil seiscientas veinticuatro explosiones nucleares -en los hemisferios austral y boreal- a partir de julio de 1945; era iniciada por iniciativa estadounidense, única nación además que aplicó esa tecnología sobre poblaciones). Europa sabe de procesos de invasión (no solo por elucubrarlos y ejecutarlos durante siglos, siendo políticamente responsable del tratamiento inmoral a poblaciones coloniales o neocoloniales enteras en África, en América, en Asia). Roma en el siglo V debió enfrentarse a un fenómeno migratorio de pueblos (<i>Völkerwanderung</i>): lo denominó «invasión bárbara» a causa del saqueo que padeciera por las tropas de <a href="https://books.google.com.uy/books?id=44DWx0mHQHkC&printsec=frontcover&dq=Comunidad+Pol%C3%ADtica+y+Religiosa.:+Claves+de+la+cultural+jur%C3%ADdica+europea&hl=es&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwifjIf0k83LAhXMJh4KHTyWAikQ6AEIHTAA#v=onepage&q&f=false" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Alarico I</a>, integradas por visigodos y por soldados supervivientes a la masacre antigermana habida en las ciudades del norte de Italia, como complemento al asesinato de Estilicón que perpetrara el imperio, habiéndose apoderado además tales tropas previamente de la Península Itálica y siendo que se le asocian al proceso los propios esclavos bárbaros sublevados contra sus amos romanos. En aquel entonces la capital del Occidente era Rávena con su corte imperial, donde se hallaba a su vez Innocentius PP (hijo del anterior Anastasius PP): intentó persuadir el pontífice al conquistador para que no conquistara. Pero el conquistador conquistó <i>la tierra inexpugnable</i> (hallar por parte de sus contemporáneos antecedencias -acaso de algo parecido- les implicaría una retrospectiva de ochocientos años: la batalla de Alia y el saqueo de Roma que se resolvieron a favor de la tribu gala de los senones; luego ardería Roma en el siglo I con Nerón y responsabilizaría del desastre a los cristianos). Durante más de un decenio san Agustín, como obispo de Hipona, se preocupará por lo sucedido en Roma y por convencer acerca de que <i>la memoria de los apóstoles</i> no radicaría en sus piedras sino en la fe de los creyentes que deberá prevalecer incluso en la calamidad. Eso defenderá en sus ensayos compilados como drama teándrico, resueltos en veintidós libros: <a href="https://www.ebookscatolicos.com/descargas/descargar-pdf-la-ciudad-de-dios-san-agustin/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><i>De Civitate Dei</i> </a>(unos ocho años le llevaría la meditación y redacción solo de los primeros diez volúmenes, entre los años 412 a 419). Es a su vez en ese siglo V que se hallarían los hunos -gobernados por Rua primero, y, por un Atila después, capaz de imponerse como autócrata- disponiendo con logros efectivos la invasión del Imperio Romano de Occidente (aunque luego son vencidos mediante la colaboración política y militar del Imperio Romano de Oriente, recientemente dirigido por Marciano). El imperio occidental ya a partir del siglo III resultaría invadido en base a nuevos asentamientos dados por germanos (burgundios, francos, suevos, vándalos), iranios (alanos), anglos, jutos y sajones. Y esa conmixtión de poblaciones, de las que sobresaldrán las germanas, nutre la Europa medioeval. A esto podría agregarse que hay actualmente, además de registros documentarios, <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/ciencias/200896-tumbas-ancestrales-musulmanes-revelan-secretos-pasado-europa" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">evidencia arqueológica</a> que ratifica la coexistencia política entre musulmanes y cristianos durante la Edad Media (siglos VII y IX). En fin, Europa sabe de invasiones y sus concomitantes santos, pontífices, padres y doctores aún más saben de negociaciones en el audaz plano de <a href="http://www.nodulo.org/ec/2009/n084p02.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><i>la asunción política de territorios latinizados</i></a>. Una y otra vez han logrado que se retorne a Roma. Demuestran que Roma verdaderamente les pertenece (capaz e.g. de una arqueología institucional de reconquista <i>ante la arabización</i>; </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">§16</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">). La primera y segunda latinización de Europa (su homogeneización y asimilación milenaria, en tanto «lengua general») progresó hasta el siglo XIV con la cristianización-y-latinización de Lituania, lográndose ese proceso también al amparo del <a href="http://rodin.uca.es/xmlui/bitstream/handle/10498/10360/17213848.pdf?sequence=1" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">prestigio de la Iglesia de Roma</a>. «Europa» (como voz de la lengua griega: <i>la tercera parte del mundo</i>), reconocida en el siglo X por el monje <a href="http://rodin.uca.es/xmlui/bitstream/handle/10498/10360/17213848.pdf?sequence=1" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Ekkehart IV</a> debido a su diversidad de civilización, de religión, de etnias y de lenguas, se expresaba en latín como idioma común a todos –siendo compartido por la <i>res publica clericorum</i>. Esto, la «vida latinizada» como <i>sinonimia</i> de una geopolítica de la cristianización, si se permite tal hipérbole <i>en este y único instante</i> (ya que el léxico español es de base latina, además de los préstamos y cambios de significado que posee), resultará de alguna manera volcada al Nuevo Mundo y continuará siendo defendida y renovada por una Roma que intenta reunificarse (§6–7). España -o aquel territorio que fuera de una Hispania romana a evangelizar- resultó de interés a san Pablo durante años -Ro. 15.24, 28- y, posteriormente, claro, algunos siglos después, la España imperial <i>derramaría catolicismo apostólico</i>, y lo haría sin titubeos, en su conquista de medio mundo. Así, la declaración lograda entre ortodoxos rusos y apostólicos romanos, dada en La Habana contra el terrorismo fundamentalista y la ignominia de la que han sido objeto los desplazados y <a href="http://c15119308.r8.cf2.rackcdn.com/infographic-global-refugee-populations-1975-2010/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">refugiados</a> durante décadas, no es un mero «acto simbólico» (sin desmerecer que fuese acaso resuelto simbólicamente, algo sin duda sustantivo para toda civilización, bastaría con recordar que los metafísicos racionales insistirían con que <i>la palabra</i> es el símbolo más complejo posible de una tríade de fases mentales en relación con las cosas del mundo). Los desplazados y refugiados no solamente deben protegerse de los terroristas fundamentalistas o de los activos de la OTAN y algún que otro socio anquilosado en la monarquía absoluta como lo es Arabia Saudita que nutre las creencias de los «<a href="http://www.hispantv.com/newsdetail/opinion/215085/wahabismo-salafistas-arabia-saudita-chile-america-latina" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">salafistas</a>» (denominados a su vez wahabistas, religiosos fieles a la Casa de Saud, propagados, además, a través de América Latina a partir de sus operaciones en Chile). Deben protegerse incluso del neonazismo que los repele, o del <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/ultima_hora/200619-francia-desalojar-campo-inmigrantes-calais" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">desalojo de campamentos</a>, o de los <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/200625-ayuda-humanitaria-onu-siria-fracaso" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">alimentos de las UN que no llegan a destino</a>, o de un Parlamento Europeo centrífugo (antropológicamente retrógrado en sus omisiones humanitarias y <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/video/198521-experta-union-europea-eludir-leyes-refugiados" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">elusión de leyes</a>, ante un Comité Militar y un Comité Político y de Seguridad que <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/199892-wikileaks-operaciones-militares-refugiados-ue" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">operan contra los flujos de refugiados</a>, aplicando el eufemismo de <i>detención de contrabandistas</i> y de <i>destrucción de barcos</i>, teniendo por foco de su coerción el territorio norteafricano de Libia, <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/200265-como-posible-creer-otan-despues-libia" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">una Libia donde M. GADDAFI fuera derrocado por islamistas radicales con la colaboración irrestricta de la OTAN</a> y siendo que la <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/200800-inteligencia-marruecos-estado-islamico-trasladar-libia-terrorismo" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">inteligencia marroquí</a> ya ha advertido del probable desplazamiento del mismísimo cuartel general de los </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span>yihadistas</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span> a ese territorio). En esta situación política hay una advertencia genética necesaria a todo racista o nacionalista, o también a otros energúmenos (comúnmente poseídos por el idiotismo): el europeo de la Europa imperial, así como el europeo tercermundista de siglo XXI, no-es por <i>naturaleza</i> el «verdadero europeo». El verdadero europeo -en las condiciones de la geografía humana, de hace 7 mil a 35 mil años atrás- perteneció al haplogrupo M. Ese haplogrupo es posible reconocerlo e.g. en la población de Australasia, aunque es ya prácticamente inexistente en el europeo institucional del <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/200600-ue-sistema-migratorio-colapsar" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">debilitado espacio Schengen</a>. Un neonazi o nacionalista alemanes, franceses, o griegos, etc., serían genéticamente <i>igual de europeos</i> que un autóctono de la Patagonia americana (siendo sus haplogrupos también distintos, claro). El europeo institucional -al menos, en las condiciones de una dialéctica de estados- es una cuestión de otro corpus disciplinar complejo de la política, de una política que ya Occidente forjara (incluso en condiciones metodológicas asumidas por una protofilosofía resuelta en el monismo axiomático): el Derecho, en relación necesetarista con categorías como las de isonomía y de isegoría –siendo que los actuales desplazados y refugiados de facto se hallan carentes de igualdad ante la ley y de una libertad de expresión que los habilite a defenderse. No hay conclusión material de tales derechos. El problema de la «invasión» de Europa no es un objeto de trabajo nuevo –a pesar de hallarse algún intelectual que presume que la Europa colonizadora nunca resultó colonizada. La transformación poblacional y política de Roma ya era <a href="http://www.fgbueno.es/med/dig/gb89cc08.pdf" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">tesis ensayada</a> en el siglo V. El hecho político del agobio sistemático a los desplazados y refugiados se refracta inevitablemente como una iconografía del miedo sobre poblaciones de miles. Y no es solo un problema europeo, o habido <i>sobre</i> las «<a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/ultima_hora/200598-ue-intensificar-control-policial-fronteras" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">fronteras amuralladas</a>» de Europa. Se halla la población habida en el <a href="http://es.euronews.com/2016/02/13/australia-solidaridad-con-el-hospital-que-se-niega-a-dar-de-alta-a-una-nina-que/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">campo de detención para inmigrantes de Nauru</a> (región de la Micronesia): hay desatención sistemática a los derechos humanos y, aunque es un país independiente, el centro resulta administrado por Australia. Se halla una población palestina «<a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/video/197969-onu-israel-asentamiento-palestina" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">oprimida</a>» -concepto político desarrollado por las UN- y vulnerada en su juridicidad, reducida a <i>hostilis terra</i>, ocupada mediante asentamientos multiplicados, a fuerza de ejército y de proselitismo (hasbará) resueltos por Israel. Se hallan los desplazados y refugiados del <a href="https://www.unodc.org/documents/toc/Reports/TOCTASouthAmerica/Spanish/TOCTA_CA_Caribb_traficoMigrantes_triangNorte_US_ES.pdf" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Triángulo Norte del Caribe</a> en México y en los Estados Unidos de América: la respuesta política que sobresale consiste en detenciones y deportaciones diligentes (el empresariado de la «privación de libertad» -como la Corrections Corporation of America <span style="font-size: xx-small;">•</span> Jails and Detention Centers estadounidense- comercia con la <i>aprehensión a inmigrantes</i> siendo un mercado que se incrementó positivamente en un 120%). Y «dentro» de Europa, la población de refugiados con paradero desconocido se cuentan a su vez de a miles. Es «dentro» de Europa que se gesta una <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/198907-austria-enviar-tropas-balcanes-refugiados" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">política neonazi</a>: Austria pretende que se desplieguen tropas, incluso propias, en los países de los Balcanes para <i>reducir</i>, <i>suprimir</i> o tal vez <i>detener</i> la afluencia de inmigrantes –<a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/200591-grecia-consultas-embajador-austria-refugiados" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Grecia protestó</a> contra ese desborde de medidas castrenses propuestas: el heleno <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/201335-varufakis-grecia-convertirse-campo-concentracion-refugiados" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Y. VARUFAKIS</a> lo advierte; el rechazo político a los inmigrantes reduce la labor de Grecia o de Turquía a <i>grandes campos de concentración para los refugiados desafortunados</i>. Esto no se afirma para irresponsablemente promover el desvarío entre los estados y sus relaciones diplomáticas. Se discute para que se promueva una pedagogía de la autocrítica <i>in media res</i> (y no <i>in extrema res </i>que es como de ordinario se resuelve el propagandismo de la «noticia periodística», reduciéndose las realidades a un último acontecimiento, la más de las veces de consistencia volátil o hasta ajeno a toda prospectiva). Hay que discutir acerca de los alrededores del <i>status viae</i> –es una tarea necesaria en la relación docente-discente en el aula, si el propósito es el de resolver en la codeterminación de las cosas algún «conocimiento del mundo» verdadero. En las «fronteras», la salvaguarda de las poblaciones -no de una población en detrimento de otra- requiere de una «ayuda humanitaria» (§10) donde las <i>armas de fuego</i> resulten replegadas a la condición de obediencia al <a href="http://www.acnur.org/t3/fileadmin/Documentos/Publicaciones/2012/8951.pdf?view=1" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">derecho internacional de los refugiados</a> (siendo su fundamento la <i>Convención sobre el Estatuto de los Refugiados</i> de 1951). El ordenamiento territorial al que obliga este hecho político -antes que del «mílite» como <i>agente de repulsión</i> de personas vulneradas en su dignidad- requiere de trabajo de albañiles, de agrónomos, de carpinteros, de cocineros, de médicos, de pescadores, etc., i.e. finalmente de un verdadero gobierno de la distribución de la riqueza (§17); necesariamente opuesto al economismo y tecnocratismo aplicados por organizaciones de intermediación financiera, siempre «carentes de patria», siempre bien dispuestas al versátil <i>negocio de las guerras</i> (como aconteció con el caso de la banca multinacional británica <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/economia/194891-hsbc-contratar-rothschild-mejorar-reputacion" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">HSBC</a> -y sus cuentas secretas en una sucursal helvética- al ser denunciada en 2015 por evasión de impuestos, lavado de dinero, comercio de armas y de sustancias ilícitas y, esto, sin atender el negocio especulativo que el pretendido «Estado Islámico» ha desarrollado en el <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/economia/201130-terroristas-especuladores-estado-islamico-bolsa-valores" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">mercado de valores</a> para su mayor sustento). A los oligopolios preocupa en general que las empresas europeas o estadounidenses ya no dominen el comercio de Oriente, <a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/32001/313193/index.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">reencauzado por una China</a> que avanza con la iniciativa «<a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n3/2016/0118/c31619-9005459.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Un Cinturón – Una Ruta</a>» (esto, aunque -talasocracia mediante- <a href="http://www.hispantv.com/newsdetail/opinion/203145/artico-frontera-petroleo-atlantico-pacifico" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">el transporte marítimo por sí solo hace al 95% del transporte mundial</a>). Las Fuerzas Especiales estadounidenses se descompasan una vez más con una reacción desmesurada ante la geopolítica que se transforma; <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/186220-eeuu-entreno-comandante-estado-islamico" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">han entrenado a «yihadistas» que a su vez entrenaron a combatientes extranjeros, quienes sistemáticamente han atentado durante años contra el gobierno legítimo de Siria</a>. Y esto no implica canonizar gobiernos o desatender diferencias políticas de larga data. Valga mencionar el <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/201301-nacion-kurdos-estado" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">caso kurdo</a>, paradigmático, multifacético en sus identificaciones comunitarias, distintas según las coincidencias o diferencias estratégicas que mantienen en los territorios que habitan: Irak (donde se hallan en plena reconstrucción de su economía autonómica), o Irán (donde hay ataques armados de la organización terrorista Partido Radical Kurdo), o Turquía (donde el Partido de los Trabajadores del Kurdistán lucha por el reconocimiento de sus derechos y libertades), o Siria (donde las autodefensas de los kurdos sirios se enfrentan con efectividad sobresaliente al terrorismo salafista, aunque -en un área bajo su control, siendo una región siria que administran de manera interina, la de la gobernación de Al Hasaka- han dispuesto que las Fuerzas Especiales estadounidenses se desplieguen y </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">se apoderen</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, además, sin autorización del gobierno sirio, de una <a href="https://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/201380-eeuu-iniciar-construccion-base-aerea-siria" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">base aérea como la de Rmeilán al Basha</a>). Hay que atender estos signos relacionados, o de lo contrario se proseguirá por parte de los estados ricos con el otorgamiento de fondos al entrenamiento de terroristas propensos al fundamentalismo. Es -debe ser visto- una operatoria destructora de estados que la Casa Blanca despliega si su «libre mercado» es repelido: el propio <a href="http://sputniknews.com/middleeast/20160303/1035730576/us-mideast-gas-war.html#ixzz41sVnsdvY" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">R. F. KENNEDY jr.</a> lo denunciaría, afirmando que la guerra contra Bashar AL ASSAD no comenzó a causa de publicitadas «protestas civiles» (Primavera Árabe de 2011), sino como consecuencia de su negativa a un proyecto catarí de gasoducto hacia Europa (estimado en diez mil millones de dólares estadounidenses, atravesaría Arabia Saudita, Jordania, Siria y Turquía). La negativa de Siria hizo que los reinos suníes del golfo Pérsico perdiesen la oportunidad económica de tener una ventaja decisiva en los mercados mundiales de gas e impidió a la monarquía absoluta de Catar fortalecerse (los Estados Unidos de América no podrían tolerar que se haga esto con un aliado en extremo cercano y en efecto no lo hizo: se propuso destruir gobiernos legítimos; se propuso deshacer la civilización siria, siendo no un caso aislado de siglo XXI sino la reapertura de las revueltas internas infructíferas que influenció durante 1957 y esto para perpetuar la economía petrolera de esos reyes de pocos). Y es por esto que tantas y tantas personas mueren asesinadas en manos de terroristas petroleros, quienes contratan a terroristas fundamentalistas para oprimir a poblaciones enteras. Si ese terrorismo petrolero fructificara, no cabría más que retrogradarse al feudalismo habido anterior a las propias revoluciones burguesas. A esa «política exterior» envuelta en el asesinato a miles -especialmente renovada como característica imperial a partir de la administración estadounidense de B. CLINTON- es a lo que finalmente se opone la declaratoria de las autoridades católicas de 2016, consignada por el patriarca ruso ortodoxo y el pontífice apostólico romano. No obstante, las afirmaciones del documento -en la universalidad de las preocupaciones morales que presenta- son remitidas expresamente a su antropología. Se declara una primera preocupación eclesiástica acerca de la familia como objeto institucional. Se denuncia y con justicia el exterminio de familias enteras, <span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">i</span>ncluso de pueblos y de ciudades, en Oriente Medio y África del Norte (§8), así como del éxodo de cristianos en territorios como los de Irak o de Siria. Ahora, esa «familia» que es defendida y por la que testifican (§19) no necesariamente coincide y mucho menos remite a una <i>comprensión seglar</i> de lo que podría ser e.g. la existencia del «hogar constituido» en un análisis censal para un estado laico moderno. Remite solo al sentido de familia de quienes se hallan hermanados en Cristo, donde la familia es organización reproductiva –en el <i>canon genesíaco</i> de la multiplicación (§20). Pero debe atenderse que los perseguidos y ejecutados por el terrorismo fundamentalista -</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">como cuestión moral- </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">no refiere a un problema solo de «<a href="http://prometheuschannel.blogspot.com.uy/2015/02/ciencias-humanas-ensayo-de-maestria.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">heterosexuales</a>». Abarca a multiplicidad de personas, siendo que la «convivencia fraterna» (§11) entre </span><i style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">pueblos</i><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, </span><i style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">Iglesias</i><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> y </span><i style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">religiones</i><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> que se profesa -y que es </span><i style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">para el mundo</i><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">- implicaría constituirse en el desbordamiento de los respectivos catecismos. No hay manera razonable de reducir los multiplicados intereses de las naciones a las normas canónicas. Desmerecer ese desbordamiento -como ha de estimarse que subyace en algún que otro parágrafo de la declaratoria religiosa- implicaría tratar el asunto político de la «muerte» (§21) en condiciones generalistas (involucrándose en el documento cuestiones como </span><i style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">la sangre de los niños no nacidos</i><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> o la </span><i style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">eutanasia</i><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">), subvalorándose la implementación de las tecnologías biomédicas –parecería que al amparo conceptual de alguna bioética anantrópica. Así, la exclusión del proselitismo por el que se aboga (§24), al amparo de la Tradición común de la Iglesia del primer milenio, entre ortodoxos y católicos, debe permitir que como principio de actuación también sea realidad política </span><i style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">fuera de los templos</i><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">. Puesto que esta solicitud difiere de los oscuros tiempos donde -para el sujeto evangelizado- la cuestión religiosa no resultaba de la atracción sino del proselitismo (modo infructuoso que retomó el terrorismo fundamentalista, además). Vale resaltar por otra parte, en aras de la </span><i style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">tolerancia</i><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> que se promueve (siendo que como objeto histórico-religioso dimana </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">del intolerantismo </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">el tolerantismo), la lamentación compartida por el caso ucraniano y la profunda crisis económica y humanitaria que padece esa nación (§26–27) y algo más, también relevante: instan a sus Iglesias a abstenerse de participar y de apoyar el desarrollo del conflicto. Es una observación conveniente, si se considera que respecto del <a href="http://prometheuschannel.blogspot.com.uy/2014/05/de-la-verdad-narrada-caso-iv.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">caso ucraniano</a> hubo trabajadores comunistas que enfrentados a los neonazis eran atrapados por la horda fascista y se les obligaba públicamente a </span><i style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">besar la cruz </i><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">(a la manera de una liturgia degenerada)</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">. Esto, en su progreso demencial, implicó incluso que posteriormente se quemasen vivos a trabajadores judíos antifascistas junto a otras víctimas que quedarían atrapados en </span><i style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">Casa de los sindicatos</i><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> de Odesa. Por tanto, la razonabilidad de la declaratoria y su valor histórico-teológico (o incluso como objeto nematológico) se hallaría en comprender finalmente que las disputas religiosas (§13), repujadas por Occidente, no deben resultar en instrumento político de intervencionismos donde se sistematiza la matanza a miles, de poblaciones enteras.</span><br />
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<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>Una versión hemerográfica de este escolio:</b> </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><u><a href="https://www.dropbox.com/s/7va0u2zanp6y5ky/Del%20status%20viae%20confrontado%20al%20%C2%ABmundo%20noticioso%C2%BB.pdf?dl=0" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">DEL </span><i style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">STATUS VIAE</i><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> CONFRONTADO AL "MUNDO NOTICIOSO"</span></a></u><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> de PALLAS, Pablo en </span><i style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">La educación encierra un tesoro</i></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">; Revista VOCES (Asociación de Educadores de Latinoamérica y el Caribe); ISSN-1510-7175; Impresión DELTA; AÑO VI, N° 16, Segunda Época; Montevideo, agosto de 2016 (págs. 46-57).</span></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: x-small;"><b><a href="https://www.rt.com/op-edge/358507-top-10-western-lies-syrian/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Haz click aquí para ver Top 10 Western lies about Syrian conflict, de Neil Clark</a></b></span></div>
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Pablo Pallashttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02676986163926451532noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8368737022377042313.post-65186374930756252042015-12-06T15:22:00.001-03:002017-04-09T12:17:32.685-03:00Geopolítica: Massacre Proves Turk, Washington Complicity in Syria Terror<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;">Massacre Proves Turk, </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;">Washington Complicity in Syria Terror</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #3d85c6; font-size: x-small;">¿Cómo identificar y delimitar la circularidad antropológica de un objeto de trabajo discursivo, conformado en las condiciones de una retórica política influenciada por una crítica resuelta al </span></span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: xx-small; text-align: left;"><span style="color: #3d85c6;">«</span></span><span style="color: #3d85c6; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: x-small;">mundo occidental</span><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: xx-small; text-align: left;"><span style="color: #3d85c6;">»</span></span><span style="color: #3d85c6; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: x-small;">?</span><br />
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<span style="font-size: xx-small;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">CUNNINGHAM, F. 2015, diciembre 03. «Massacre Proves Turk, Washington Complicity in Syria Terror» en URL:</span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"> </span><a href="http://www.strategic-culture.org/news/2015/12/03/massacre-proves-turk-washington-complicity-in-syria-terror.html" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;" target="_blank">http://www.strategic-culture.org/news/2015/12/03/massacre-proves-turk-washington-complicity-in-syria-terror.html</a><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"> (Acceso 2015, diciembre 04)</span></span><br />
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<b style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana, sans-serif; font-size: x-small; text-align: justify;">Nota ecdótica:</b><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: xx-small; text-align: justify;"> el texto de F. </span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: xx-small;">CUNNINGHAM</span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: xx-small; text-align: justify;"> —presentado como escopo comunicológico, en coordenadas geopolíticas— se halla editado con el propósito didáctico de contextualizar sus enunciaciones. La fuente hemerográfica, a su vez, remite a texto y cotexto sin edición docente. </span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: x-small; text-align: justify;">By </span><a href="http://www.strategic-culture.org/search.html?cx=012666694964052429512%3Afy7ux7qhjjq&cof=FORID%3A10&ie=UTF-8&q=Finian+CUNNINGHAM&sa=Search" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: verdana, sans-serif; font-size: small; text-align: justify;" target="_blank">Finian CUNNINGHAM</a><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: x-small; text-align: justify;"> </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">On the morning of March 21, 2014, the Syrian village of Kessab was attacked with a combined force of Islamist jihadists and the Turkish army. Among the irregular militia were brigades belonging to the Free Syrian Army, Turkmen tribes and Al Qaeda-linked Al Nusra and the self-proclaimed Islamic State. All were working in tandem in the resulting massacre. And the evidence shows that the Ankara and Washington governments were fully complicit in the atrocity. </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The dawn assault on the mainly Armenian Christian village of 2,000 inhabitants began with heavy artillery fire from Turkish army positions across the border in Turkey’s Hatay Province. Turkish army helicopters were also used to strafe Kessab homes and farms. The village is located in the Jebel Al-Aqra mountains overlooking the Mediterranean Sea only a few kilometres from the Turkish border in Syria’s Latakia Province. </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">After the initial salvos from the Turk army, the village was then attacked with thousands of militants who streamed across the border in pick-up trucks. Among the assault force were nationals from Chechnya, Afghanistan, Tunisia, Morocco, Saudi Arabia – as well as British and Australian, according to survivors. </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Most of the Kessab residents managed to escape in panic from the advancing jihadists in cars and other vehicles to the southern city of Latakia, which is about an hour’s drive away and is under the control of the Syrian government. </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">But what transpired in the next days was a massacre of villagers who were left stranded. In total, 88 mainly elderly residents were slaughtered. Thirteen of the victims were beheaded. One young man, 21-year-old Kevork Djurian, was executed in front of his parents. The killers just laughed at his father Papken’s anguish. The jihadists refused to let the father bury his son, saying that he was «an Armenian dog».</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Kessab was occupied by the jihadists for nearly three months before theSyrian Arab Army finally routed the militants and retook the village in mid-June 2014. Today, it still remains under Syrian government control. </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Two witnesses to the slaughter have separately told this author of the event and its aftermath. One is an American citizen who has lived in Syria for more than 20 years. She is a medical professional who has a family home in Kessab. On the morning of the opening assault, she was in Latakia, but she tended to the survivors who fled to the main Armenian church in Latakia for sanctuary. As well as caring for the traumatised people, some of whom were her neighbours and friends, she carefully noted their accounts of how the initial attack unfolded. When the Syrian army later retook Kessab in June, the American medic returned to the village and witnessed the devastation that the jihadists had inflicted on homes, public buildings and churches. </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Another witness is Irish peace activist, Dr Declan Hayes. He also managed to reach Kessab in the days following its recapture by the Syrian army. Hayes interviewed survivors and recorded the scenes of looting and destruction left behind by the fleeing anti-government militia. </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">«I interviewed the man whose son was slain in front of his eyes», says Hayes. «The jihadists left the young man’s bloodied corpse lying on the ground for three days outside the family home just to torment his parents». </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Without exception, all the villagers said that the assault began with artillery fire and raids by helicopter gunships from Turk territory. «The border is heavily militarised with Turk army positions everywhere on the Turkish side. There is no doubt that this attack was launched with the direct involvement of the Turkish government in Ankara», adds Hayes.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Kessab is in the same mountainous location where Turkish F-16 fighter jets last week shot down a Russian Su-24 bomber, which had been carrying out raids on jihadist groups. The Russian plane came down in Syrian territory and one of its pilots was murdered as he parachuted to the ground by Turkmen militants. The Turkmen are Syrian citizens who are ethnically related to Turks across the border. </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The American-Syrian woman (whose name has been withheld by this author on request) says that the Turkmen played an important role in the slaughter of Kessab. «They know all the roads, trails and paths into and out of Kessab. They were the ones who led the attackers into the village», she says. </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Churches and a cultural centre in the village were desecrated. The attackers moved from house-to-house killing terrified dwellers and then they looted everything that was not nailed down or even those possessions that were nailed down. Money, jewellery, televisions, fridges, doors, windows, furnishings and farm equipment were systematically plundered and hauled back in trucks to be sold off across the border in Turkey. </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Adding to the crimes, a group of about 30 elderly village folk were then abducted by the marauders and taken to the Turkish town of Vakifli some 20 kilometres across the border. They were held there by armed militants for several weeks before they were flown by the Turk authorities to the city of Tripoli in Lebanon. From there the people were able to make their way back to the sanctuary of Latakia. The circuitous route was chosen by the Turk regime in order to conceal its involvement in the crime. </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">During their abduction, the group was visited by an official American delegation that included the then US ambassador to Turkey, Francis Ricciardone. Ricciardone introduced himself through an interpreter. The </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">petrified Kessab folk pleaded with the American official to intervene for their release. But he left them in their plight. What he wanted to know through his questioning was if any of the people from Kessab were American citizens. </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">As the American medic pointed out to this author: «There are a few US citizens like me who live in Kessab. There is a big diaspora community of Armenian Syrians in the United States and many of them have homes back in Syria. It seems that the American ambassador was worried that if any US citizens were among the Kessab survivors this would rebound badly for the American government if that news got out».</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">As noted, once the US ambassador established that there were apparently no American citizens involved in the aftermath of the Kessab assault, he duly left them to their fate of captivity in Turkey. </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">What that encounter illustrates is that Washington must have been fully aware of what went down in Kessab. How else would the US diplomat know to show up to question the abducted villagers?</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In the days following the attack on the village, Samantha Power, the US ambassador to the United Nations, issued a perfunctory, bland statement about Washington’s «concern» over the violence. But Washington did not specify who the guilty parties were, nor did it issue any censure of the Turk government of Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who was the prime minister at that time. He is now the president.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">In fact, a subsequent statement issued by State Department official Victoria Nuland claimed that the Turk government had no involvement in the Kessab incident. However, the Russian, Syrian and Armenian governments did make explicit condemnations of the massacre. </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The Turkish government claimed that it had no role in the attack. In an official release, the Erdogan regime said: «The allegations by some circles that Turkey is providing support to the opposition forces by letting them use its territory or through some other ways during the conflict which have intensified recently in the Latakia/Kessab region are totally unfounded and untrue».</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">But the testimonies cited in this article show that the Turk authorities were directly involved in the military assault and the orchestration of jihadist militants. The Ankara government’s denials of what happened in Kessab are thus barefaced lies.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">On April 1, 2014, 12 days after the assault began, Ahmed Jarba, the leader of the Western-backed Syrian National Council (SNC), arrived in Kessab. The SNC is the exiled political wing of the Free Syrian Army. Jarba, who is a protégé of the Saudi regime, went there to inspect the occupation and congratulate the militants on their successful breach of government-held territory in Latakia. The breach of territory to the Mediterranean coast was considered a significant victory for the militants. The following month, in May, Jarba was received in the White House by President Barack Obama. He was also greeted by Obama’s National Security advisor, Susan Rice. </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The «rape of Kessab», as Dr Declan Hayes has called it, was fully conducted by fighters belonging to the Western-backed FSA, along with jihadist brigades comprising Turkmen tribesmen and Al Qaeda-linked Al Nusra and Islamic State. </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The incident serves as a microcosm of the entire four-and-a-half-year-old Syrian conflict. The mainly Armenian Christian village of Kessab is home to all religious sects that reside in Syria, including Alawite and Sunni Muslims. The farming community has lived peaceably together for centuries and has never been persecuted by the Syrian government of President Assad. The only previous persecution was a century ago, in 1915, when the Turk Ottoman empire carried out the Armenian genocide, when 1.5 million Armenians were exterminated. Tragically, many survivors of the Kessab massacre last year are descendants of that first genocide. </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">On the morning of March 21 last year, the community of Kessab was plunged into an orgy of barbarism carried out by Western, Turk and Saudi-backed jihadists. The whole notion contrived by Western governments and their mainstream media that the West is backing «secular, moderate rebels» in Syria fighting against a sectarian, despotic regime is thus exposed as a vile charade, as the carnage at Kessab shows. </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Of particular import is the criminal role played by the Turk government of Recep Tayyip Erdogan, not only in the orchestration of the slaughter at Kessab, but, more generally, throughout the entire Syrian conflict.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Erdogan has this week flatly denied claims made by Russian President Vladimir Putin that Ankara is complicit in fuelling the conflict in Syria by supporting terrorists through an industrial-scale campaign, involving the smuggling of oil for weapons. Erdogan has even said that he will resign if it is proven that his regime is complicit. His arrogant confidence seems to stem from his regime’s brutal suppression of Turk media publishing verifiable articles that Turkish state intelligence has indeed been running truck-loads of weapons into Syria. </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Previously, by way of attempting to absolve the Turk state from charges of terrorist collusion, Erdogan claimed that weapons were being sent to help Turkmen «brothers» to defend themselves from the Syrian army. Following the brutal murder of the Russian pilot by Turkmen jihadists last week, Erdogan this week changed his tune and claimed that weapon convoys into Syria were allegedly being sent to the «Free Syrian Army».</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">But, as the Kessab massacre demonstrates, the so-called «moderate» FSA is an integral and indistinguishable component of the proxy terrorist army that Ankara and its Washington ally are supporting to overthrow the elected government of President Assad. Any difference is patently just a figment of imaginative propaganda. </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Obama, while at the Paris climate change summit this week (appropriately, a «hot-air» conference of world leaders), has this week reiterated calls on Russia to focus its military campaign on the Islamic State and to halt its aerial attacks on «moderate rebels». </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">The American president and his Turk ally are in no position to lecture anybody about «terrorists» and «moderates». They are all part of the same criminal gang, and that gang includes Obama and Erdogan.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: x-small;">Haz click aquí para ver «<a href="http://sputniknews.com/middleeast/20160303/1035730576/us-mideast-gas-war.html#ixzz41sVnsdvY" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Kennedy: US 'Wants to Overthrow Democratically Elected Syrian Gov't'</a>» en <a href="http://sputniknews.com/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">SPUTNIK</a> </span><br />
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<a href="http://www.elcorreo.com/RC/201012/09/Media/jim-morrison--647x231.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="http://www.elcorreo.com/RC/201012/09/Media/jim-morrison--647x231.JPG" height="228" width="640" /></a></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;"><b>Rock para vencer a la muerte</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #3d85c6;"><i>Ave Rock</i> y un ejercicio de hipertelia (o lectura como <i>regressus </i>mundano, no como literatura)</span></span></span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: small;"><u>ESCOLIO</u>. La oportunidad de abarcar <a href="http://www.elgiradiscos.com/2015/07/roberto-echavarren-ave-rock.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">la primera novela de R. ECHAVARREN titulada <i>Ave Rock</i> </a></span><span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt;"><span style="color: #444444;">—</span></span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: small;">donde Jim Morrison <i>es personaje</i><span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span> permite discutir someramente acerca de un tema ensayado por este mismo investigor: la «hipertelia». Es un objeto de trabajo que se menciona a partir de la versión que postuló <a href="https://books.google.com.uy/books?id=bApLBZS-IWsC&pg=PA44&lpg=PA44&dq=J.+LEZAMA+LIMA+archivo&source=bl&ots=TdAanMVYPo&sig=BuhsZhnHmeTEUwrfjhXSONpK10c&hl=es&sa=X&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q&f=false" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">J. LEZAMA LIMA</a>. Esa hipertelia, en el análisis de <a href="https://books.google.com.uy/books?id=1rJ9zP1fpagC&printsec=frontcover&dq=A.+DOM%C3%8DNGUEZ+REY+Palabra+respirada:+hermen%C3%A9utica+de+lectura&hl=es&sa=X&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q=A.%20DOM%C3%8DNGUEZ%20REY%20Palabra%20respirada%3A%20hermen%C3%A9utica%20de%20lectura&f=false" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">A. DOMÍNGUEZ REY</a>, refiere a una <i>reconstrucción de fundamentos objetivos de la obra</i> (en esto, el concepto de </span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: small;">«</span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: small;">fundamento</span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: small;">»</span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: small;"> </span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: small;">no estaría remitiendo a ninguna erudición teologal, como la de un Santo Tomás de Aquino, donde el <i>opus</i> a discutir se ciñe a partes, tratados, cuestiones, artículos, sino a una mera perspectiva, incluso siendo esa perspectiva apreciación opinada que no-es <i>episteme</i> platónica o apreciación literaria, análisis literario, dictamen literario, crítica literaria, tampoco reseña, etc.). Así, asumiendo lo novelado como objeto de trabajo semiótico, es posible ensayar de manera operatoria esa diferencia procedimental habida entre un ejercicio de hipertelia y <span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span>tómese como contrapuesto posible<span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span> un ejercicio de crítica literaria (o de <i>otro gremio</i> con constituciones categóricas respectivas: historiográfico, nosológico, etc.). La hipertelia es con esto una labor intelectual concretada en relación-enciclopédica (o vulgar) a la cosa novelada, como primera conjetura se propone, propiamente hermenéutica y mundana en relación a las posibles totalidades narrativas que abarcara; es la refractación de pensamiento que todo sujeto-de-lectura resuelve <span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span>desde sí<span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span> enfrentado al texto y su cotexto. Es una forma mundana (o sin eufemismo: mal organizada) de enserir pensamiento: ¿<i>qué dice o puede decir el alocutario, amparado en algún plano general de las realidades y los conceptos y sus relaciones, de un opus de lectura</i>? En su respuesta <span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span>remedando a <a href="http://nodulo.org/ec/2005/n046p02.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">G. BUENO</a><span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span> habrá una confusión propia del <i>filosofar espontáneo</i> incapaz de aplicar un esquema de tríadas: se tratarían las ideas como si fuesen conceptos (no se sabrá de su diferencia de niveles) y eso puede conllevar recaídas en el monismo, en el panfilismo, entre tantas otras vicisitudes. </span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"> </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: x-small;">Por Pablo Pallas</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://www.dropbox.com/s/hwcv38zuy7bo5zh/Ave%20Rock%202015.pdf?dl=0" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;" target="_blank">Versión en PDF</a></span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: small;">Ojalá decir que </span><span style="font-size: small;"><i style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">ser símbolo es una tragedia</i><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"> fuese <span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span>alguna vez<span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span> oxímoron.</span></span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: small;">¿Y qué se le dice al símbolo finalmente?, en las condiciones del libreto: </span><span style="font-size: small;"><i style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana,sans-serif;">We will remember</i><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">.</span></span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Empieza </span><i style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Ave Rock</i><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"> al leerse: «Temo que no nos libremos de Dios en cuanto sigamos creyendo en la gramática» </span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: x-small;">(pág. 24)</span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">; si hay denominación, entonces, hay Dios (aquí no hay manera de </span><i style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">diferenciar</i><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"> a-ese-dios de Dios)... La diferencia <span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span>o diferencia apócrifa<span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span> entre el Adán y el ángel caído es que de </span><i style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">manera alfabética</i><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">, supo la criatura del huerto denominar a los animales (en el orden además que Dios se los fue presentando). Este mismo ejercicio habría hecho Dios con el ángel caído (antes de caer), pero no supo hacerlo: no supo, en el ejercicio de la denominación, nombrar. En relación con las cosas del mundo, Adán nombró… El «teatro hamletiano» quizá sea la manera (paródica) de renegar de las denominaciones del mundo: soy mujer, aunque alguien me dijera que me faltara una costilla… Y si me relaciono con las cosas del mundo omitiendo la denominación, entonces solo resta el camino de Alejandro (o de Jim): el exceso grutesco, la bacanal política (que no-es el menguado carnaval actual, en la actualidad de Jim, ni el que fuera el verdadero circo romano indivisible del pan). </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">¿Pero cómo hago esto?, si no me ha tocado ser un «Apolo alejandrino» que <i>es</i> en cuanto la lógica con que se denomina niega que no-sea <span style="font-size: x-small;">(págs. 26-27)</span>. Aparece un «estilo de vida» en Nueva Orleans <span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span>en un terreno baldío, a la noche<span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span> que me hizo pensar en los cínicos, en aquellos que fueron los constructores teóricos del verdadero «cosmopolitismo» al declararse <i>ciudadanos del mundo</i> si provenían de una mujer bárbara. Pero en el cosmopolitismo, en el verdadero otro mundo, la comunicación no es una condescendencia <span style="font-size: x-small;">(págs. 33-36)</span>, sino el resultado de la reducción de la experiencia al sentido, una experiencia que referirá a lo común a todos (y no a un capricho que haga de su decir el ombligo del mundo: hacer escuchar al otro es, así, incluso en la forma apologética del rock, <i>tierra conquistada</i>). </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Y creo haberme encontrado <span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span>luego de este inicio<span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span> con algo parecido a una noción de amor: «No puedo decir que quisiera acostarme contigo. Pero no quería viajar, discutir, con ningún otro». Me imaginé a un discípulo jovial de Sócrates, haciéndoselo saber en ático. Y después es posible avizorar el motor de esa mecánica del hallazgo del otro: «Lo que otros llaman identidad y hasta esencia de la persona, a mí me pareció siempre un material a contradecir». Pero si ahogo «muñecos de goma» a rifle pelado seré varón-varoncito-de-papá <span style="font-size: x-small;">(pág. 36)</span>. El amor puede tratarse, quizá, de <i>una segunda indignación</i> cuando la visión (propia, claro) se trastoca: el <i>acceso de rabia</i> primero fue con mamá (madre) y el segundo con él </span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">al que no reconocí</span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">. El mundo se trastoca, al fin. Y entonces el «Dejé de creer en ti» </span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">como fórmula mágica</span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana, sans-serif;"> implica más amor, el amor sin habla </span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;">(pág. 42)</span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: verdana, sans-serif;">. Es un rellenado de huecos –dirían los bereberes.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">El concepto del pensador cínico me reaparece cuando ni siquiera importaría el «saber leer» o que «nada importaba». Es, de alguna manera, una aserción apocalíptica. Pero después resulta que reaparece el detalle, entonces la realidad importa: «Abriste la puerta». ¿Puede haber otra afirmación así de importante para el enamorado que espera? (esta cuestión dudosa, claro, es una erotema). Veo que <i>representar la víctima</i> (teatro y actante) lleva chisporroteo, menos creíble que la «muerte de un soldado» donde el ensayo es el acto <span style="font-size: x-small;">(pág. 43)</span>. Y luego la cosa se complica, dejo-de-lado (que no-es-de-costado) al sujeto embrionario y me preocupo por la verdadera causa del «rock»: la civilización. Esto se evidencia tímidamente, hasta que estalla como tema: «La universidad era una fábrica de conocimientos compartimentados, no el lugar para poner en cuestión ningún principio». </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Y claro, las melodías empezaron a repicar y replicarse en las calles: «Los universitarios interrumpieron el tráfico de una avenida del centro». Había blancos y negros en esas calles, filósofos y empleados, estudiantes y trabajadores haciendo girar las rocas de la historia. Porque lo anterior es guerra y fue también mansedumbre innecesaria de los desdichados (esto hay que decirlo sin menospreciar a los verdaderos mártires de las naciones, a los <i>fríos</i>, a los <i>calientes</i>); ellos son rastro del fuego que pasó, devorándolos: <i>Agnosco veteris vestigia flammae</i>. </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Pero el libro donde está escrito se tira, aunque tirar no es quemar ni hacer desaparecer pero sí es despreciar o deplorar <span style="font-size: x-small;">(págs. 51-53)</span>: es que hay que leerlo-antes, no leerlo-después… Igual que se tiran los moralismos <span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span>o más exactamente, la moralina<span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span> si se hallan exentos de verdadera-vida. Y como también se tiran los estereotipos, se tiran en el drenaje de la historia (denunciados en la categoría del relato; pienso en V. PROPP que en la <i>Morfología del cuento</i> hace de cada personaje una categoría del relato, en sí misma). Y si bien el «estereotipo» es un arte-facto de la civilización, algo más complejo que un «tenedor», o cualesquiera otros objetos <i>puntiagudos</i>, en la historia de <i>Ave Rock</i> se concreta con un caso: el mariquita. Aunque el delicioso mariquita no-es problema. </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">El problema es que es <span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span>como «jugueteo sexual»<span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span> algo fijo: una escasa imitación de fémina. Aunque podría ser algo más como personalidad-sexual: ser una sorpresa-sexual. Y hacer entonces que su hombre (hombre-macho, hombre-músico, hombre-extraño, hombre-único, hombre-de-su-vida, etc.) sea fémina, sea perra, sea dulce, sea tierno, sea filósofo, sea sorpresa. Pero en su fijismo <span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span>en su vida no mundana<span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span> quizá no lo concibe. El problema es ahogar en las tecnologías de la rutina, como lo son el silencio desmedido, o la autocomplacencia desmedida, o cuando lo desmedido del fijismo-de-ser no permite un estar-en-desmesura, esa desmesura legítima como la del ahogado que no pide agua, sino impetuosamente bocanadas de aire <span style="font-size: x-small;">(págs. 67-68)</span>. </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">El problema es ahogar los efluvios amorosos, o al «deseo» mismo –al decir de Sócrates que lo asume de Zeus cuando denomina esa forma del existir, al descubrir la belleza del varón <i>Ganymêdês</i> que era príncipe. También puede ser una desmesura el hacerse sacrificio: sacrificarse a un dios con pies de barro como podría serlo un amante, incluso si fuese el más añorado amante. Sería una típica <i>tentación de la carne</i>. Es igualmente el matarse una desmesura justa, si es verdaderamente desmesura hacia sí. Y me mato y «capto» quizá por un instante minúsculo -ridículo para el cosmos- su atención: la atención de-quien-no-fui-en-su-vida-nada-o-casi-nada. Rozo un costado de su vida: «Después orinaste. El chorro me salpicó». Pero esa consecuencia del acto fue apenas circunstancial. </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">El correlato de esto, claro, podría serlo la isegoría <span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span>en la forma de su <i>manu militari</i><span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span> con que se manifiesta una «indignación moral opuesta a las costumbres» (opuesta no a la Moral, sino a una moral fijista) o una descoordinación política entre el ejercicio del estar-y-ser alguien para sí mismo (y <i>desde sí</i>, en lo que competa a uno mismo) y la razón pública o aquel <i>sentido común</i> que legitime la burla, la necedad, el dicterio, etc., hacia quien ya-es «despreciado» –que no es lo mismo que <i>despreciable</i>. Puesto que hay despreciados que se ensalzan en despreciar a otros menospreciados: ese metalenguaje del logos concreto («logos» no como <i>mera razón</i>, sino como convergencia del Nous, del Érgon y de la Palinodia de los sujetos que piensan) es, sí, de quien resulta despreciable. Sancho diría al Quijote (creyéndolo muerto): <i>tú que fuiste humilde con los soberbios y soberbio con los humildes</i>… En esto habría un lema, para todo ético alicaído que desee asociarse al mundo moral a partir de la Justicia –de ese valor cardinal, solo concretado en las condiciones de la alteridad: «Justo por ser difícil, la vida se hizo fácil» (aquí he trucado asociativamente, claro, el adverbio de modo <i>justo</i> a adjetivo). </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">El problema de esta <i>alocución</i> estaría dado cuando resultara mutada <span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span>en el hueco de su noción<span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span> por el ensueño ultramontano, o quiliástico, o integrista, etc. Es algo que podría haber contestado Eva, a su vez, al Adán atónito. Y en este contexto al que refiere el cotexto es que no puede haber droga (o «peyote») sin un previo baño de realidad <span style="font-size: x-small;">(pág. 74)</span>. Antes de la droga <i>hay un ritual</i>, en esto los personajes verdaderamente no engañaron con su relato: «Las heridas eran la consecuencia, dijimos, de un ritual que los indios exigían antes de impartir la droga. Nadie investigó el asunto, se daban cuenta de que no decíamos la verdad». La decían: el ritual fue el intento de defensa de sí mismos, amparados en una causa justa. No hay droga sin ese ritual previo. O al menos, no se merece. Y es que sin realidad no hay decisión, tampoco ambivalencia. </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">No hay <span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span>sin realidad<span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span> trashumante o «un nómade que no pagaba derecho de piso» que pase del habla a la gesticulación, como unidad del sentido, del macho-mariquita a la hembra-esquelética, del inglés al español (de una institución a otra, a la hora de abrir la boca para ir a jugar, a cantar, o a berrear, por ejemplo al revestirse con las onomatopeyas <span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span>o al gridar<span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span> para que se pueda decir «quiero más»), del crucifijo a la sal y el tequila, del placer entre machos al chantaje policíaco en la plaza Lincoln, del agradecimiento a la esclavitud sexual femenina impuesta por un hermano-varón <span style="font-size: x-small;">(págs. 75-80)</span>. Y todo como una <i>relación sintagmática</i>, tal como la concebía de SAUSURRE. Pero como las <i>sensaciones mundanas</i> no van de la mano de la economía (salvo cuando la sintaxis de la vida se reduce a economismo), se cumplía la premisa: «No estabas atado a ninguna clave que te definiera desde afuera y habías inventado un vehículo para efectuar el cruce a otra orilla». </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Tomo la realidad de las <i>camisas agujereadas</i> o de los <i>pantalones descosidos</i> y los trueco en estética, mediante alguna identificación y delimitación de mí mismo como objeto de trabajo: el esteta –que no el prosaico. Y es más, a la hora de supervivir, si se trata de afirmar una regla testamentaria, el débil que es atacado por el fuerte, o David que padece la embestida ciega de Saúl, requiere de un contrafuerte <span style="font-size: x-small;">(pág. 81)</span>: David supervivió, a pesar de los celos de Saúl, a causa de su verdadero-amor que fue Jonatán, quien verdaderamente-también-lo-amó-hasta-morir. Pero, claro, cómo discutir de «amor» cuando no se entiende que ofrendar es ofrendar-se <span style="font-size: x-small;">(pág. 82)</span>. </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Era Jim un mundo pero su sonrisa era otro mundo: el mundo-de-lo-que-quería-de-otros, a partir de su «anzuelo». Su boca era otro mundo. A su mundo pertenecían sus ojos: hay «indiferencia», hay «desdén» <span style="font-size: x-small;">(pág. 83)</span>. Pero quien mira sus ojos, mira sus labios, aquellos deliciosos labios. No sonríen; lo de <i>dentro</i>, <i>se queda dentro</i>, incluso los dientes. A mí me pasó de mirar primero sus labios, su belfo inferior, subir a los ojos –y ser rechazado. Y eso que solo miré una fotografía. Ya su rostro lo predice, en la ultratumba de los románticos becquerianos: soy-tu-imposible (o deseo que seas mi imposible, etc.). Y terriblemente, así es… </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">No es de extrañarse que esta cuestión <span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span>Jim<span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span> se confirmara como una problemática simbólica (donde la cosa a analizar se remite a sí misma, en vez de relacionarse a-otra-que-la-remita; es un viejo ejercicio de lógica aristotélica, en fin). Y tanto es así que debió aparecer un judío, un judío que entendió cómo Jim, destrozando el televisor, intentaba, sin lograrlo, destrozar un mundo radicado en la televisación (<i>recepción </i>relativa a su magnetoscopio) <span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span>repetición, más que imaginería o hipotiposis<span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span> de toda persona reducida a estereotipo, específicamente a audiencia: es, esa, una <i>galaxia</i> enemiga de la «inspiración» <span style="font-size: x-small;">(págs. 85-87)</span>. O dicho más fácilmente: «Quedabas como un tatuaje (…)», luego que tus vivencias quisiesen pauperizarlas a <i>modelo sonoro</i>. Y entonces, tanto se optaba por Jim o por alguien un poco menos indiferente: el sistema (publicitario) o un surfer de <i>pelo corto y rubio</i> <span style="font-size: x-small;">(pág. 89)</span>. Había que ser menos New York y más California… <span style="font-size: x-small;">(pág. 91)</span>. Eso pensaría quizá un <i>sesentista</i>. </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Aunque esa generación fue posteriormente remedada y con un santo remedio (a la mejor usanza romana, pero desatendiendo la advertencia apocalíptica de Daniel de no alimentarse con lo mismo que Nabucodonosor): Disneyworld <span style="font-size: x-small;">(págs. 94-95)</span>. Y los sesentistas ya no serían sesentistas. Y ni los «indios americanos» se salvaron de la impronta neoyorquina (de la tergiversación del cosmopolitismo cínico a moda oligopólica): se los conformó en <i>eclécticos</i>. El reconocerse es todo un problema y más aún si la libertad-y-liberación <i>viene a destiempo</i> <span style="font-size: x-small;">(pág. 101)</span>. No se trata solo de esperar, sino de esperar participando de toda una antropología de la desmesura hecha tradición, refractándola incluso en la arqueología institucional de sus legitimaciones <span style="font-size: x-small;">(pág. 104)</span>. No se trata solo de «observar», de resolver lo presente a causa de un «pasado fijo» o de definirlo en referencia a un «futuro utópico» <span style="font-size: x-small;">(págs. 107-108)</span>: ni fijismo, ni prolepsis en la forma de una hipotética delirante. </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Es el propósito desplegarse sexualmente, en las condiciones azarosas de la permutación, o del accidente que advierte. Pero ese progreso de vivir y reparar es requisito del común de los mortales. Es lo necesario-al-nosotros-como-cada-uno (aunque un acto-ético incluso desborda <span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span>que no es suprimir<span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span> un ejercicio de necesidad). Esto complica a quien es símbolo, resuelto incluso como «enigma para otros»: <i>tu aspecto equívoco de Dios</i> <span style="font-size: x-small;">(págs. 111-112)</span>. Algo así debió suceder acaso con los ángeles caídos. O tirados a tierra. Y el gran problema del símbolo, claro, es <i>hacerse carne</i>; porque no será profeta en su tierra, en la <i>vagina uterina</i> de su madre, en el <i>corazón varonil</i> de su padre. Será un igual, un igualado quizá convendría especificar (en fin, denominar), un igual a aquellos que no comprenden su lugar-y-tiempo, donde las diatribas particulares que no deben confundirse con las personales (necesarias, claro) de cómo resolver los sermones ante Damas Católicas o un discurso de almirantazgo ante el Pentágono imperial resultaron nada, en comparación con el «rock» a declararse ante el glorioso pueblo estadounidense <span style="font-size: x-small;">(pág. 115)</span>: el concierto a encabezar en el Fillmore de San Francisco, claro, como <i>protesta por la guerra de Vietnam</i> era una concreción de historia propiamente universal (hay que remedar a Aristóteles en esto, lo universal en sentido lógico no remite a todos sino <i>a muchos</i>, igualmente lo singular no remite a uno sino <i>a pocos</i>). </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Pero esa universalidad del símbolo, difícil es de avizorar por el alma particularizada (<i>encerrada en el conjunto</i>, de las amas de casa, de los carpinteros, de los militares, de los músicos, etc.): el alma empequeñecida terminaría preguntando <i>por qué no te salvas a ti mismo</i>, <i>si tanto es tu poder</i>. Eso pasó: «Ella no había visto nunca nada igual, no tenía noción de que su hijo era este monstruo que parecía sacarse la piel a jirones». Hacer la revolución contra la idiotez <span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span>incluso en su circo televisado<span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span> implicó, para Jim, eso conjeturo, objetar moralmente a los enceguecidos que miran (no me refiero al necio que sí posee habilidades intelectuales y siendo ciego sostendrá que mirar es fútil y entonces no querrá mirar, o dirá que no mira, como en la fábula de Esopo, de la zorra y los racimos de uvas supuestamente verdes). Implicó aplicar la humillación de la que es capaz el esteta (estimulándose con alguna forma de <i>Kunstcharacter</i>)</span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">: mostrarse, escandalizarlos <span style="font-size: x-small;">(págs. 117-118)</span>… O intentar golpearlos <span style="font-size: x-small;">(págs. 124-126)</span>. U obligarlos a discutir una definición de sí mismos, no a partir de la mera hipotética sino de una hipotética adjetivada por la concreción <span style="font-size: x-small;">(pág. 126)</span>, incluso mediante la terapéutica de un acto sutil como lo es el dejarse <i>el mechón un poco más largo</i> <span style="font-size: x-small;">(pág. 129)</span>. </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Y esa concreción es algo más que perspectiva, incluso es algo más que mera «empatía», es la realidad del tiempo-y-lugar que se vive -siendo <i>la asunción de un siglo en guerra</i> <span style="font-size: x-small;">(pág. 141)</span>- y donde el comercio (su mercantilismo puro y duro que reduce poblaciones a espectadores) toma a la máquina-viva, al gobierno, etc., como brazos posibles para sus procedimientos <span style="font-size: x-small;">(pág. 133)</span>, hasta que <i>se acusa al empresario de abusar de las fuerzas de alguien que hacía la vida de la escena </i><span style="font-size: x-small;">(pág. 134)</span>. Esto no quita <span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span>a la vida<span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span> su individualidad, pero advierte a la individualidad <i>que se viste</i> el problema de no significar nada: «No hay nada que se le compare, no remite a nada» <span style="font-size: x-small;">(pág. 140)</span>. No hay imagen posible. Y esta advertencia, advertirse contra la mera perspectiva, se formula metodológicamente: «Me acostumbré no a buscar sino encontrar» <span style="font-size: x-small;">(pág. 140)</span>.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Encontró (vivencial) una multiplicación de mundos, en los segmentos configurados como convergencia de caminos, de caminos que no estarían hechos de adoquines sino del propósito de elevar las anécdotas (en Guadalajara, en Valladolid, en Noventaicinco, en Walkimira y en sus microgeografías: la Laguna de los Muertos, el Árbol de la Pintura, la Puerta de las Nubes) a nuevo mundo superlativo <span style="font-size: x-small;">(págs. 144-146)</span>, otro mundo agregado. Pero eso no implica solucionar mundos, sino apenas alcanzarlos interpretativamente: «Los huehueches se pusieron a llorar, no sé si de aprehensión o de alegría». </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">No obstante (habiendo un mundo contrapuesto a otro, el varón-huehueche contrapuesto al cura-occidental, incluso al influjo de la parodia), el explorador deja entrever que en un mundo y en otro los <i>jerarcas del enfado</i> <span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span>quienes poseen autoridad para enojarse<span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span> cumplen con la microfísica de la exigencia agustiniana: «Me enojé con Tenantai, no por perdida, sino por testadura. ¿Por qué viene si no está dispuesta a rendir los exámenes del viaje? […] Ella sollozaba. Al rato volvió y confesó. De no haber cedido, no habríamos podido continuar». Esa parodia de una <i>evangelización</i> <span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span>a la hora de jugar<span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span> tomó la forma oclocrática… Y parecía ser solo un juego ir y acercarse a ver <i>los brazos del primer peyote</i>. Pobre de aquel que no confesara los pecados de la carne; eso irrita a la comunidad. </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Y entre las contraposiciones también se alcanza el mundo interpretativo: «La gracia estaba, dijo, en que el idioma fuera de veras diferente cada vez». En este sentido, Jim es Asta de Ciervo <span style="font-size: x-small;">(pág. 149)</span>, siendo que los cuernos del ciervo, <i>hoy escaso</i>, se vuelven atributos del metereke, son artilugio del guía <span style="font-size: x-small;">(pág. 145)</span>. Y con sus huesos, además, <i>fabrican flautas</i> <span style="font-size: x-small;">(pág. 145)</span>. En este otro mundo no había lavado de pies, pero <i>se lamían las rodillas de todos</i> <span style="font-size: x-small;">(pág. 150)</span>. Es un paralelismo que no llega a ser antitético, salvo cuando se afirma <i>soy hombre y mujer</i> <span style="font-size: x-small;">(pág. 150)</span>, porque en la evangelización paulina no se será ni hombre ni mujer sino, recapitulados, uno en Cristo Jesús. </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Hay estupefacción al ser tomado el Niño Tará quien <i>le lamía el oído</i> <span style="font-size: x-small;">(pág. 150)</span>: «En el idioma de Walkimira la cara era el culo (…)» <span style="font-size: x-small;">(pág. 150)</span>. Lo tomó: «Choqué contra el esqueleto, le sacudí la crin, me hundí en el olor a caballo» <span style="font-size: x-small;">(pág. 150)</span>. Es el relato de la alucinación (no del éxtasis pasionario), junto a las llamas, estando <i>cansados de recoger peyote</i>. Y cuando uno <i>perfora</i> a otro, la amonestación es un ejercicio de observancia pasajero <span style="font-size: x-small;">(pág. 151)</span>. Aquí hay una frontera entre lo superficial y lo radical, complicado por la enunciación. Y algo más: el conflicto con lo nimio. Lo nimio es verdaderamente fundamental: los instrumentos que se tocan <span style="font-size: x-small;">(pág. 152)</span>, los nudos de los pecados de-la-lujuria (únicos pecados que rememoran los huehueches) en una cuerda quemada en el fuego <span style="font-size: x-small;">(pág. 152)</span>, el relato del tío de Regino <span style="font-size: x-small;">(pág. 154)</span>, la desaparición de su perra, a causa de la maldad de un desconocido <span style="font-size: x-small;">(pág. 155)</span>, el jugueteo de Jim con los bordes de su mundo-vivo <span style="font-size: x-small;">(págs. 157-158)</span>. </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Después de esto, más nimiedad excepcional: supongamos que aparece una naranja-mandarina que se descascara (su cáscara, valiéndome de los huehueches, se llama necedad y sus gajos, jugosos, dulces, se llaman hipocresía). Es maravilloso; <i>Ave Rock</i> es su capítulo XXXIX de la CUARTA PARTE. Es eso. Jim soportó: al escrupuloso Raúl, al obediente Nick, al atleta obseso y a otros alucinados, al correveidile de Reni Spanfield que no dudó en brindar <i>falso testimonio</i>, al FBI, a la revista Protracted Bluesy Rock con su ironía-ambigua, a los gerentes de las salas de Conciertos, temerosos, temblorosos, antes que amantes de la Ley, a los integrantes del juicio, a una liga de ciudadanos católicos, a las personalidades del Rally hecho en el Pabellón de las Rosas de Orlando que no era más que una horda de hipócritas (cantoras, predicadores, consumidores de señoras prostitutas de Nueva Orleans, curas), a Monseñor Irigaray… Y al propio presidente de los Estados Unidos de América <span style="font-size: x-small;">(págs. 163-166)</span>. En síntesis, Jim fue Job. Aunque Jim no discutió con Dios, sino con un mundo escandalizado por cómo él lamía los botones de cromo de una guitarra, de ese falo-músico, pero ignaro de los bombardeos secretos que el imperio arreciaba sobre pobladores de Cambodia.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Y al igual que Job, Jim <span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span>luego de la angustia de padecer el mundo de la estupidez y el jugueteo maniqueo al que pueden llegar a reducirse las microfísicas<span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span> se iluminó <span style="font-size: x-small;">(pág. 169)</span>: «Ahora sé cómo funciona» (la justicia, el mundo del poder, etc.). Y después de todo esto, casi al final de las cosas, empieza a avizorarse el límite-de-la-ética: el mundo de los otros, y, el destiempo de esos otros mundos, a veces pequeños, a veces diminutos, siempre necesarios, por reales, difíciles de ensamblar con un grito-de-futuro. No es que sean <i>huestes derrotadas de antemano</i> (admitirlo, implicaría cierto manriquismo como si acaso fuese inherente a la mirada sesentista). Sucede que son iguales, <i>iguales</i> por contemporáneos a Jim, principalmente por eso, a los que no se les podía pedir futuro, si acaso el presente se hallaba adormecido a la fuerza <span style="font-size: x-small;">(págs. 170-171)</span>. Y mirando a la diosa del maíz, diosa de la hermosa Guatemala, descubierta en uno de tantos cuartos verdes de una Nueva Orleans ahogada en un sureste huracanado <span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span>y en esto hay olor a SHAKESPEARE y no solo olor a ozono<span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 14.6667px;">—</span> comprendió Jim que no-era escritor, porque no se dedicó al lenguaje-moral sino a la vida-moral que ahora sí en efecto desborda la sola «denominación» <span style="font-size: x-small;">(págs. 171-172)</span>. Jim está más del lado de Eva que de Adán. Pero, ¿de qué costilla provino Jim? La respuesta es que Jim provino de Jim: «Tú, justo por haber sucedido, eres el único alimento de los sueños» <span style="font-size: x-small;">(pág. 173)</span>. </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Y Jim es la costilla de los sueños, al menos de los sueños del rock. Al menos si el rock es algo más que pentágramas o taller de instrumentos músicos cordófonos. Si acaso, a su vez, es algo más que «lenguaje». Después pasó que se separó del mundo. No importó: el mundo no se separó de Jim, un tiempo que ya no comprendía lo siguió envolviendo <i>en una ciudad pasada de moda</i>, en Paris <span style="font-size: x-small;">(pág. 176)</span>, y, antes, en los baños turcos con un limpiador de automóviles. Lo cotidiano ya no se volvía mágico (la fata Morgana no estaba para ayudarlo). <i>El muñeco al que le había dado alma</i>, esa imagen sensual, moría <span style="font-size: x-small;">(pág. 180)</span>. Y antes del final: Jim enfrentado a su último paisaje que tradujo mediante una heterotopía. Se detendría con nimiedades de la Historia y en ese territorio <i>se batiría con almohadones de plumas</i> para conquistar nada, ensueños, éter. No sé, para vencer o con-vencer a Dionisos de que le obsequie un pie hinchado, una cobra de la India… <span style="font-size: x-small;">(págs. 182-184)</span>. </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">«¿No vendrá nadie que me coja?» <span style="font-size: x-small;">(pág. 186)</span>: <i>la muerte</i> (hay respuestas que sobrevienen revestidas de silencio). Vendrá un viernes de madrugada, a causa de una sobredosis de heroína <span style="font-size: x-small;">(pág. 186)</span>. Y después otros también te cogerán: el escritor, el alocutario, el speaker, uno mismo, vaya a saberse quién… o quién más. Por último, inevitable, otra vez la denominación: el último nombre propio que emerge en esta historia es «Cristo» y lo último anotado, además del tiempo que en sus huecos agrega tiempo, tiene que ver con la memoria del sujeto-de-recuerdos y con lo que sale de su estómago (fruta y sangre).</span><br />
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Pablo Pallashttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02676986163926451532noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8368737022377042313.post-75619018098909109342015-05-01T20:30:00.001-03:002016-12-01T22:43:35.479-03:00Geopolítica: VII Cumbre de las Américas<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCUv6zV2jivQivP_Io4Hmg1A" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">VII Cumbre de las Américas</a>: </span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;"><i>Ad futuram rei memoriam</i></span></div>
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<span style="color: #3d85c6; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: x-small;">¿Cómo identificar y delimitar la circularidad antropológica de un objeto de trabajo discursivo, conformado en las condiciones de una retórica política influenciada por el latinoamericanismo?</span><br />
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<b><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: xx-small;">Fuente:</span></b><br />
<span style="font-size: xx-small;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Consejo de Estado, Cuba. 2015, abril 11.</span></span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"> «Discurso del <a href="http://www.ecured.cu/index.php/Ra%C3%BAl_Castro" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">General de Ejército Raúl Castro Ruz</a>, Primer Secretario del Comité Central del
Partido Comunista de Cuba y Presidente de los Consejos de Estado y de
Ministros, en la VII Cumbre de las Américas, Panamá</span></span></span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">»</span></span></span> </span></span></span></span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: xx-small;">(Versiones Taquigráficas) en URL: <a href="http://www.cubadebate.cu/opinion/2015/04/11/raul-castro-en-la-cumbre-de-las-americas-hasta-hoy-el-bloqueo-contra-cuba-se-aplica-en-toda-su-intensidad/#.VTMR-9J_Oko" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.cubadebate.cu/opinion/2015/04/11/raul-castro-en-la-cumbre-de-las-americas-hasta-hoy-el-bloqueo-contra-cuba-se-aplica-en-toda-su-intensidad/#.VTMR-9J_Oko</a> (Acceso 2015, abril 17)</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><b>Nota ecdótica:</b> el texto del discurso del presidente R. CASTRO RUZ -presentado como escopo comunicológico, en coordenadas geopolíticas- se halla editado con el propósito didáctico de contextualizar sus enunciaciones. La fuente hemerográfica -a su vez- remite a texto y cotexto sin edición docente.</span></span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Ya era hora de que yo hablara aquí a nombre de Cuba.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Me informaron al principio que podría hacer un discurso de ocho minutos; aunque hice un gran esfuerzo, junto con mi Canciller, de reducirlo a ocho minutos, y como me deben seis cumbres de las que nos excluyeron, 6 por 8, 48 <span style="font-size: xx-small;">(Risas y aplausos)</span>, le pedí permiso al presidente Varela unos instantes antes de entrar a este magnífico salón, para que me cedieran unos minutos más, sobre todo después de tantos discursos interesantes que estamos escuchando, y no me refiero solo al del presidente <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_lbX0cxL-r4" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Obama</a>, sino también al del presidente ecuatoriano, <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WrBAVwsL9wQ" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Rafael Correa</a>, a la Presidenta <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vF93ony09YI" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Dilma Rousseff</a> y otros.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Sin más preámbulos, comenzaré.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Excelentísimo Señor <a href="https://www.presidencia.gob.pa/Hoja_de_Vida_Presidente" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Juan Carlos Varela</a>, Presidente de la República de Panamá;</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Presidentas y Presidentes:</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Primeras y Primeros Ministros;</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">En primer lugar, expreso nuestra solidaridad con la <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=arM-h0cJjgc" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Presidenta Bachelet y el pueblo de Chile, por los desastres naturales que han estado padeciendo</a>.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Agradezco la solidaridad de todos los países de la América Latina y el Caribe que hizo posible que Cuba participara en pie de igualdad en este foro hemisférico, y al Presidente de la República de Panamá por la invitación que tan amablemente nos cursara. Traigo un fraterno abrazo al pueblo panameño y a los de todas las naciones aquí representadas.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Cuando los días 2 y 3 de diciembre de 2011 se creó la <a href="http://celac.cubaminrex.cu/categoria/que-es-la-celac" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Comunidad de Estados Latinoamericanos y Caribeños</a> (CELAC), en Caracas, se inauguró una nueva etapa en la historia de Nuestra América, que hizo patente su bien ganado derecho a vivir en paz y a desarrollarse como decidan libremente sus pueblos, y se trazó para el futuro un camino de desarrollo e integración, basada en la cooperación, la solidaridad y la voluntad común de preservar la independencia, soberanía e identidad.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">El ideal de <a href="https://books.google.com.uy/books?id=GVkz4fVTzdgC&printsec=frontcover&dq=Sim%C3%B3n+Bol%C3%ADvar&hl=es&sa=X&ei=h0U8VZXKIMy0ggTLl4KwAw&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q=Sim%C3%B3n%20Bol%C3%ADvar&f=false" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Simón Bolívar</a> de crear una «gran Patria Americana</span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">» </span>inspiró verdaderas epopeyas independentistas.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">En 1800 se pensó en agregar a Cuba a la Unión del Norte como el límite sur del extenso imperio. En el siglo XIX, surgieron la <a href="https://books.google.com.uy/books?id=S67qysdmUJEC&printsec=frontcover&dq=Historia+de+unas+relaciones+dif%C3%ADciles+%28EEUU-Am%C3%A9rica+espa%C3%B1ola%29&hl=es&sa=X&ei=yEY8VZiTFsOegwTUxIHQAg&ved=0CBwQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=Historia%20de%20unas%20relaciones%20dif%C3%ADciles%20%28EEUU-Am%C3%A9rica%20espa%C3%B1ola%29&f=false" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Doctrina del Destino Manifiesto</a> con el propósito de dominar las Américas y al mundo, y la <a href="http://www.lajiribilla.co.cu/pdf/cronica1.pdf" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">idea de la Fruta Madura</a> para la gravitación inevitable de Cuba hacia la Unión norteamericana, que desdeñaba el nacimiento y desarrollo de un pensamiento propio y emancipador.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Después, mediante guerras, conquistas e intervenciones, esta fuerza expansionista y hegemónica despojó de territorios a Nuestra América y se extendió hasta el Río Bravo.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Luego de largas luchas que se frustraron, José Martí organizó la «<a href="http://historia.cubaeduca.cu/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=11111%3Areinicio-de-la-lucha-por-la-independencia&catid=406%3Aayuda-para-su-desempeno" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">guerra necesaria</a></span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">»</span> de 1895 —la Gran Guerra, como fue llamada también, empezó en 1868— y creó el Partido Revolucionario Cubano para conducirla y fundar una República «con todos y para el bien de todos</span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">»</span> que se propuso alcanzar «la dignidad plena del hombre</span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">»</span>.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Al definir con certeza y anticipación los rasgos de su época, Martí se consagra al deber «<a href="http://www.granma.cu/granmad/secciones/26-julio-2011/de-jose-marti/articulo-14.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">de impedir a tiempo con la independencia de Cuba que se extiendan por las Antillas los Estados Unidos y caigan, con esa fuerza más, sobre nuestras tierras de América</a></span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">»</span> —fueron sus palabras textuales.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Nuestra América es para él la del criollo, del indio, la del negro y del mulato, la América mestiza y trabajadora que tenía que hacer causa común con los oprimidos y saqueados. Ahora, más allá de la geografía, este es un ideal que comienza a hacerse realidad.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Hace 117 años, el 11 de abril de 1898, el entonces <a href="https://www.whitehouse.gov/1600/presidents/williammckinley" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Presidente de los Estados Unidos</a> solicitó al Congreso autorización para intervenir militarmente en la guerra de independencia que por cerca de 30 años libraba Cuba en esos momentos, ya ganada prácticamente al precio de ríos de sangre cubana, y este —el Congreso americano— emitió su engañosa <a href="http://historia.cubaeduca.cu/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=7653%3Aresolucion-conjunta&catid=53&Itemid=79" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Resolución Conjunta</a>, que reconocía la independencia de la isla «de hecho y de derecho</span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">»</span>. Entraron como aliados y se apoderaron del país como ocupantes.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Se impuso a Cuba un apéndice a su Constitución, la <a href="http://www.cubagob.cu/otras_info/minfar/enmienda_platt.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Enmienda Platt</a> —conocida así por el nombre del senador que la propuso—, que la despojó de su soberanía, autorizaba al poderoso vecino a intervenir en los asuntos internos y dio origen a la <a href="http://www.cubagob.cu/otras_info/minfar/base_gtmo.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Base Naval de Guantánamo</a>, la cual todavía usurpa parte de nuestro territorio. En ese periodo se incrementó la invasión del capital norteño, posteriormente hubo dos intervenciones militares y el apoyo a crueles dictaduras.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Cuando los cubanos, al comienzo del siglo XX, hicieron su proyecto de Constitución y se la presentaron al gobernador, autonombrado por su país, un <a href="https://books.google.com.uy/books?id=iqFyBgAAQBAJ&pg=PT286&dq=Leonard+Wood+and+Cuban+Independence,+1898%E2%80%931902&hl=es&sa=X&ei=SNpCVY3pC8yzggSIwYHwAQ&ved=0CB8Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q&f=false" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">general norteamericano</a>, este les contestó que ahí faltaba algo, y al preguntar los cubanos constituyentistas, les respondió: Esta enmienda que presenta el senador Platt, que da derecho a intervenir en Cuba cada vez que sea considerado por los Estados Unidos.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Hicieron uso de ese derecho; por supuesto, los cubanos lo rechazaron y la respuesta fue: Muy bien, nos quedaremos aquí. Eso se mantuvo hasta 1934.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Hubo dos intervenciones militares, además, y el apoyo a crueles dictaduras en ese periodo mencionado.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Predominó hacia América Latina la «<a href="https://books.google.com.uy/books?id=q_le_2z1rE8C&printsec=frontcover&dq=Combatiendo+por+la+paz++Daniel+Ortega&hl=es&sa=X&ei=79A-VeTuOKfdsAS9jYEg&ved=0CBwQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=Combatiendo%20por%20la%20paz%20%20Daniel%20Ortega&f=false" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">política de las cañoneras</a></span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">»</span> y luego del «<a href="http://biblio.juridicas.unam.mx/libros/5/2107/10.pdf" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Buen Vecino</a></span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">»</span>. Sucesivas intervenciones derrocaron gobiernos democráticos e instalaron terribles dictaduras en veinte países, doce de ellas de forma simultánea. ¿Quién de nosotros no recuerda esa etapa bastante reciente de dictaduras por todas partes, fundamentalmente en Sudamérica, que asesinaron a cientos de miles de personas? El <a href="http://www.memoriachilena.cl/602/w3-article-799.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Presidente Salvador Allende</a> nos legó un ejemplo imperecedero.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Hace exactamente trece años, se produjo el golpe de Estado contra el entrañable <a href="http://www.venezuelatuya.com/biografias/hugochavezfrias.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Presidente Hugo Chávez Frías</a> que el pueblo derrotó. Después vino, casi inmediatamente, el costoso <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jlU9IuMTnGU" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">golpe petrolero</a>.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">El 1<span style="font-size: x-small;">ro</span>. de enero de 1959, 60 años después de la entrada de los soldados norteamericanos en La Habana, triunfó la Revolución Cubana, y el Ejército Rebelde, comandado por el <a href="http://www.cuba.cu/gobierno/discursos/1959/esp/f080159e.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Comandante Fidel Castro Ruz</a>, llegó a la capital, el mismo día, exactamente 60 años después. Esas son las incomprensibles ironías de la historia. El pueblo cubano, a muy alto precio, iniciaba el pleno ejercicio de su soberanía. Fueron seis décadas de dominación absoluta.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">El 6 de abril de 1960 —apenas un año después del triunfo—, el subsecretario de Estado <a href="http://www.loc.gov/resource/mfdip.2004mal01/?sp=1" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Lester Mallory</a> escribió en un perverso memorando —y no encuentro otro calificativo que darle. Este memorando fue desclasificado decenas de años después—, cito algunos párrafos: «<a href="http://www.revcienciapolitica.com.ar/num22art12.php#_ftnref9" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">(…) la mayoría de los cubanos apoya a Castro… No hay una oposición política efectiva. El único medio previsible para restarle apoyo interno es a través del desencanto y el desaliento basados en la insatisfacción y las penurias económicas (…), debilitar la vida económica (…) y privar a Cuba de dinero y suministros con el fin de reducir los salarios nominales y reales, provocar hambre, desesperación y el derrocamiento del gobierno</a></span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">»</span>. Fin de la cita. El 77% de la población cubana nació bajo los rigores que impone el bloqueo, más terribles de lo que se imaginan, incluso, muchos cubanos, pero nuestras convicciones patrióticas prevalecieron, la agresión aumentó la resistencia y aceleró el proceso revolucionario. <a href="http://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/172463-eeuu-cuba-plan-derrocar-fidel-castro" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Eso sucede cuando se hostiga al proceso revolucionario natural de los pueblos.</a> El hostigamiento trae más revolución, la historia lo demuestra y no solo en el caso de nuestro continente o de Cuba.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">El bloqueo no empezó cuando lo firmó el <a href="https://www.whitehouse.gov/1600/presidents/johnfkennedy" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Presidente Kennedy</a> en 1962, que después haré una breve referencia a él por una iniciativa positiva de ponerse en contacto con el Jefe de nuestra Revolución para comenzar lo que ahora estamos empezando el <a href="https://www.whitehouse.gov/administration/president-obama/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Presidente Obama</a> y yo; casi simultáneamente llegó la noticia de su asesinato, cuando se recibía un mensaje suyo.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Es decir que la agresión aumentó. <a href="http://www.dailymotion.com/video/xuol4_el-desembarco-de-playa-giron_news" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Fue en el año 1961 la agresión a Playa Girón, una invasión mercenaria, apadrinada y organizada por Estados Unidos</a>. Seis años de guerra contra grupos armados que en dos ocasiones abarcaron todo el país. No teníamos ni un radar, y aviación clandestina —no se sabe de dónde salió—, arrojando armamento en paracaídas. Miles de vidas nos costó ese proceso; el costo económico no hemos logrado llevarlo con exactitud. Fue en enero de 1965 cuando concluyó, y lo comenzaron a apoyar a fines de 1959, unos diez u once meses después del triunfo de la Revolución, cuando no habíamos declarado todavía el socialismo, que se declaró en 1961, en el entierro de las víctimas de los bombardeos a los aeropuertos el día antes de la invasión. Al día siguiente nuestro pequeño ejército en aquel momento y todo nuestro pueblo fue a combatir esa agresión y cumplió la orden del Jefe de la Revolución de destruirla antes de las 72 horas. Porque si llegan a consolidarse ahí en el lugar del desembarco, que estaba protegido por la más grande ciénaga del Caribe isleño, hubieran trasladado un gobierno ya constituido —con Primer Ministro y el nombramiento de los demás ministros—, que estaba en una base militar norteamericana en la Florida. Si llegan a consolidar la posición que ocuparon inicialmente, trasladar ese gobierno a Playa Girón era fácil. E inmediatamente la <a href="http://www.oas.org/es/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">OEA</a>, que <a href="http://anterior.cubaminrex.cu/OEA/Articulos/Acciones/inicio.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">ya nos había sancionado por proclamar ideas ajenas al continente</a>, le hubiera dado su reconocimiento. El gobierno constituido en Cuba, basificado en un pedacito de tierra, hubiera pedido ayuda a la OEA y esa ayuda estaba sobre barcos de guerra norteamericanos a tres millas de la costa, que era el límite que entonces existía de las aguas territoriales, que como ustedes conocen ahora son doce.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Y la Revolución se siguió fortaleciendo, radicalizándose. Lo otro era renunciar. ¿Qué hubiera pasado? ¿Qué hubiera pasado en Cuba? ¿Cuántos cientos de miles de cubanos hubieran muerto?, porque ya teníamos cientos de miles de armamentos ligeros; habíamos recibido los primeros tanques que no sabíamos ni manejar bien. La artillería, sabíamos tirar cañonazos, pero no conocíamos dónde iban a dar; lo que unos milicianos aprendían por la mañana, tenían que enseñárselos a los otros por la tarde.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Pero hubo mucho valor, había que ir por un solo itinerario, porque era una ciénaga por donde las tropas no se podían desplegar, ni transitar los tanques o vehículos pesados. Tuvimos más bajas que los atacantes. Por eso se cumplió la orden de Fidel: liquidarlos antes de las 72 horas.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Y esa misma flota americana fue la que acompañó a esa expedición desde Centroamérica, y estaba ahí, desde la costa se veían, a solo tres millas algunos de sus barcos.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">¿<a href="http://www.coldwar.org/articles/50s/guatemala.asp" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Cuánto costó a Guatemala la invasión famosa en 1954</a>?, que recuerdo bien porque estaba preso en <a href="http://www.ecured.cu/index.php/Presidio_Modelo" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">el presidio de Isla de la Juventud</a> —o de Pinos, llamada así entonces—, por el ataque al cuartel Moncada un año antes. ¿Cuántos cientos de miles de indios mayas, aborígenes y otros ciudadanos guatemaltecos perecieron en todo un largo proceso que durará años recuperar? Ese fue el comienzo.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Cuando ya habíamos proclamado el socialismo y el pueblo había combatido en Playa Girón para defenderlo, el Presidente John F. Kennedy —al que ya hice referencia hace un instante— fue asesinado precisamente en el mismo momento, el mismo día en que el líder de la Revolución Cubana Fidel Castro recibía un mensaje suyo —de John Kennedy— buscando iniciar el diálogo.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Después de la <a href="http://www.fcpolit.unr.edu.ar/trabajosocial1/files/2013/09/Alianza-para-el-Progreso-I.pdf" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Alianza para el Progreso</a> y de haber pagado varias veces la deuda externa sin evitar que esta se siga multiplicando, se nos impuso un neoliberalismo salvaje y globalizador, como expresión del imperialismo en esta época, que dejó una década perdida en la región.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">La propuesta entonces de una asociación hemisférica madura resultó el intento de imponernos el <a href="http://www.ftaa-alca.org/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Área de Libre Comercio de las Américas</a> (ALCA), asociado al surgimiento de estas Cumbres, que hubiera destruido la economía, la soberanía y el destino común de nuestras naciones, si no se le hubiera hecho naufragar en el 2005, en Mar del Plata, bajo el liderazgo de los Presidentes Chávez, <a href="http://www.cfkargentina.com/nestor-kirchner-en-la-asamblea-nacional-de-venezuela-2006/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Kirchner</a> y <a href="http://www.institutolula.org/lula" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Lula</a>. Un año antes, Chávez y Fidel habían hecho nacer la Alternativa Bolivariana, hoy <a href="http://alba-tcp.org/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Alianza Bolivariana Para los Pueblos de Nuestra América</a>.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Excelencias:</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Hemos expresado —y le reitero ahora— al Presidente Barack Obama, nuestra disposición al diálogo respetuoso y a la convivencia civilizada entre ambos Estados dentro de nuestras profundas diferencias.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Aprecio como un paso positivo su reciente declaración de que decidirá rápidamente sobre la presencia de Cuba en una lista de países patrocinadores del terrorismo en la que nunca debió estar —impuesta bajo el gobierno del <a href="https://www.whitehouse.gov/1600/presidents/ronaldreagan" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Presidente Reagan</a>.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">¡País terrorista nosotros! Sí, hemos hecho algunos actos de solidaridad con otros pueblos, que pueden considerarse terroristas, cuando estábamos acorralados, arrinconados y hostigados hasta el infinito, solo había una alternativa: rendirse o luchar. Ustedes saben cuál fue la que escogimos con el apoyo de nuestro pueblo. ¿Quién puede pensar que vamos a obligar a todo un pueblo a hacer el sacrificio que ha hecho el pueblo cubano para subsistir, para ayudar a otras naciones? <span style="font-size: xx-small;">(Aplausos)</span>. Pero «la dictadura de los Castro los obligó</span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">»</span>, igual que los obligó <a href="http://www.cubadebate.cu/cuba/constitucion-republica-cuba/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">a votar por el socialismo con el 97,5% de la población</a>.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Reitero que aprecio como un paso positivo la reciente declaración del Presidente Obama de que decidirá rápidamente sobre la presencia de Cuba en una lista de países patrocinadores del terrorismo en la que nunca debió estar, les decía, porque cuando esto se nos impuso resulta que los terroristas éramos los que poníamos los muertos —no tengo en la mente el dato exacto—, solo por terrorismo dentro de Cuba, y en algunos casos de diplomáticos cubanos en otras partes del mundo que fueron asesinados. Me aportan el dato ahora mis compañeros: en esa etapa tuvimos 3<span style="font-size: xx-small;"> </span>478 muertos y 2<span style="font-size: xx-small;"> </span>099 discapacitados de por vida; más otros muchos que fueron heridos.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Los terroristas eran los que ponían los muertos. ¿De dónde venía el terror entonces? ¿Quiénes lo provocaban? Algunos de los que incluso han estado por Panamá en estos días, como el <a href="http://www.granma.cu/mundo/2015-04-10/el-gato-rodriguez-el-agente-cia-que-mato-al-che" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">agente de la CIA Rodríguez</a>, que fue el que asesinó al <a href="http://www.ecured.cu/index.php/Ernesto_Guevara_de_la_Serna" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Che</a> y se llevó sus manos cortadas para probar por sus huellas digitales, no sé en qué lugar, que se trataba del cadáver del Che, que después recuperamos por la gestión de un gobierno amigo en Bolivia. Pero, bueno, desde entonces somos terroristas.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Realmente pido disculpas, incluso, al Presidente Obama y a otros presentes en esta actividad por expresarme así. Yo a él mismo le dije que a mí la pasión se me sale por los poros cuando de la Revolución se trata. Le pido disculpas porque el presidente Obama no tiene ninguna responsabilidad con nada de esto. ¿Cuántos presidentes hemos tenido? Diez antes que él, todos tienen deuda con nosotros, menos el Presidente Obama.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Después de decir tantas cosas duras de un sistema, es justo que le pida disculpas, porque yo soy de los que pienso —y así se lo he manifestado a unos cuantos jefes de Estado y de Gobierno que veo aquí, en reuniones privadas que he tenido con ellos en mi país al recibirlos— que, según mi opinión, el Presidente Obama es un hombre honesto. Me he leído algo de su biografía en los dos libros que han aparecido, no completos, eso lo haré con más calma. Admiro su origen humilde, y pienso que su forma de ser obedece a ese origen humilde <span style="font-size: xx-small;">(Aplausos prolongados)</span>.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Estas palabras las medité mucho para decirlas, incluso las tuve escritas y las quité; las volví a poner y las volví a quitar, y, al final, las dije, y estoy satisfecho.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Hasta hoy, el bloqueo económico, comercial y financiero se aplica en toda su intensidad contra la isla, provoca daños y carencias al pueblo y es el obstáculo esencial al desarrollo de nuestra economía. <a href="https://books.google.com.uy/books?id=et-kyySHWNcC&printsec=frontcover&dq=El+embargo+estadounidense+contra+Cuba&hl=es&sa=X&ei=deZCVYDRCfX_sASR84CICQ&ved=0CBwQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=El%20embargo%20estadounidense%20contra%20Cuba&f=false" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Constituye una violación del Derecho Internacional y su alcance extraterritorial afecta los intereses de todos los Estados</a>.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.un.org/spanish/News/story.asp?NewsID=30838#.VULm-dJ_Oko" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">No es casual el voto casi unánime, menos el de Israel y el propio Estados Unidos, en la ONU durante tantos años seguidos</a>. Y mientras exista el bloqueo, que no es responsabilidad del Presidente, y que por acuerdos y leyes posteriores se codificó con una ley en el Congreso que el Presidente no puede modificar, hay que seguir luchando y apoyando al Presidente Obama en sus intenciones de liquidar el bloqueo <span style="font-size: xx-small;">(Aplausos)</span>.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Una cuestión es establecer relaciones diplomáticas y otra cuestión es el bloqueo. Por eso les pido a todos, y la vida nos obliga además, a seguir apoyando esa lucha contra el bloqueo.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Excelencias:</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Hemos expresado públicamente al Presidente Obama, quien también nació bajo la política del bloqueo a Cuba, nuestro reconocimiento por su valiente decisión de involucrarse en un debate con el <a href="https://www.congress.gov/search?q=%7B%22congress%22%3A%22114%22%2C%22source%22%3A%22legislation%22%2C%22search%22%3A%22Cuba%22%7D" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Congreso</a> de su país para ponerle fin.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Este y otros elementos deberán ser resueltos en el proceso hacia la futura normalización de las relaciones bilaterales.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Por nuestra parte, continuaremos enfrascados en el proceso de actualización del modelo económico cubano con el objetivo de perfeccionar nuestro socialismo, avanzar hacia el desarrollo y consolidar los logros de una Revolución que se ha propuesto «conquistar toda la justicia</span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">»</span> para nuestro pueblo. <a href="http://www.cubadebate.cu/noticias/2011/04/20/descargue-en-pdf-los-documentos-y-reflexiones-del-vi-congreso/#.VULoldJ_Oko" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Lo que haremos está en un programa desde el año 2011, aprobado en el Congreso del Partido</a>. En el próximo Congreso, que es el año que viene, lo ampliaremos, revisaremos lo que hemos hecho y lo mucho que nos falta todavía para cumplir el reto.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Estimados colegas:</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Debo advertirles que voy por la mitad, si quieren corto y si les interesa continúo. Voy a acelerar un poco <span style="font-size: xx-small;">(Risas)</span>.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.obamaderogaeldecretoya.org.ve/registroLey/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Venezuela no es ni puede ser una amenaza a la seguridad nacional de una superpotencia como Estados Unidos</a> <span style="font-size: xx-small;">(Aplausos)</span>. Es positivo que el Presidente norteamericano lo haya reconocido.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Debo reafirmar todo nuestro apoyo, de manera resuelta y leal, a la hermana República Bolivariana de Venezuela, al gobierno legítimo y a la unión cívico-militar que encabeza el <a href="http://www.nicolasmaduro.org.ve/biografia/#.VULv49J_Oko" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Presidente Nicolás Maduro</a>, al pueblo bolivariano y chavista que lucha por seguir su propio camino y enfrenta intentos de desestabilización y sanciones unilaterales que reclamamos sean levantadas, que la <a href="https://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2015/03/09/executive-order-blocking-property-and-suspending-entry-certain-persons-c" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Orden Ejecutiva</a> sea derogada, aunque es difícil por la ley, lo que sería apreciado por <a href="http://www.rree.go.cr/celac/index.php?sec=inicio&cat=inicio" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">nuestra Comunidad</a> como una contribución al diálogo y al entendimiento hemisférico.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Nosotros conocemos. Creo que puedo ser de los que estamos aquí reunidos uno de los pocos que mejor conoce el proceso de Venezuela, no es porque estemos allí ni estemos influyendo allí y ellos nos cuenten todas las cosas a nosotros, lo sabemos porque están pasando por el mismo camino por el que pasamos nosotros y están sufriendo las mismas agresiones que sufrimos nosotros, o una parte de ellas.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.un.org/depts/los/clcs_new/submissions_files/arg25_09/arg2009e_summary_esp.pdf" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Mantendremos nuestro aliento a los esfuerzos de la República Argentina para recuperar las islas Malvinas, las Georgias del Sur y las Sandwich del Sur, y continuaremos respaldando su legítima lucha en defensa de la soberanía financiera</a>.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="https://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/content/documents/992ecuador.pdf" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Seguiremos apoyando las acciones de la República del Ecuador frente a las empresas transnacionales que provocan daños ecológicos a su territorio y pretenden imponerle condiciones abusivas</a>.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Deseo reconocer la contribución de Brasil, y de la Presidenta Dilma Rousseff, al fortalecimiento de la integración regional y al <a href="http://cafe.ebc.com.br/cafe/arquivo" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">desarrollo de políticas sociales que trajeron avances y beneficios a amplios sectores populares</a>, las cuales, dentro de la ofensiva contra diversos gobiernos de izquierda de la región, se pretende revertir.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.un.org/spanish/News/story.asp?NewsID=29779#.VUL1idJ_Oko" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Será invariable nuestro apoyo al pueblo latinoamericano y caribeño de Puerto Rico en su empeño por alcanzar la autodeterminación e independencia, como ha dictaminado decenas de veces el Comité de Descolonización de las Naciones Unidas</a>.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="http://visiondesdecuba.com/2012/09/04/minrex-confirma-contribucion-de-cuba-al-proceso-de-paz-en-colombia/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">También continuaremos nuestra contribución al proceso de paz en Colombia hasta su feliz conclusión</a>.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.cubadiplomatica.cu/haiti/ES/RelacionesBilaterales.aspx" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Debiéramos todos multiplicar la ayuda a Haití</a>, no sólo mediante asistencia humanitaria, sino con recursos que le permitan su desarrollo, y apoyar que los países del Caribe reciban un trato justo y diferenciado en sus relaciones económicas, y reparaciones por los daños provocados por la esclavitud y el colonialismo.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.granma.cu/mundo/2015-04-29/proponen-declarar-uso-de-armas-nucleares-delito-de-lesa-humanidad" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Vivimos bajo la amenaza de enormes arsenales nucleares que debieran eliminarse y del cambio climático que nos deja sin tiempo. Se incrementan las amenazas a la paz y proliferan los conflictos</a>.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.cuba.cu/gobierno/discursos/2000/esp/f060900e.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Como expresó entonces el Presidente Fidel Castro, «las causas fundamentales están en la pobreza y el subdesarrollo, y en la desigual distribución de las riquezas y los conocimientos que imperan en el mundo. No puede olvidarse que el subdesarrollo y la pobreza actuales son consecuencia de la conquista, la colonización, la esclavización y el saqueo de la mayor parte de la Tierra por las potencias coloniales, el surgimiento del imperialismo y las guerras sangrientas por nuevos repartos del mundo. La humanidad debe tomar conciencia de lo que hemos sido y de lo que no podemos seguir siendo. Hoy» –continuaba Fidel— «nuestra especie ha adquirido conocimientos, valores éticos y recursos científicos suficientes para marchar hacia una etapa histórica de verdadera justicia y humanismo. Nada de lo que existe hoy en el orden económico y político sirve a los intereses de la humanidad. No puede sostenerse. Hay que cambiarlo», concluyó Fidel</a><span style="color: #444444;">.</span></span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Cuba seguirá defendiendo las ideas por las que nuestro pueblo ha asumido los mayores sacrificios y riesgos y luchado, junto a los pobres, los enfermos sin atención médica, los desempleados, los niños y niñas abandonados a su suerte u obligados a trabajar o a prostituirse, los hambrientos, los discriminados, los oprimidos y los explotados que constituyen la inmensa mayoría de la población mundial.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">La especulación financiera, los privilegios de <a href="http://www.brettonwoods.org/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Bretton Woods</a> y <a href="http://www.oroyfinanzas.com/2011/08/hace-40-anos-se-suspendio-la-convertibilidad-dolar-oro/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">la remoción unilateral de la convertibilidad en oro del dólar</a> son cada vez más asfixiantes. Requerimos un sistema financiero transparente y equitativo.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">No puede aceptarse que menos de una decena de emporios, principalmente norteamericanos —cuatro o cinco de siete u ocho—, determinen lo que se lee, ve o escucha en el planeta. Internet debe tener una gobernanza internacional, democrática y participativa, en especial en la generación de contenidos. <a href="http://ap.ohchr.org/documents/S/HRC/d_res_dec/A_HRC_20_L13.pdf" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Es inaceptable la militarización del ciberespacio y el empleo encubierto e ilegal de sistemas informáticos para agredir a otros Estados</a>. No dejaremos que se nos deslumbre ni colonice otra vez. Sobre la Internet que es un invento fabuloso, de los mayores en los últimos años, bien pudiéramos decir, recordando <a href="https://books.google.com.uy/books?id=3cMpjoyd90MC&pg=PA27&dq=Burlas+que+juega+Esopo+a+Janto+en+unos+convites+que+da+este+a+sus+disc%C3%ADpulos&hl=es&sa=X&ei=GiBEVev7CMKzggSH0IGgBA&ved=0CBwQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=Burlas%20que%20juega%20Esopo%20a%20Janto%20en%20unos%20convites%20que%20da%20este%20a%20sus%20disc%C3%ADpulos&f=false" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">el ejemplo de la lengua en la fábula de Esopo</a>, que Internet sirve para lo mejor y es muy útil, pero a su vez, también sirve para lo peor.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Señor Presidente:</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Las relaciones hemisféricas, en mi opinión, han de cambiar profundamente, en particular en los ámbitos político, económico y cultural; para que, basadas en el <a href="http://www.un.org/es/globalissues/law/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Derecho Internacional</a> y en el ejercicio de <a href="http://biblio.juridicas.unam.mx/libros/2/848/21.pdf" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">la autodeterminación y la igualdad soberana</a>, se centren en el desarrollo de vínculos mutuamente provechosos y en la cooperación para servir a los intereses de todas nuestras naciones y a los objetivos que se proclaman.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">La aprobación, en enero del 2014, en la Segunda Cumbre de la CELAC, en La Habana, de la <a href="http://www.granma.cu/file/sp/ii-cumbre-de-la-celac-la-habana-2014-10/cumbre-109.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Proclama de la América Latina y el Caribe como Zona de Paz</a>, constituyó un trascendente aporte en ese propósito, marcado por la unidad latinoamericana y caribeña en su diversidad.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Lo demuestra el hecho de que avanzamos hacia procesos de integración genuinamente latinoamericanos y caribeños a través de la CELAC, <a href="http://www.unasursg.org/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">UNASUR</a>, <a href="http://www.caricom.org/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">CARICOM</a>, <a href="http://www.mercosur.int/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">MERCOSUR</a>, ALBA-TCP, el <a href="http://www.sica.int/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">SICA</a> y la <a href="http://www.acs-aec.org/index.php?q=es" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Asociación de Estados del Caribe</a>, que subrayan la creciente conciencia sobre la necesidad de unirnos para garantizar nuestro desarrollo.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Dicha Proclama nos compromete a que «las diferencias entre las naciones se resuelvan de forma pacífica, por la vía del diálogo y la negociación u otras formas de solución, y en plena consonancia con el Derecho Internacional</span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">»</span>.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Vivir en paz, cooperando unos con otros para enfrentar los retos y solucionar los problemas que, en fin de cuentas, nos afectan y afectarán a todos, es hoy una necesidad imperiosa.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Debe respetarse, como reza la Proclama de la América Latina y el Caribe como Zona de Paz, firmada por todos los Jefes de Estado y de Gobierno de NUESTRA AMÉRICA, «el derecho inalienable de todo Estado a elegir su sistema político, económico, social y cultural, como condición esencial para asegurar la convivencia pacífica entre las naciones</span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">»</span>.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Con ella, nos comprometimos a cumplir nuestra </span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">«</span>obligación de no intervenir directa o indirectamente, en los asuntos internos de cualquier otro Estado y observar los principios de soberanía nacional, igualdad de derechos y la libre determinación de los pueblos</span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">»</span></span>, y a respetar </span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">«</span></span>los principios y normas del Derecho Internacional (…) y los principios y propósitos de la Carta de las Naciones Unidas</span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">»</span></span>.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Ese histórico documento insta </span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">«</span></span>a todos los Estados miembros de la Comunidad Internacional a respetar plenamente esta declaración en sus relaciones con los Estados miembros de la CELAC</span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">»</span></span></span>.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Tenemos ahora la oportunidad para que todos los que estamos aquí aprendamos, como también expresa la Proclama, a </span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">«</span></span></span>practicar la tolerancia y convivir en paz como buenos vecinos</span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">»</span></span></span>.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Existen discrepancias sustanciales, sí, pero también puntos en común en los que podemos cooperar para que sea posible vivir en este mundo lleno de amenazas a la paz y a la supervivencia humana.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">¿<a href="http://www.un.org/sustainabledevelopment/es/climate-change-2/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Qué impide, a nivel hemisférico —como ya se refirieron algunos de los presidentes que me precedieron en el uso de la palabra—, cooperar para enfrentar el cambio climático</a>?</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">¿<a href="http://celac.cubaminrex.cu/articulos/declaracion-especial-de-iii-cumbre-de-la-celac-sobre-la-lucha-contra-el-terrorismo-en-toda" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Por qué no podemos los países de las dos Américas, la del Norte y la del Sur, luchar juntos contra el terrorismo, el narcotráfico o el crimen organizado, sin posiciones sesgadas políticamente</a>?</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">¿Por qué no buscar, de conjunto, los recursos necesarios para dotar al hemisferio de escuelas, hospitales — aunque no sean lujosos, un hospitalito modesto, en aquellos lugares donde la gente muere porque no hay un médico—, proporcionar empleo, avanzar en la erradicación de la pobreza?</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">¿No se podría disminuir la inequidad en la distribución de la riqueza, reducir la mortalidad infantil, eliminar el hambre, erradicar las enfermedades prevenibles y acabar con el analfabetismo?</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">El pasado año, establecimos cooperación hemisférica en el enfrentamiento y prevención del ébola y los países de las dos Américas trabajamos mancomunadamente, lo que debe servirnos de acicate para empeños mayores.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.cubadebate.cu/serie/logros-de-la-revolucion-cubana/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Cuba, país pequeño y desprovisto de recursos naturales, que se ha desenvuelto en un contexto sumamente hostil, ha podido alcanzar la plena participación de sus ciudadanos en la vida política y social de la nación; una cobertura de educación y salud universales, de forma gratuita; un sistema de seguridad social que garantiza que ningún cubano quede desamparado; significativos progresos hacia la igualdad de oportunidades y en el enfrentamiento a toda forma de discriminación; el pleno ejercicio de los derechos de la niñez y de la mujer; el acceso al deporte y la cultura; el derecho a la vida y a la seguridad ciudadana</a>.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Pese a carencias y dificultades, <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9MRRJZegeBk" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">seguimos la divisa de compartir lo que tenemos</a>. En la actualidad 65<span style="font-size: xx-small;"> </span>mil cooperantes cubanos laboran en ochenta y nueve países, sobre todo en las esferas de medicina y educación. Se han graduado en nuestra isla 68<span style="font-size: xx-small;"> </span>mil profesionales y técnicos, de ellos, 30<span style="font-size: xx-small;"> </span>mil de la salud, de ciento cincuenta y siete países.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Si con muy escasos recursos, Cuba ha podido, ¿qué no podría hacer el hemisferio con la voluntad política de aunar esfuerzos para contribuir con los países más necesitados?</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Gracias a Fidel y al heroico pueblo cubano, hemos venido a esta Cumbre, a cumplir el mandato de Martí con la libertad conquistada con nuestras propias manos, «<a href="https://books.google.com.uy/books?id=43TwblGGSMcC&printsec=frontcover&dq=En+un+domingo+de+mucha+luz&hl=es&sa=X&ei=lAtEVaaGHMOhNoifgZAM&ved=0CBwQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q&f=false" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">orgullosos de nuestra América, para servirla y honrarla… con la determinación y la capacidad de contribuir a que se la estime por sus méritos, y se la respete por sus sacrificios</a></span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">»</span>, como señaló Martí.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Señor Presidente:</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Perdón, y a todos ustedes, por el tiempo ocupado.</span><br />
<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;">Muchas gracias a todos <span style="font-size: xx-small;">(Aplausos)</span>.</span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/DTIrZThnpvs" width="419"></iframe></span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "verdana" , sans-serif;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="//www.dailymotion.com/embed/video/xuol4" width="419"></iframe><br /><a href="http://www.dailymotion.com/video/xuol4_el-desembarco-de-playa-giron_news" target="_blank">EL DESEMBARCO DE PLAYA GIRÓN</a> <i>por klaudia_daniela</i></span><br />
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Pablo Pallashttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02676986163926451532noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8368737022377042313.post-25717421077544182842015-02-24T18:13:00.002-02:002021-03-15T00:29:39.366-03:00Ciencias Humanas: ensayo de maestría<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><a href="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/r3WZAIXJ4PM/maxresdefault.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="225" src="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/r3WZAIXJ4PM/maxresdefault.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><b>Maestría en ciencias humanas: tesis</b></div></span>
<b><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;"><span style="color: #444444;">«</span><span style="color: #444444;">M</span><span style="color: #444444;">undo gay» intrincado en la m</span><span style="color: #444444;">oral sexual</span></span></b><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;"><a href="https://www.dropbox.com/s/oo5dh3q2889cpz4/Resumen%20de%20tesis%20con%20portada%20e%20%C3%ADndice.pdf?dl=0" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Versión PDF de resumen de tesis e índice</a></span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;"><a href="https://www.dropbox.com/s/js8or3lm489nb3g/Tesis%20El%20activismo%20gay%20y%20su%20estilo%20como%20contracara%20del%20tedio%20moral%202003%20-%202013.pdf?dl=0" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Versión PDF de tesis aceptada por Tribunal</a> </span><br />
<a href="https://www.dropbox.com/s/92xghyv6rj0clr6/Tesis%20Bibliograf%C3%ADa.pdf?dl=0" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;" target="_blank"><span style="font-size: xx-small;">Versión PDF de material bibliotécnico</span></a><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;"><a href="https://www.dropbox.com/s/9qi2gansxjql0yp/Par%C3%A1frasis%20de%20tesis.pdf?dl=0" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Versión PDF de paráfrasis de tesis</a> </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small; text-align: justify;">Por Pablo Pallas</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Del desarrollo de tesis, se publican líneas fundamentales de su paráfrasis (respecto del documento inicial, aceptado por el <a href="http://www.expe.edu.uy/expe/resoluci.nsf/7a2ebadcacddf79003256f3100622e77/fd309356729b0bb883257c320067c576?OpenDocument" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">tribunal competente</a> y acompañado a su vez de los distintos registros bibliotécnicos aplicados). La razón definitiva que se trataría fue la siguiente: <i>El activismo gay y su estilo como contracara del tedio moral, 2003 - 2013</i>. Este ensayo se desarrolló para presentar ante la Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación (Universidad de la República Oriental del Uruguay), en su </span><span style="text-align: left;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Unidad de Profundización, Especialización y Posgrados, opción Filosofía Contemporánea del Instituto de Filosofía. Trata fundamentalmente de las tensiones habidas entre el mundo gay y el plano heterosexualista de las reflexiones morales, aquellas que son asociadas especialmente a la construcción de lo sexual. Se analizaron, a su vez, las progresiones civiles de ese mundo gay, se revisaron diez años de su desarrollo, en un Uruguay que retomaría concomitantemente una historia de reformas sociales. </span></span><br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEizc6PrMr_mkLJsJ3_h3tEGxd2HV0d7gbQYBXl2eg_rHWIC1tnkqn547Gizl7S0mdiDhzFwL0_PXkUGakQU4FNWK0Sy1NdDjvZ1mOnOFd5T_AlVqFFbnU2Pw0XbBUogpJtqTeppELPBRxs/s640/lesbianas.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEizc6PrMr_mkLJsJ3_h3tEGxd2HV0d7gbQYBXl2eg_rHWIC1tnkqn547Gizl7S0mdiDhzFwL0_PXkUGakQU4FNWK0Sy1NdDjvZ1mOnOFd5T_AlVqFFbnU2Pw0XbBUogpJtqTeppELPBRxs/s640/lesbianas.jpg" width="400" /></a></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>1. Propósito de paráfrasis de la tesis aceptada por el Tribunal de Maestría</b></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El tema de reflexión es el siguiente: los <u>diez años de activismo gay que hubo en el Uruguay, entre 2003 y 2013, y que se fue contraponiendo a un mundo moral que es propenso a la defensa sistemática de la heterosexualidad</u>. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">[...]</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">Palabras clave: heterosexualismo, gay, moral, institucionalidad, positividad, genealogía.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>2. Metodología y propósito de la tesis</b></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Lo que busco es contraponer las emancipaciones civiles -habidas en el mundo gay uruguayo- a ese esquematismo moral que aprendemos para valorar los «intercambios privados», y sus resultantes públicas, solo a partir del heterosexualismo y la reproductividad. Ese mundo gay al que refiero comprende asimismo las clasificaciones de «lésbico» y «transgénero». Y es aprendida esta manera de ver las cosas -a partir de la intransigencia heterosexual- en distintas oportunidades institucionales, no solo en el <i>hogar</i>, no solo en la <i>escuela</i>. En el ensayo reflexiono acerca de este asunto, atendiendo principalmente alrededor de diez años de su proceso que va de 2003 hasta 2013. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La metodología de la investigación aplicada consiste en un ejercicio foucaultiano: hallar, en lo que se discute, la identificación de la positividad prevalente del asunto, haciéndole su contra-historia (comprendiéndolo en su genealogía). El de aquella positividad que es desenlace de mecanismos discursivos y transaccionales enfocados en la opresión moral, mediante una moralina desproporcionada o compulsiva, contra todo sujeto-de-deseos que resista el arquetipo heterosexual. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y ese «pensamiento social» descubierto, referenciado además como aparato erudito, es intervenido por mí, a partir de un interruptor gnoseológico (para no encerrarme en una «epistemología» que el pensador galo también supo poner en entredicho). Es una operación de crítica <i>a lo habitual y cotidiano</i> y aparentemente «natural» de las relaciones entre personas. Es FAUCAULT quien ofrece también este recurso. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esto permitiría que se dilucide qué es, como cuestión monumental, lo que efectivamente es dicho-y-hecho-irreflexivamente cuando se discute acerca de lo gay (o en su contra), aunque luego sea objeto de reflexión. Es una operatoria entonces con la que procedo temáticamente sobre la arqueología de los casos que orbito. Aunque no es en los casos en sí que me extiendo particularmente, siendo solo dispositivos del tema, de mi tema político: el de <i>una moral de la libertad</i> en condiciones verdaderamente hermenéuticas, o verdaderamente pensada para todos. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">A partir del material compilado, constituyo una contra-historia como reflexión posible a la naturalidad del heterosexualismo como modelo de vida. Y en la crítica a esa moda, a la aparatosidad ideológica que la sustenta, es que reviso cómo evertir un discurso siempre heterosexualmente correcto, siempre conclusivo en sus interpretaciones respecto de cómo deben acaso ser los intercambios privados o colectivos. </span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En el decenio mencionado, hubo muchos cambios civiles que han permitido avanzar en el despliegue del sujeto de derechos. Esto, sin atenerse, como sí ocurría antes, a la heterosexualidad como condición de aval. Y sin desatender, claro, las contradicciones en que se envuelve dicho proceso emancipatorio (concerniente con <i>actos privados que se desbordan en lo público</i>, a la manera de «propaganda»). La condición de ser persona ya no dependerá de un esquema de placer que se sujecione a una política de natalidad. O, en general, a «supuestos» de intercambios que finalmente terminasen imposibilitando por ejemplo variadas formas no-heterosexuales de cómo asumirse uno mismo. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>2. 1. Morfología del ensayo</b></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En esta cuestión, los investigadores del Tribunal de tesis refirieron a la <i>problemática de la definición</i>. Se discutió acerca de esto, especialmente, para resolver el «asunto filosófico» a tratar, respecto de la necesaria resolución de una forma teórica, alguna forma, correspondiente con lo que la labor ensayada hipotéticamente es: una contra-historia de lo gay, para que su realidad en el Uruguay no sea reducida a la moralina conceptual de «mundillo gay». </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En este asunto, entrecruzado en simultáneo <i>con las cosas que pasan</i>, referirme al ejercicio de las definiciones implicó evidentemente desbrozar las existentes. Porque la matriz arqueológica de las definiciones -y de esto FOUCAULT ha hecho academia- lo ha sido el «mundo heterosexualista» (distinto de lo que podría ser quizá con toda justicia <i>un mundo heterosexual</i>, pero que se tendría que subsumir moralmente a la multiplicidad de un mundo sexual y no a la inversa que es lo que prima y que no es otra cosa que una reversión antropológica degenerada de lo que son verdaderamente los intercambios sexuales). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El plano político del activismo refractado en el jurídico -en el año de 2014- es <i>un retoño</i> que deberá protegerse si se requiere la obtención de «buenos frutos». En el tiempo de esta reescritura, el activismo gay del Uruguay, convergente en una campaña político electoral, celebró el «día de la diversidad» (septiembre de 2014). Y advirtió a los entramados político partidarios, especialmente los concebidos como <i>conservadores</i> y de <i>derechas</i>, que no admitirá retrocesos, a las claras reaccionarios, en el progreso de derechos civiles de segunda generación (respecto de una primera que podría entenderse correspondió a la <i>sociedad batllista</i> de primera mitad de siglo XX). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El lema que definió este tiempo de reescritura fue el siguiente: «Ni un voto a la discriminación». En el acto de la diversidad además estuvo presente F. GOYENECHE quien fue designada como portavoz del movimiento <i>No a la Baja de la Imputabilidad</i> en el Uruguay; lográndose el apoyo internacional de la Open Society Foundations y la atención política de la cuestión por parte de la Washington Office on Latin America <span style="font-size: xx-small;">•</span> WOLA, The Sentencing Project, o la Human Rights Watch <span style="font-size: xx-small;">•</span> HRW, entre otros organismos además de los propiamente locales como el Movimiento Tacurú, Gurises Unidos, o la Iglesia Evangélica Valdense. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y es que el activismo gay se encontró colisionado con una concepción policíaca del ordenamiento social que defendió la posibilidad de modificar el código de imputabilidad penal para que abarque -en condiciones carcelarias- también a los adolescentes a partir del los dieciséis años de edad (una idea jurídica como esa, incluso, sin entrometerme en la <i>nebulosa ideológica</i> en la que se yergue, hasta podría hacer pensar en las estrategias de reclusión operadas en la Alemania nazi-fascista, especialmente contra los adolescentes heroicos integrados a la resistencia). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Por tanto, «el trabajo de definición», especialmente de definición de las tecnologías de la demagogia heterosexualista aplicadas (como lo son la pauperización de las relaciones amparadas en la verdadera-vida o el ejercicio iconográfico del miedo a la visibilidad del estar-y-ser), no trata de una mera intertextualidad, amparada en la necesaria relación de <i>definiendum</i> y <i>definiens</i> (cuestión elemental que aprendemos en el bachillerato con nuestros docentes de asignatura, especialmente de filosofía). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En las condiciones de la realidad, donde el punto de partida es inevitablemente lo mundano, discutir una definición posible implica desbordar el trato institucional contemporáneo de lo gay con su concepción segregacionista de siglo XX. O lo que la tradición de la moral sexual dice acerca de lo gay, o los <i>lugares comunes</i> de la conclusión como podría serlo «el amor a la Humanidad» que en su proclama generalista carece de contundencia, y, otro tanto corresponde a la atención del asunto en el campo de la juridicidad penal, de lo pedagógico, de lo psiquiátrico, etc. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La principal tarea que emprendí a instancias de la defensa de tesis, ante las autoridades del Tribunal, fue la de enfrentarme a las definiciones para aniquilarlas, porque refería además a la posición que asumí en la escritura ensayada, incluso a riesgo de <i>quedar en blanco</i> posteriormente. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y es que una «definición real» a proponer deberá corresponderse -a la manera de un reflujo de <i>relaciones avaladas</i>- con verdades normativas nuevas necesariamente enfrentadas -lo propongo así- a las costumbres viejas. Un caso propio de este tiempo de reescritura: en el año de 2014 por primera vez en el Uruguay «La diversidad» y su activismo gay se incorporaron al <i>día del patrimonio</i> celebrado a inicios del mes de octubre.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>3. ¿Y en qué «mundo de acontecimientos» emerge la tesis?</b></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">A su vez, tenemos que el tiempo y lugar de esta reescritura del trabajo de maestría se envuelve en los problemas de la «verdadera-vida», más allá de la sola reflexión acerca de una moral sexual necesaria. En el tiempo de la defensa de tesis, en febrero de 2014, aumentó a setenta y ocho la cantidad de países que persiguen la «libertad gay» (mediante <i>latigazos</i>, <i>cadena perpetua</i> o incluso <i>pena de muerte</i>). Y se discutió esta cuestión con la propia integración de Tribunal que evaluara mi tesis, en aquel entonces mediante el caso ugandés. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y al mismo tiempo de esta reelaboración, a partir de mayo de 2014 y en los meses subsiguientes, hubo una <i>economía de la decisión política</i> que recayó sobre la sociovulnerabilidad de una población como la transexual. La reasignación de sexo ya no se opera en el Uruguay, en el único lugar clínicamente posible como lo era el hospital <i>Doctor Manuel Quintela</i> de la Universidad de la República, en principio por una cuestión de fondos (por esta misma causa, a causa de dificultades financieras, valga aclararlo, incluso debió cerrarse provisionalmente su propia plataforma universitaria de servicio de emergencia). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y así, el Estado careció de condiciones de atención clínica para las alteraciones enzimáticas, o la «disforia de género», o del sufrimiento mismo respecto del sujeto-que-se-padece a partir de la defensa legítima de un ejercicio de la personalidad.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Algo más, en el mismo mes de mayo de 2014 hay un nuevo país que recae en la homofobia como política de Estado: Panamá. Y el asunto de la legitimidad de lo moral-sexual, especialmente de sus actos no-heterosexuales, vuelve a reconstituirse en las coordenadas geopolíticas de lo latinoamericano. Su estatuto jurídico adopta el Código de Derecho Internacional Privado de la República de Panamá: prohíbe el matrimonio entre personas del mismo sexo, especificando asimismo que sus autoridades nacionales no reconocerán las uniones formales contraídas en otros países. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>4. Introducción a los cuatro problemas de tesis fundamentales</b></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Estudio la visibilidad gay (o su <i>exigencia de derechos</i>), contraponiendo esa defensa civil a lo que considero que es un heterosexualismo institucionalizado. Nos enseñan a ser heterosexuales. No se trata de una casualidad natural o una resultante evolutiva. La heterosexualidad sigue siendo un sesgo institucional con el que la moral sexual define «lo bueno». Aunque esto ha quedado en tela de juicio, ya desde finales de siglo XX. Ahora resulta que no-ser heterosexual <i>ya no es tan malo</i>. Esto en el Uruguay ha tomado incluso, felizmente, la forma jurídica de leyes (el «ser gay» logró integrarse en el Derecho objetivo). Actualmente, así, una persona-gay está mucho más cerca de ser un sujeto de Derechos. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Este estudio lo concentro, como ya lo mencionara, en el arco histórico que va de los años de 2003 a 2013. En esos diez años hay un conjunto de acontecimientos civiles que dan preponderancia al tema de los derechos más allá de la sola regla comportamental de la heterosexualidad. El tema toma estado público, al fin. Su relato ya no se concentra solamente en pequeños círculos sociales. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El problema de no-ser heterosexual se convierte en <i>un tema para todos</i>. Y al intentar entenderlo, lo presento en cuatro partes formales que ensayo a la manera de dilemas. Construyo así cuatro núcleos, los que considero imprescindibles para el análisis de la electividad en las relaciones morales. Aclaro que esto lo fui haciendo mientras el propio proceso se daba; pude ser a la vez estudioso y testigo del asunto, de mí asunto: el de defender la verdadera-vida.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En los cuatro problemas que presento fui ensayando la cuestión de cómo se padece el ser gay. Entiendo que el hecho civil de defenderse, de actuar verídicamente, va componiendo, al menos de hecho, un <i>estilo</i> de sí. O también una conjugación de estilos (no intento diseñar ninguna forma pura-de-ser). Se aprende <i>a estar y a ser</i> en el mundo civil, sin necesidad de encubrirse en el consenso sexual. Empieza a existir esa alternativa. No es que en todos los casos este ejercicio de libertad personal se cumpla, pero entiendo que acontece sí como un fenómeno social. El <i>querer defenderse</i> adquiere regularidad. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Menciono los cuatro dilemas, o los problemas electivos a los que la persona se enfrenta: 1) al luchar por su <i>derecho a vivir una verdadera vida sexual</i> o acostumbrarse a la desaprobación que de su actuar han hecho tradicionalmente las instituciones; 2) al reivindicar el actuar sexual como una política de libertad personal, de la persona en concreto en su mundo-entorno, o renegarlo a partir de un pundonor exacerbado que es <i>dispositivo de control total</i> y no de convivencia; 3) al hacer de la contraconducta una «fuente ética» de estilo o acallarse en la humildad del comportamiento; 4) al mostrar lo gay como imagen -también legítima- de la sociedad o aceptarse naturalmente invisible. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">A lo largo de este análisis, de sus cuatro partes, en general, lo que hago es criticar que el <i>señalamiento de lo gay</i> deba entenderse -acaso- como una mera especificación de una «excepcionalidad» dada en el paisaje. Y ofrezco conjeturas en cada parte de tesis, en el intento de ver distintos lados de una misma cosa: ¿acerca de qué trata resolver relaciones de libertad, en las condiciones de una moral sexual? Lo gay no es una «excepción del paisaje», sino uno de sus sesgos objetivos de existencia (al menos cuando el sujeto de sexualidad se adjetiva). Habrá de rezumar a su vez del ensamblaje de estas partes alguna <i>conclusión de tesis</i>. Y tomo entonces como objeto de trabajo, en ese tramo final, las declaraciones académicas anti-homosexuales de Mercedes ROVIRA, ante la prensa uruguaya, al tiempo que representaba en su decir (<i>fielmente</i>, podría agregarse, de una manera pura y dura de segregacionismo), la visión ultramontana de una institución de enseñanza privada como la Universidad de Montevideo.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>5. Presentación del término «heterosexualismo» como llave de la tesis </b></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El heterosexualismo se presenta en la tesis como un dispositivo de imposición de la heterosexualidad, siendo así núcleo de toda «variedad electiva». Es una concepción de ser -en el acto sexual- exageradamente restringente de los actos del intercambio. Empequeñece las alternativas de la electividad, de la existencia misma del estilo como resultante de un saber-hacer respecto de sí mismo. El cómo ser <i>para sí mismo</i> se reduce, así, a las condiciones que converjan en una supuesta <i>naturaleza de la reproductividad</i> (como verdadera razón natural, a su vez, de toda complementariedad). No obstante, esa visión antropológico-reductora del hacer civil queda enfrentada no solo a los estilos que se le contrapongan individualmente. Además, a comienzos de siglo XXI, en el Uruguay habrá un Derecho objetivo que determinará una <i>relación de respeto</i> con el homosexual -so pena de la configuración penal- puesto que será admitido también como verdadero sujeto de Derechos al ser-con-el-otro. El desearse «heterosexual» podrá serlo por <i>atracción</i>, aunque ya no como resultante de un <i>proselitismo</i> de Estado.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El ser varón determinaría la oportunidad del intercambio sexual solo con el correlato del varón, porque la hembra <i>es para el varón</i> (su mujer). Discutir esta regla, desarreglarla como dispositivo del intercambio, implica entonces intentar disolverla como concepción del mundo social. Esto, a pesar de la dificultad política que implica arremeter contra <i>el sentido común</i>. En circunstancias, además, en las que las normas morales no necesariamente coinciden con las normas éticas (aunque su coordinación sea, claro, antropológicamente necesaria para poder construir convivencia).</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Ese heterosexualismo, término aplicado al análisis de las propias elecciones de cómo actuar ante otros, dificulta el intento de ver que </span><i style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">ser persona</i><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> me involucra en el reconocimiento de mí mismo, de esa totalidad institucionalizada que soy. Intervengo en las circunstancias de la vida, asociándome a un ejercicio de aprobaciones-y-desaprobaciones inevitablemente y que por supuesto me es inculcado, me es </span><i style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">repetido</i><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> por las vías religiosa, o narrativa en general, o gubernativa, o pedagógica, etc. Así, hasta agotar toda resistencia posible. Por tanto, la visión de mí mismo habrá de coincidir con la visión del mundo de cómo el mundo acaso debe ser. Esto que parece un juego de palabras ya es confirmado en la incipiente infancia: </span><i style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">me quiero casar con una señorita que sepa bordar</i><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> (se me obligaba a interpretar un canto que nunca quise, aunque se me dijera una y otra vez que yo lo quería y debía de serme enseñado). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En los Estados Unidos de América por ejemplo hubo revuelo cuando algunas maestras contaban cuentos a sus niños, donde el príncipe no necesariamente besaba a una bella durmiente perdida en el bosque. ¿Y por qué no? El heterosexualismo, como imposición de qué ser, es quebrantado mediante actos propios: eso que la institucionalidad reconoce y señala como «transgresión».</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Este heterosexualismo, necesariamente, es discutido a partir de lo que entiendo es su principal aparato erudito: la moral católica. O como estructura teórica fundamental: su catequesis, a partir de la visión abrahámica. Este reconocimiento de la ligazón entre el ejercicio electivo y el dispositivo que lo habilita, me es posible a partir de los estudios de M. FOUCAULT: a) los que se orientan temáticamente a las cuestiones de la sexualidad y b) los que metodológicamente atienden el tratamiento de los asuntos por la vía genealógica. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El análisis de lo electivo-personal permite ir viendo cómo el aparataje moral a su vez propende más a la uniformización que a la sofisticación del sujeto de sexualidad. Y claro, en esto, el ser gay complica el equilibrio político de esta fórmula de relacionamiento social donde la moral sexual es la amalgama de una religiosidad apocalíptica y una naturaleza que se le corresponde en las condiciones de un determinismo llevado al mismísimo ordenamiento social.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y en términos foucaultianos, entonces, ¿cómo podría definirse el heterosexualismo? Es un ideal moral o una <i>positividad</i> de repulsión del otro, de ese otro que no es conforme ni uniforme al tratado general del deber ser heterosexual. Así, la homosexualidad resultará compuesta como una electividad «objetivamente desordenada» e «intrínsecamente mala». A este objeto de interés, la homosexualidad como inconveniencia social, o como cruz que debe ser asumida para la salvación, la descompongo de su historia: su genealogía permite comprender que no es una degeneración del intercambio social sino un compuesto vital de la necesaria convivencia. No es verdadero que la alteridad, en las condiciones del acto sexual, solo es «posible» o «recomendable» entre heterosexuales. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y de esto hay preclara evidencia histórica así como arqueológica, no solo en Occidente. La imposición de lo falso, por tanto, implicó la persecución ideológica a lo que evidencia la verdadera-vida: al «sentido común» se le instauró que fuese <i>acto normalizado</i> acosar al homosexual. Esto resaltará durante el siglo XX, en toda su arqueología de los intercambios sexuales (sexuados). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En las condiciones de la positividad, asimismo, agrego un compuesto jurídico que repele el ideal heterosexualista. Roger Raupp RIOS -como juez federal del Brasil- afirma lo siguiente: a) la homofobia como heterosexismo implica, al menos para Occidente, la existencia de un sistema en el que la «heterosexualidad» es institucionalizada como norma social, política, económica y jurídica y no importa si esto es dado de modo explícito o implícito; instaurado, el heterosexismo se manifiesta en <i>instituciones culturales y organizaciones burocráticas</i>, tales como el lenguaje y el propio sistema jurídico; b) el heterosexismo resultó originado de variadas ideologías que se distinguen mediante discursos emergentes de la «homofobia antropológica», de la «homofobia liberal», de la «homofobia estalinista» y de la «homofobia nazista». </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La cuestión de la electividad, de esta manera, rezuma en el análisis de la propia Libertad, o de la libertad-y-liberación de la persona que definitivamente no se resuelve en el «mundo heterosexual». Al discutir entonces la legitimidad civil de los actos ante el Estado, la propia urbanidad queda recompuesta como objeto de discusión. En la norma política se empieza a advertir como un «derecho humano» el acto sexual mismo aunque no resultase regido por la sola heterosexualidad. El no ser heterosexual en la demostración pública -como regla común- empieza a ser una problemática legible. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En los diez años transcurridos, podría decirse que al dejar de ser lo gay un mero </span><i style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">asunto privado</i><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, entonces, hubo un activismo social que logró descomponer la legitimidad del heterosexualismo: lo gay empieza a envolverse finalmente en propiedades jurídicas. A pesar que en el Derecho subjetivo el segregacionismo de raigambre anti-gay continuó vigente. En sus relaciones de poder -en su positividad, </span><i style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">en las condiciones del discurso público</i><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">- la personalidad gay siguió valiéndose así del dispositivo del encubrimiento, de la reducción de sus actos a rareza, a «cosa» que preferentemente no debe ser explicitada o acotada a una reducción al sentido. Hablarlo -inmerso en la razón pública- siguió siendo algo poco habitual. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>6. Presentación de los casos y las temáticas de tesis</b></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>6.1. Casos</b></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La toma de casos no solo resulta didáctica para tratar asuntos de electividad sexual en los planos moral o ético. Puesto que también ayuda con un ejercicio reflexivo que remite a lo concreto de un tiempo y lugar. Ese que refiere específicamente al activismo gay en la realidad uruguaya de comienzos de siglo XXI. Durante el año de 2003 la Iglesia de Roma en el Uruguay arremetía contra el <i>matrimonio gay</i>. Esto se continuó. Hasta que en el año de 2013 al heterosexualismo de la institución «Familia» se le interpone, complicándolo, una ley de «matrimonio igualitario». </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En medio de esto, hubo sucesos políticos que alimentaron nuevas condiciones de reconocimiento de <i>ese vivir con otros</i> que resultó no-heterosexual. Y para eso me fui involucrando con una legislación renovada en cuestiones de derecho civil, en entrevistas a personalidades pioneras, asociadas localmente al activismo gay, o a la comunidad católica, o al oficio periodístico. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">No lejos de ese tiempo, en el año de 1990 -esto me lo aclaraba D. SEMPOL- el heterosexismo era notorio y el movimiento social de defensa del valor civil de lo gay estaba desarticulado. También me especificó que el <i>ruido</i> empezó con la sistematización de la defensa de los derechos. Fue hecha por organizaciones como «Ovejas Negras». Esto no quiere decir que una vez comenzado el siglo XXI hubiesen desaparecido los sesgos institucionales de intolerancia. Por ejemplo, el episcopado católico siguió hablando <i>hacia fuera del templo</i>: la defensa del heterosexualismo implicó deplorar otras alternativas de confraternidad moral. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La homosexualidad solo se siguió reconociendo -Concilio Vaticano II, mediante- como una forma posible de cargar con la cruz de eso que se-es y que se debe evitar consolidar. Y es que evitar todo deseo homosexual, particularmente en el mundo catequístico, permitirá no solo ser «persona» del mundo secular sino <i>persona salva</i>. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Valga acotar que este caso que tomo de 2003, de los dichos de la Iglesia Católica, fue dado en una población demográficamente urbana e históricamente transformada al republicanismo y al laicismo (mediante la propia concepción vareliana-y-batllista de lo que son las relaciones civiles modernas). No obstante, todo llevó su tiempo. En el plano académico, se fue progresando en una <i>sociología de la homosexualidad</i> que empieza a desarrollarse a finales de siglo XX, en el norte europeo, hasta llegar su tema a Uruguay con investigadores como C. B. MUÑOZ. En el campo periodístico nacional el mundo de la homosexualidad tomaba sus formas: el de la «prensa testimonial» o, anteriormente, incluso, el de la «crónica roja». La literatura a su vez tempranamente tomó el tema con A. NIN FRÍAS, a comienzos de siglo XX, cuando publicara su novela <i>La fuente envenenada</i>. Y desprendió el tema de la sola retórica médica.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esta tensión de 2003 es el punto de partida de la tesis, porque trata de un intervencionismo religioso que terminó siendo dinamizador involuntario de la «moral sexual», en la que refluyó el asunto del activismo gay. Colaboró, quizá sin pretenderlo, con que el <i>matrimonio gay</i> y sus distintos compuestos anteriores se comprendiesen como política de Estado. También debe considerarse que según M. PECHENY y R. DEHESA, habría una operatoria sexual que empieza a emerger, en lo latinoamericano, poseyendo «estatidad». En relación a esto, los documentos más destacados de la legislación uruguaya para el amparo a las «minorías sexuales» se han votado y promulgado justamente entre los años de 2003 y 2013. Y esto hace al lapso que es condición sincrónica del ensayo: </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">a) Ley Nº 17677 (<i>Incitación al odio, desprecio o violencia o comisión de estos actos contra determinadas personas</i>), modifica en el Código Penal, en su Título III, <i>Delitos contra la paz pública</i>, Capítulo I, el ARTÍCULO 149 bis para tipificar como delito cuando se incita odio, desprecio, o cualquier forma de violencia moral o física contra una o más personas en razón de su piel, su (sic.) raza, religión, origen nacional o étnico, orientación sexual o identidad sexual (promulgada por el Poder Ejecutivo el 29 de julio de 2003); </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">b) Ley Nº 18246 (<i>Unión concubinaria</i>), aplicada según advierte su texto entre dos personas <i>cualquiera sea su sexo</i>, <i>identidad</i>, <i>orientación u opción sexual</i>, (promulgada por el Poder Ejecutivo el 27 de diciembre de 2007); </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">c) Ley Nº 18426 (<i>Defensa del derecho a la salud sexual y reproductiva</i>) promulgada por el Poder Ejecutivo el 1 de diciembre de 2008 aunque previamente aplicó un veto parcial -por la propuesta abortiva que consignaba- el 14 de noviembre de 2008 que la Asamblea General no levanta, y, por tanto, lo atinente con su legalidad se cercena por la vía de la ORDENANZA 369/04 de la cartera de salud de 6 de agosto de 2004, no lográndose además una legislación que atendiese especialmente el campo <i>de la salud sexual</i> sin el propósito de la reproductividad, aunque posteriormente se superará esa limitante ejecutiva con la Ley Nº 18987 (<i>Interrupción voluntaria del embarazo</i>) promulgada a su vez por el Poder Ejecutivo el 22 de octubre de 2012; </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">d) Ley Nº 18590 (<i>Código de la niñez y la adolescencia. Se modifican disposiciones relativas a adopción</i>) modifica el Código de la Niñez y la Adolescencia para que el régimen de adopciones resulte inclusivo del concubinato «o gay o lésbico» (promulgada por el Poder Ejecutivo el 18 de septiembre de 2009) y esto se extenderá posteriormente a la cuestión matrimonial; </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">e) Ley Nº 18620 (<i>Derecho a la identidad de género y al cambio de nombre y sexo en documentos identificatorios</i>), habilita el derecho a la identidad de género y cambio de nombre y sexo en documentos registrales de identificación civil (promulgada por el Poder Ejecutivo el 25 de octubre de 2009); </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">f) Ley Nº 19075 (<i>Matrimonio igualitario</i>), habilita la relación matrimonial entre personas independientemente del sexo de los cónyuges (promulgada por el Poder Ejecutivo el 3 de mayo de 2013).</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Ya no padecerá inferioridad legal el homosexual respecto de una sociedad donde quien no-es-heterosexual siguió siendo «contingente» o reconocido como un accidente moral. Pero no es cuestión de anudar este análisis a una supuesta «perfección moral». Se trata de discutir acerca de cómo las reflexiones de diez años de cambios civiles pueden propiciar la construcción de una moral <i>históricamente humanizadora </i>(aunque el «hombre» no es, claro, la única <i>morfología necesaria</i> en el ordenamiento del material antropológico)</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><span style="color: #444444;">.</span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Deberá entonces comprenderse lo gay en el campo moral como dispositivo de aquellas relaciones de poder donde la «capacidad política» existente logra invertir (o evertir) la dirección de un análisis. Esto, si acaso se posee esa capacidad política o le es arrebatada a la moral heterosexista (capaz de prevalecer, incluso <i>a pesar de la ley</i>, sin siquiera ahogarse en una mera reprensión inmanente, tal como hace advertencia FOUCAULT de esa capacidad ordenadora de la generalización de un interés). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Enseñarles a las personas cómo ser para su propio bien, sin duda, requiere de seriedad en su quehacer didáctico. Pero esa conveniente seriedad que es atribuible al intento de enserir virtudes en el «relacionamiento humano», (seriedad que los estoicos a su vez supieron exagerar hasta la tristeza), radica en la visión verdaderamente crítica del discurso que se implementa. La educación moral en el Uruguay trastocó <i>la seriedad de la actitud sexual</i> -el deleitarse sin explotar al otro, o sin ejercer un derecho de propiedad contra el «cuerpo» del otro, o el no reducirlo a artilugio- y la refundó como una tradición gozosa de la «angustia» y «desesperación». Tanto así que todo programa de educación sexual intentado -a lo largo de sus cien años de ensayo pedagógico- una y otra vez fue diluido y quebrado por la vía de un Poder Ejecutivo interventor (esta problemática fue desarrollada por Silvana DARRÉ, en su obra <i>Políticas de género y discurso pedagógico. La educación sexual en el Uruguay del siglo XX</i>). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y como caso reciente a esta reescritura es el de la oposición al Programa de Educación Sexual en el que intervino Ovejas Negras, una guía resuelta durante el año de 2014, en la plataforma del Ministerio de Desarrollo Social del Uruguay. El Arzobispado de Montevideo, desempeñado -luego de Monseñor COTUGNO- por Daniel STURLA (quien comenzaría el año de 2015 siendo declarado Cardenal), fue vocero de la discrepancia pedagógica: «Esta guía se propone, lo dice expresamente, deconstruir una mirada de familia heterosexual para proponer una diversidad pero en esta diversidad lo que está atrás es una ideología: la ideología de género, que supongamos que sea respetable. Bueno es respetable pero no me la impongan porque yo cristiano tengo otra mirada del sentido del ser humano, del sentido de la sexualidad, y hay otros que tendrán otras. Entonces no me impongan una guía que tiene atrás una ideología muy determinada y que responde a grupos que tendrán todo el derecho del mundo a tener su propia ideología pero que la tengan, no que me la impongan en toda la educación» (esto se hacía saber en el periódico diario uruguayo El País con el título «<u>Sturla hablará con Vázquez sobre la guía de diversidad y educación sexual</u>», de fecha de 22 de diciembre de 2014).</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">A pesar de que la ANEP participó en relación al documento educativo, tal como lo especificara SEMPOL, el CODICEN replegó su distribución a los centros de enseñanzas. Si bien no es tema específico de tesis, refiere a esa positividad con que se fundamenta no ya el prototipo heterosexual sino el intento de continuar legitimando el heterosexualismo como proceso de institucionalización del <i>sujeto social</i>. En la prensa así se presentaba el asunto: «(...) llama a los profesores a “salir del armario”, a crear baños mixtos en las instituciones educativas y hace hincapié en dar el mayor apoyo a los alumnos trans, pues, sostiene, son estos los que más volcados se ven a dejar los estudios debido a la discriminación» (también en El País con el título «<u>Obispos analizan “posición común” frente a la guía de educación sexual</u>», de fecha de 08 noviembre de 2014). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Hay que remarcar en esto que mostrarse como homosexual, durante todo siglo XX, el hacerse visible (desplazarse históricamente de <i>objeto</i> a <i>sujeto</i> de juridicidad) implicó, a su vez, un patetismo de las expulsiones, de las excomuniones, de las desvinculaciones sociales, partidistas, académicas, etc. El decir la <i>verdad reivindicativa</i> acerca de sí mismo, negar para sí la heterosexualidad, implicaba enfrentarse al Estado y al sentido común de la sociedad (a la positividad, en su forma segregacionista). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La persona quedaba aislada, podía llegar a padecer incluso el ostracismo. Su sola existencia resultaba moralmente ofensiva. Esto, el <i>verdadero reconocimiento del otro</i>, es una dificultad pedagógica que persistió en la hermenéutica del sistema educativo nacional uruguayo. Así lo hizo durante los siglos XIX y XX y se continuó, aunque con otro acento académico y didáctico, también en los inicios de siglo XXI. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En el Uruguay de la década de 1990, la recomposición nacional de las instituciones democrático-republicanas se tensó con un esquema económico de gobierno ordoliberal que debía de resolver endeudamientos internos y externos, acumulados de hacía ya cuarenta años, (siendo su contexto inmediato, además, la «crisis múltiple» causada por la maxidevaluación de los períodos 1982 – 1984 y 1999 – 2002). Las organizaciones civiles y partidistas se recomponían y se restituían, lo intentaban, siendo contrarias al anterior proceso de fascistización del Estado que concretó uno de los más altos porcentajes de «presos políticos» en el plano latinoamericano entre los años de 1973 a 1984. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y siendo que pocas investigaciones -a excepción de la desarrollada por SEMPOL («<u>Homosexualidad y cárceles políticas uruguayas. La homofobia como política de resistencia</u>»)- atienden el sufrimiento de aquellos reclusos que además eran homosexuales y por tanto padecían un maltrato múltiple. El <i>futuro de la patria</i>, su prospectiva revolucionaria, seguía siendo un futuro netamente heterosexual. Era difícil imaginarse algo distinto de eso. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En esa misma década de 1990, fueron surgiendo mítines en defensa del uso de la profilaxis en los actos sexuales (a iniciativa del estudiantado de la educación secundaria, sindicado como federación nacional). Manifestaban su contrariedad a una clínica sexual anacrónica que en aquel entonces postuló la cartera de salud. A finales de siglo XX, ese ministerio proclamaba como dispositivo sanitario la «fidelidad» o la «castidad». Entre tanto, a la vida civil empezaban a emerger nuevas asociaciones. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La Asociación de Travestis del Uruguay <span style="font-size: xx-small;">•</span> ATRU (fundada en el año de 1993) fue pionera al lograr explicitarse en el catálogo oficial del «Programa Nacional de SIDA». Y diez años después, entonces, el sistema de sanidad estatal ya integraba -en sus plataformas de Espacio Diverso de Inclusión Social y Acción <span style="font-size: xx-small;">•</span> EDISA- a las personas transexuales. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Las condiciones <i>constitucionales de Estado</i> también se retomaron en el discurso civil. Había temas que empezaban a retratarse sin lograr que encajaran en anteriores ordenamientos de urbanidad, o clasificacionismos ideológicos. Empezaban a verse desgajamientos en una estructura moral-sociopolítica uruguaya «acartonada», además de reducida durante años al esquematismo <i>fascistoide</i>. Y agregaría a esto la labor política de enfrentar la condición de un intercambio «fuera de género» (noción aplicada por ECHAVARREN al campo literario de la invención erótica): la <i>segregación identitaria</i> del sexo biológico, o, incluso <i>el hablar de género</i> como se siguió haciendo, fueron indicios de la existencia de una convención (arbitraria) de «roles» -en la multiplicidad de los intercambios- que también en el Uruguay se revelaba. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El decir de los problemas de «género» y <i>de la mujer</i> implicó a su vez la emergencia de otras cuestiones, atinentes con el reconocimiento del sujeto de estilo (el consumo de psicotrópicos y sus modalidades, el travestismo y el transexualismo y su estigma, la prostitución del varón, u otras confirmaciones del paisaje subestimadas anteriormente como meras <i>formas o epifenómenos capitalistas</i> de la «tugurización» o la «lumpenización», etc.). Y como si esto fuese poca cosa, ahora debía discutirse la libertad de los intercambios -en la década de 1980- a partir del SIDA (siendo que a ese «monstruo» se lo desplazó de objeto de clínica a dispositivo moral del arrepentimiento).</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>6.2. Temáticas</b></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La diversidad de casos que menciono -entendidos como «progresiones del ordenamiento civil» nacional- se intercala con un mundo moral, el de la Iglesia de Roma en suma. Hubo un contraste evidente con el mundo secular, o propiamente con el mundo de la carne, de una <i>encarnación laica</i>, además. El «matrimonio gay» separó aguas. Su postulado, terminó siendo un tema de la civilización. La Iglesia de Roma, su filosofía administrada, quedó opuesta a la prensa secular, a la psiquiatría, al cuerpo legislativo del país, etc. El activismo gay ya había empezado a <i>desencapsularse</i> del militantismo unipersonal. Su visibilidad empezaba a extenderse mediantes asociaciones locales, regionales e internacionales. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esto empezó a abarcar asimismo a los campos académicos (incluso los orientados por la vía teológica), los comunitarios, los legislativos, los partidistas, los síndicos, los sociales, etc. Es lo que podría llamarse una nueva realidad política para <i>el homosexual</i> como sujeto de Derechos. Porque ya definitivamente el anti-homosexualismo no podría adquirir la forma pública del proselitismo religioso. Y no es esta nueva situación un detalle menor, dada la incidencia de lo religioso en la comprensión de una moral-sexual que terminó siendo además objeto de pedagogía. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>6.2.1. ¿Qué dispositivos de positividad reconozco (o contravalores) para confirmar una contra-historia interpretativa del «acto de ser» desde sí?</b> Las contraposiciones que presento, en general, no se repliegan a <i>los principios de la Naturaleza</i>, a la sola evidencia filogenética que en efecto nos pertenece. No postulo con esto, no obstante, un «más allá de la naturaleza». Eso en todo caso lo propone cierta teología <i>de lo creado ex nihilo</i> que reduce las condiciones de lo orgánico a «inmundicia terrena». Para esto pienso, sobretodo, respecto de las condiciones de análisis de tesis, en la «teología fundamental», o aquella teología que posee por objeto formal propio a <i>la Iglesia</i> (instituida entonces <i>para conservar la revelación divina</i>).</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En ese encierro dogmático, las <i>exigencias naturales</i> habrían de satisfacerse sin suscitar ningún tipo de delectación. Así, tampoco propongo que se fije de manera determinista un campo de «relaciones humanas», siendo, eso, algo propio de un esquema de exagerada estratificación alguna vez aplicado a partir de las <i>ciencias naturales</i>. Refiero entonces los actos de legitimación de las manifestaciones sexuales, no a lo anti-natural, sino, a una contraposición (<i>a escala de las personas</i>) con lo natural. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y es que la problemática del estilo, de la «autoimagen» de la persona en pleno cuidado de sí misma, enfrentada a los sesgos institucionales de lo que públicamente es admisible en el mostrarse, refiere a una cuestión de la razón, de la razonabilidad de las valoraciones éticas. De todas maneras, si bien se discute el valor ético <i>de una vida propia</i>, refiere a toda aquella vida-vívida que reconozco a causa de la vida-vivida-y-acordada-con-otros. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Es el estilo comprendido como resultante de conjugaciones de sí mismo, pero no <i>por fuera del mundo</i>. Hace a un estilo que se forma incluso de posturas personales que intentan concordarse pero que también caducan por causa de otras. Hace referencia a una amalgama de «fragmentos», o de actos microcósmicos, asociados a la condición de saber estar yo-mismo con otros e intentar ser como sujeto de deberes, a su vez, alguien para-mí. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Teniendo esto en cuenta, es que indago especialmente en la sistematización de los <i>actos civiles</i>. En el plano sociológico, a los movimientos de visibilización sexual se los podría especificar mediante «colectivos», o como resultantes poblacionales microgeográficas que se ordenan a causa de asociaciones recíprocas, no entre minorías, sino, entre «menospreciados». Incluso aunque a los menospreciados se los reduzca al eufemismo de denominarlos «minorías». </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En este marco, en el campo de los «Derechos Humanos», como asunto de la modernidad política, de su dialéctica de Estados, y como asunto jurisfilosófico, lo gay, junto con otras totalidades civiles, debe promoverse y resolverse multilateralmente. Puesto que no posee sentido asociar el problema de lo gay a una sola forma de Estado, o de régimen religioso, o de tradición educativa, etc. Su asunto, como forma posible de «desprecio al otro», desborda la sola conjetura local o el ventajismo ideológico. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>6.2.2. El dispositivo de los «derechos civiles».</b> Si bien el campo de la teología moral interviene lo gay, remodelando la arqueología de sus identificaciones, su tratamiento no debe <i>literaturizarse</i> en las condiciones exegéticas de a) un medievalismo regulacionista, ni en las de b) un cristomorfismo del varón. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El «aspecto ético del cristianismo», <i>la intimidad de todo pensamiento cristiano con la vida</i>, no se niega. Comparto el ansia renovadora, al menos en lo concerniente con el propósito de discutir esa pertinaz problemática aristotélica que trata acerca de los actos asociados al deleite. Nada es más real que la propia persona, nada más radical. Pero las ciencias humanas no deben reducirse a ninguna <i>intimidad vital</i> y, definitivamente, no a una indeterminable «moral sexual cristiana» que la regule (inmersa en un esquema preceptivo, específicamente especializado en la patrología). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La indefensión manifiesta del sujeto «no-heterosexual» se internacionalizó como nunca antes durante el siglo XX. No obstante, por otro lado, el activismo gay incurrió, incluso en el Uruguay, quizá por reacción a ese ahogamiento civil, en el equívoco de desestimar el sustento patrimonial que implica la existencia de una idea de «humanidad ecuménica» propiciada por la cristiandad.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Hay que considerar que las formas de resistencia civil, las de las personas-que-son-realidad, tampoco se resuelven por «escandalizarse» ante el Cristo a partir de un ateísmo institucionalizado, <i>relegándolo a la indiferencia</i> (lo que no promueve, de todas maneras, ninguna obediencia a la imagen que de Él arbitran pensamientos como el ultramontano o los propiamente mesiánicos o quiliásticos). Implica, sí, la forma de la resistencia que se identifique, reflexionar acerca de la demencia que subyace en el <i>dirigismo ideológico</i> que se conforma contra las singularidades (aunque en su forma obtusa o intrigante, debo reconocerlo, implicara el individualismo), como si no ser heterosexual fuese -en sí- una posición egoísta (independientemente de que hay variedad de personas egoístas que incluso procrean impelidos por razones de egoísmo, etc.). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>6.2.3. El dispositivo del fundamentalismo democrático.</b> Los asuntos circundantes con lo gay no deben reducirse administrativamente a un <i>fundamentalismo democrático</i>. No deben encerrarse en una sociometría concentrada en la sola resolución aritmética de todo conflicto transaccional que se presente. La verdadera-vida (la de uno mismo) no debe reducirse a las condiciones de una oclocracia, para que <i>las mayorías hablen y orienten</i> por la vía burocrática a los «anómalos». </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Los derechos humanos -afirmaba L. van ROMPAEY (referente jurídico de la Suprema Corte de Justicia del Uruguay, hasta el año de 2011)- no están a disponibilidad de las mayorías. Cuando se trata de <i>la tutela de los derechos humanos</i> que están recogidos en las cartas constitucionales, allí las mayorías parlamentarias y plebiscitarias no son omnipotentes. Y esto solo ya es suficiente para distanciarse asimismo de la mera <i>industria de los derechos humanos</i>.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Acerca de esto, hay que mencionar a la Comisión Wolfenden, conformada en Inglaterra. Trataría en el año de 1957 la conveniencia o no de descriminalizar los comportamientos de «homosexuales» y de «meretrices». Dictaminó que efectivamente era oportuno bregar por una desregulación. Se ha de mantener -sostuvieron- un ámbito de la moralidad y la inmoralidad privadas que dicho breve y crudamente no es asunto del derecho. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Ninguna de las principales e históricas revoluciones habidas, luego de los renacimientos modernos, lograron resolver para la cuestión gay ciencias humanas verdaderamente emancipadas de la fábula genesíaca, ni las asociadas a la concepción libertaria galo-burguesa, ni las asociadas a la concepción anti-imperialista ruso-bolchevique, de los siglos XVIII a XX (esto, aunque hubo aquí y allá efímeros intentos de despenalización de la «sodomía», algunas veces). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Sus aparatajes burocráticos antes o después reafirmaron en Occidente un pundonor contrario a la libertad-y-liberación sexual del sujeto de derechos, de sus aprendizajes, de sus circunstancias de intercambio, donde la «homosexualidad femenina», por ejemplo, empezó a concebirse como un fenómeno socialmente dañino. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">A principios de siglo XX, los mundos sexuales del Oriente Cercano también se retrogradaban al heterosexualismo: en el oasis de Siwa las alianzas entre varones habían sido legitimadas socialmente, al menos en los contextos militares, hasta su declive a causa de su prohibición entre las décadas del treinta al cincuenta. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Otro tanto resultó en la región asiática china: los emperadores de la dinastía Han (de 206 a.C. hasta 220 d.C.) tenían parejas masculinas como concubinos y esa «situación de visibilidad civil» entre varones resurgirá, aunque en el plano literario, sobretodo, durante las dinastías Ming (de 1368 hasta 1644) y Qing (de 1644 hasta 1911) y localizándose socialmente en provincias como las de Fujian o Guangdong (siendo que en Guangzhou y alrededores era aceptado incluso el concubinato entre mujeres). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">E incluso estaba el dios Hu Tianbao que era <i>el protector de los conejillos</i> (así se denominó a los «homosexuales»). Ese dios permaneció erigido y con culto en China entre los años de 1644 a 1937, hasta que fuera bombardeado y destruido por el imperio nipón sin volverse a reconstruir en el siglo XX. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>6.2.4. El dispositivo de la «diferencia».</b> No propongo el ejercicio de la «diferencia» -atendiendo a M. WITTIG- como un intento de legitimar falacias antropológicas con las que se inventen <i>grupos de identidad</i> («negro» respecto de «blanco», «mujer» respecto de «hombre», «homosexual» respecto de «heterosexual», «lesbiana» respecto de «gay», «empleado extranjero» respecto de «desempleado nacional», etc.). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">No promuevo dispositivos aislacionistas, divisionistas o individualistas, o excusas artificiosas para el aniquilamiento de la mancomunidad deseable entre <i>los afligidos de la tierra</i>. Y es que el ser persona debería comprenderse en el deploro a la <i>servidumbre moral</i>, en el deploro a la <i>humildad intelectual </i>que mengua las revisiones a su crítica. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y si de <i>nomenclaturas</i> se trata, es oportuno algo especificar asimismo acerca del término «no-heterosexual» con el que presento en la tesis -y con intención apagógica- a ese sujeto civil que es configurado como <i>objeto de menosprecio</i>. Es una <i>denominación</i> con la que recalco la resistencia del activismo gay, mostrando lo que el sentido de «homosexual» <i>naturalmente encierra</i> como acto perlocutivo: <i>tú</i>-<i>serás</i>-<i>heterosexual</i>-<i>o</i>-<i>no</i>-<i>serás</i>. Así de sencillo es ese horror de ser.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Aunque esto mismo empezó a transgredirse en el Uruguay, al influjo de una progresiva laicización de la vida, de las relaciones y de las costumbres. Y es que cuando se encorseta al sujeto de sexualidad tipificándolo como «homosexual», las alternativas de la acción de la persona resultan ahogadas -dada la <i>ausencia</i> de heterosexualidad- en una supuesta etología humana del determinismo. Como si acaso se naciese para ser heterosexual. Ese absurdo de las «ciencias naturales» ya no es sostenible. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">No lo es, incluso ante la confirmación histórica de la «heterosexualidad» -en las condiciones de una visión lucreciana- como <i>clinamen</i> o inclinación natural que con sus <i>formas elementales de parentesco</i> (o una hembra y varios varones, o varios varones y varias hembras, o un varón y varias hembras), se fue produciendo -mediante <i>repetición de actos</i>- para ese ordenamiento de la realidad social. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Hay que resaltar en esta problemática moralista de la objetivación de <i>la vida social</i> -tal como lo testimoniara L. TURCOTTE- no solo la sexualidad, no la sexualidad en sí, sino el <i>régimen político</i> que configura y comprende esa «administración heterosexual» de las transaccionalidades. Es un régimen que institucionaliza el valor de los acuerdos, al influjo de su Hegemonía (siendo que se manifiesta taxativamente mediante las sucesivas determinaciones del sexo genético, gonádico, corporal y finalmente civil).</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">También dice TURCOTTE que <i>la heterosexualidad solo puede garantizar su poder político destruyendo o negando el lesbianismo</i>. La misoginia y la lesbofobia no son solo cuestión de la ideología heterosexualista manifiesta en «hombres» y en «mujeres»; se impone por la vía sociológica del falso consenso y convence, incluso, a quienes son envueltos moralmente en su esquema de minusvalor y menosprecio. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b><a href="http://prometheuschannel.blogspot.com/search/label/Ensayo%20en%20ciencias%20humanas%20II" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">7. CUATRO PROBLEMAS ELECTIVOS A LOS QUE LA PERSONA-<i>SEXUALIZADA</i> SE ENFRENTA</a></b></span></div>
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Pablo Pallashttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02676986163926451532noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8368737022377042313.post-89567541777921744842015-02-24T18:05:00.002-02:002021-03-15T00:24:13.119-03:00Ciencias Humanas: ensayo de maestría<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-large;"><b>Maestría en ciencias humanas: tesis</b></span><br />
<b><span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-large;"><span style="color: #444444;">«</span><span style="color: #444444;">M</span><span style="color: #444444;">undo gay» intrincado en la m</span><span style="color: #444444;">oral sexual</span></span></b><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://prometheuschannel.blogspot.com/search/label/Ensayo%20en%20ciencias%20humanas%20I" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Anterior</a></span></div>
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<b style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">7. CUATRO PROBLEMAS ELECTIVOS A LOS QUE LA PERSONA-<i>SEXUALIZADA</i> SE ENFRENTA</b></div>
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>7.1. Problema electivo: luchar por el <i>derecho a vivir una verdadera vida sexual</i> o acostumbrarse a la desaprobación que de su actuar han hecho tradicionalmente las instituciones</b> </span></div>
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Lo primero que hay que hacer -remedando a FOUCAULT- es intentar <i>individualizar</i>, <i>histórica y empíricamente</i>, <i>los operadores de dominación dentro de las relaciones de poder</i>. Y sustento metodológicamente esta operación instrumentalizando el análisis con un parámetro sociopolítico: A) la <i>polémica</i> acerca de las «uniones homosexuales» en el Uruguay de 2003 (trasvasándose procesualmente esta cuestión a una posterior «censura mediática» de 2009 de la campaña gay contra el segregacionismo denominada <i>Un beso es un beso</i>, entre otros eventos notorios a los que también asocio) y B) el efectivo desplazamiento al que se orientaron las reivindicaciones civiles mediante una campaña pro-<i>Matrimonio igualitario</i> durante 2011 y su concomitante aprobación parlamentaria de 2013. </span></div>
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Para FOUCAULT la permanencia de las «opiniones» trata acerca de un <i>campo de posibilidades estratégicas</i>. Y eso permite individualizar un conjunto de enunciados (aunque -así nos lo previene- no es ese solo reconocimiento empírico condición suficiente para que permanezca ni su continuidad en el tiempo, ni la sola dialéctica de sus conflictos). Es por eso que discuto los asuntos del activismo -emergente en la sintáctica múltiple de lo moral, lo jurídico, lo educativo, etc.- a partir de ese «campo referencial» que es el de una formación discursiva y en especial el potente discurso heterosexual que es desaprobatorio del mundo gay. </span></div>
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Se concatena con una progresión vincular que genera vulneraciones en esa criticidad «heteroconjetural» que es de un <i>único sentido</i>. Es un sistema contenedor de discursos que se regla de diferencias y de dispersiones (atendiendo con esto niveles de formación: el de todos sus <i>objetos</i>, el de sus tipos de <i>sintaxis</i>, el de los elementos semánticos, el de las eventualidades operatorias; en fin, todo aquello que atendió el pensamiento foucaultiano). Es ese sistema el que el pensador galo denomina como <i>de positividad</i>. Hay por tanto una positividad heterosexualista con la que <i>se ataca</i> el derecho a vivir una verdadera vida sexual. </span></div>
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Ese ataque implicó un contra-ataque. Es una <i>operación dramática</i> que manifiesta lo tenso de las complicaciones y modificaciones conceptuales e ideológicas confirmadas en la sociedad uruguaya de siglo XX, incluso en el propio campo de las relaciones civiles, siendo que se ha provocado explícitamente el entredicho con aquellos prejuicios o mitos que tienen que ver con la sobrevaloración de lo «heterosexual». </span></div>
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Para esto, valiéndome del pensamiento de C. PEREDA, admito que <i>deben atenderse las perspectivas que son relativas a una circunstancia</i>. Hay que comprender qué es lo que a la persona le sucede al vivir en su mundo-entorno la negación de quien es. Y si bien la «opinión», en tanto tal, carece de valor histórico (la sola «memoria episódica» es falible si se consideran los escotomas con que opera, igualmente lo son las compilaciones autobiográficas, etc.), lo que me propongo es especificar algunas nociones referidas a cómo es que <i>me reconozco</i> cuando ejerzo el derecho de ser un sujeto de sexualidad. </span></div>
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Está claro que la persona es una referencia micropolítica; vive la Ley, viviendo la tensión de la norma ética con la política. Esto se produce porque nos hallamos tal como lo propone FOUCAULT en relación (histórica) con a) la verdad, con b) un campo de poder y con c) lo moral, siendo esta tríade además lo que nos permite constituirnos modernamente en sujetos de ética. </span></div>
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Lo que me preocupa, podría conjeturarse que a la manera de un eudemonismo aristotélico, es cómo acaso se construyen las medianías de una convivencia (siendo esto imposible si las oposiciones dialécticas de una circunstancia-que-se-vive son acaso sustancializadas, confundidas con las oposiciones absolutas del binarismo o con el dualismo del jorismos platónico). Por eso es que indago en las <i>visiones</i> activistas de lo gay que son interesadas e inevitablemente múltiples. </span></div>
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Si se suprimiese (hipotéticamente) -atendiendo advertencias y enseñanzas de PEREDA- la perspectiva del sujeto de reflexión y de acción, eso provocaría, justamente, lastimosas inhibiciones de su realización vincular. Se tratan esas vivencias pues de totalidades, comprendidas antropológicamente a partir de una multiplicidad holótica, o de distintas realidades entre sí ensambladas por lo común a todos. </span></div>
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En el Uruguay se radicalizaron las discusiones habidas acerca del mundo sexual; su listado nuclear es el siguiente, según un orden propio de relevancia en relación a su preponderancia periodística: </span></div>
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">a) el «matrimonio gay»; </span></div>
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">b) las adopciones homoparentales; </span></div>
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">c) la <i>minusvaloración</i> heteronómica de lo «moral» y «estético» formulada por empresas de comunicación privadas (fundamentalmente televisoras), contra las campañas activistas que denunciaron el segregacionismo heterosexualista; </span></div>
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">d) los cambios de identidad civil; </span></div>
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">e) el ingreso legitimado de gais y lesbianas en el ejército nacional; </span></div>
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">f) la resolución política de oportunidades técnico-profesionales para las personas transgénero, en un esquema de «desarrollo social» emprendido por el Ministerio de Desarrollo Social, en la administración presidencial MUJICA CORDANO; </span></div>
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">g) la visibilidad pedagógica, finalmente, del propio docente o discente en los procesos de enseñanza-y-aprendizaje a partir de análisis como los desarrollados por SEMPOL. </span></div>
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Hubo en esto pues un activismo civil que discutió e intervino los desplazamientos valorativos del quehacer sexual. Supo provocar <i>disyunciones ideológicas</i> que resistieron la sola referencia «heterosexual». Hay, así, un otro patrimonio relacional agregado al Estado. Y más que tratarse de un asunto estrictamente «nuevo», valoro sintácticamente lo perspectivo del sujeto (sin que necesariamente resulte de esto ni un teleologismo, ni un etnologismo ético). Porque lo perspectivo del sujeto resultó configurado en cuestión de Estado, remarcando así aún más su laicización. </span></div>
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esto no había resultado políticamente posible en el Uruguay de siglo XX. El sujeto de decisiones había sido convertido en objeto de compulsividad moral y auto-reconocerse ya no resultaba posible, no lo era el diferenciarse mediante un estilo, o un obrar verdaderamente conforme. Y no obstante hubo resistencia: la personalidad, el «aura» en construcción, no objetivaría los automatismos del «cuerpo disciplinado». Esa forma fijista y absoluta de una cotidianidad envuelta en la repetitividad, en tales intercambios, no concebía valor moral posible a las relaciones que asumiesen en la condición pública del mostrarse lo «no-heterosexual». </span></div>
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El ser persona, el lograr acordar con el otro sin renunciar a sí mismo, <i>era un drama</i>. El deseo sexual, en vez de discutido, era recubierto, encubierto u omitido, ahogado en el pundonor y la culpa, e inevitablemente exacerbado como resistencia a esa desproporcionada premisa moral que resultó el «heterosexualismo». Ante ese hecho de existencia, hay que considerar además el problema electivo que se provoca entre el deber ético y el deber moral, cuando su tensión es causa de obscenidad. Porque existe uno mismo pero también el otro con quien acuerdo los intercambios. </span></div>
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Los principales problemas morales de una sociedad reaparecen en el campo político (esta afirmación de FOUCAULT es plenamente aplicable al Uruguay de comienzos de siglo XXI). Al atender las relaciones entre los sexos, hay que comprender que resultan interferidas continuadamente no solo por los trabajos intelectuales intercríticos sino asimismo por los «movimientos colectivos». Después de todo, las propiedades de este hecho social son posibles de analizar porque hay una «historia construida»; son realidades personales desbordadas en el quehacer político de una libertad-y-liberación sexual, en desmedro de la monotonía ética.</span></div>
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La revisación de las resistencias éticas muestra que objetar es posible, en tanto objeto de trabajo que refluye desde sí, correspondiéndose positivamente antes que receptivamente a una burocrática de la <i>insignificancia</i> de la persona humana. El sujeto se reconoce. Atiende las relaciones que constituye en contraste con la arqueología de la cotidianidad de la familia y así se confirma en el paisaje (mediante aquellos <i>hitos fronterizos</i> que particulariza, tanto de su mundo de decisiones como de aquello que efectivamente concreta). </span></div>
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esto no es un mero foco perceptivo; hay <i>razón silogística</i>, las personas nos valemos de los juicios aunque resulten tensionados con operaciones concretas aplicadas. Ahora, eso que yo-soy no lo discuto como si se tratara de un <i>esse </i>metafísico, o como <i>acto de ser</i> determinado por la esencia, siendo su acto formal, (ni tampoco como resultante metacósmica, si fuese un objeto de interés teológico, etc.). No lo comprendo a partir de un ser subsistente, como el formulado por Santo Tomás de AQUINO en su gran obra. Aunque sí lo reconozco, no obstante, <i>en el marco de esa misma positividad</i>, como «realidad cualitativa», o -si atendemos el pensamiento heideggeriano- como un «ahí» histórico (aunque sin extralimitarlo a un esquematismo absolutizado de sujeto-concreto-y-presente, o infantilizado en sus potencialidades a partir de un eidetismo fenomenológico). </span></div>
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La persona especializa -si se atiende el pensamiento medieval, mediante una sindéresis distributiva o deber ético- el hecho económico de reconocer sus acciones (orientándolas). Se discute a sí mismo, pero <i>in medias res</i>: la institucionalidad lo envuelve (incluso mediante algo aparentemente tan singular como lo es la realización de la lengua que cuando aparece intrincada en el amaneramiento es absurdamente rechazada). No se trata por tanto de una construcción estrictamente peculiar que acaso reniegue de lo atributivo del deber (ni de prototipos seudoetnográficos que renieguen, además, del principio de transindividualidad del conocimiento).</span></div>
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">No se trata, evidentemente, de sujetos absolutamente autónomos del mundo. Es, específicamente, simplemente, un sujeto de crítica que se emancipa del melodrama del pro-puritanismo. Construye posturas contrarrestándolas y sopesándolas con aquella verdad normativa que resulta en evidencia contemporánea (incluso en las formas del Derecho subjetivo, en el conservadurismo de los actos sexuales, o de las tradiciones asociadas a las reglas de parentesco). </span></div>
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Al <i>discutir sus acciones</i> el sujeto, siendo capaz de mirarse a sí mismo, provoca resistencias o alternativas no correspondientes con una hegemonía moral que a los placeres «no-heterosexuales» distorsionó. Y los distorsionó hasta el grado de hacerlos converger en el <i>mundo de la enfermedad</i>, aunque en el siglo XXI incluso la nosografía psiquiátrica logró desatender ese pensamiento oscurantista (siendo que perdurara subyacente, no obstante, cierto <i>razonamiento</i> inquisitorio incardinado que permanecería clínicamente, mediante el diagnóstico neo-kraepeliniano). </span></div>
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Se reflexiona acerca de las «microtiranías» que se ejercen sobre su persona para que se institucionalice una autoridad, siendo la persona, así, capaz de demoler las apariencias de la hipermoralidad, del masoquismo moral, u otras formas psiquiátricas que analizan, a partir de la crítica sana, investigadores como M. AGUINIS. Es el sujeto-vivo en necesario intercambio autocrítico con otros. </span></div>
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esas operaciones emancipadoras, como noción foucaultiana, tratan acerca del reconocimiento de <i>angustias</i> de sí que la persona padece y no por mero resultado del sistema social en el que convive. FOUCAULT nos propone que ese fenómeno relacional no trata acerca de una mera comprensión del «sometimiento»: es una <i>resistencia</i> que radicalmente provocan los mundos interpersonales en sus relaciones concretas. </span></div>
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Es, por tanto, una condición necesaria de existencia la propia responsabilidad de sí para que el yo-soy implique el reconocerme en el hacer: aprendo a defenderme, a no necesariamente «identificarme» con <i>lo que dicen o señalan que soy</i>. Esto hay que considerarlo, especialmente, cuando el sujeto de decisiones es consumido por un fijismo moral que lo detiene en una idea metafísica de lo Perfecto, sujetado al ser heterosexual, en referencia a la <i>ipseidad</i>. </span></div>
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Es entonces que su «placer» -asumido como género material- se pauperiza, de igual manera que su legitimidad pública (siendo una persona <i>infecta</i> de vida, resulta recluida en el prototipo moral). Debo de ensayar lo que soy, <i>mediante aproximaciones a las maneras de ser</i> (y esto no puede resolverse «fuera» del mundo real). Puesto que, de lo contrario, placer-y-deseo (o la acción que se fundamenta en una idea del hacer y del saber finalmente conjugados) no se caracterizan a partir de la verdadera-vida que no es encerrarse en sí mismo, sino apropiarse de su defensa institucional. El ensayarme a mí mismo nunca es, claro, un puro acto personal. </span></div>
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Si el placer y el deseo no se desequilibran mutuamente, uno relativo al otro para cosignificarse, el sujeto de elecciones no tiene cómo resolver (transaccionalmente) cuál es la verdadera relación consigo mismo. El haber posturas personales y resolverse mediante una posición personal, el <i>hacerse</i> personalidad, entonces, asumiendo o cancelando obligaciones, refiere a la propia colisión de las decisiones éticas, es el mundo ético de la persona en relación consigo misma, y -remedando a Z. BAUMAN- no refiere a un mero <i>status</i> de identidad «asociativa» (o a una artificial necesidad de construir-y-reconstruir una identidad apenas funcional a la Moda, donde incluso el propio anti-heterosexualismo no es más que un atributo merco-expositivo). </span></div>
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El sujeto de estilo, pues, aquel sujeto que es capaz de estar-y-ser haciendo que sus actos refluyan de una facultad para defenderse, dispuesto a una verdadera ética, habrá de legitimar su quehacer sexual <i>haciéndose ver</i>, aunque eso resulte en un contravalor respecto de la siempre esperable obediencia «estandarizada» en los mundos laboral, médico, mercadológico, moral, pedagógico, etc. </span></div>
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y esto no es <i>individualismo de cabecera</i>. FOUCAULT había resaltado la conveniencia arqueológica del «pensar» colectivo, comprendía la necesidad de resolver el reconocimiento y la atención a una «visión local» de los asuntos. Lo promovió para discutir la legitimidad de una noción de sí, como ejercicio de las propias técnicas de cuidado de sí, en <i>equilibrio</i> -si acaso eso es posible o predecible- con la sexualidad. </span></div>
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La historia de la sexualidad que indagó este connotado galo (atendiendo la época clásica, su período ático fundamentalmente), le permitió afirmar la siguiente tesis: el ciudadano-varón deseaba realizarse mediante un saber de sí, en el propio orden estético. No se trataba pues de establecer un modelo único de comportamiento <i>para todos los varones</i>, sino solo individual (una composición minimalista antes que teleologista, respecto del nomos democrático en el que sus intercambios comprendían lo jurídico-político de la <i>isonomía</i> y de la <i>isegoría</i> como ejercicio, claro que en condiciones de virilidad, de misoginia, de esclavismo, etc.). </span></div>
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Asumo <i>el hacer</i> algo. Intervengo mi propio entorno vincular. Y entonces la estética de sí y el deber ético (complicados en la posición personal del sujeto de decisiones, en el intento de provocar analogías <i>desde sí</i>) se revelan como partes formales indispensables, no ya de la personalidad, siendo esto evidente, sino además de la convivencia. Y es así que empiezo a comprender que el «carácter productivo» del otro es ineludible si las relaciones de poder justamente son causa de estilo. </span></div>
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Se podría afirmar -junto con PEREDA- que la experiencia-que-vivo es irrenunciable para <i>realizarme humanamente</i> y construir historia junto con otros (oponiendo de manera concreta y no absoluta los sucesos a las acciones, o el hecho en sí a la primera persona). Por tanto, la transindividualidad del conocimiento relacional que producimos -o de las ideas mediante las que discuto acciones- no suprime lo superlativo del sujeto que realiza su saber, porque es en esa propia existencia microcósmica que, en condiciones de enunciación, la universalidad es identificada. Aunque, claro, la libertad-y-liberación de las personas no se resuelve con meras impresiones acerca de uno mismo, si bien requiero de la primera persona para concebirme discutiendo quién verdaderamente soy y de qué verdaderamente soy capaz. </span></div>
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y es que inevitablemente resuelto cada cual <i>en su propia persona</i>, lo que se concreta refiere al espacio antropológico. Es con el otro y no mediante su prescindencia que rezuma toda valoración moral. No obstante, la vida «no-heterosexual» de siglo XX en el Uruguay fue digerida por una moral heterosexualista: resultó inexistente lo gay en la narración de Estado, <i>sin textualidad</i> en la textualidad de su Historia Nacional. El contravalor de la «familia», de ese objeto de señalamiento metafísico, se concibió que lo fuera el «homosexualismo». </span></div>
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El activismo gay se imbricó <i>en la interseccionalidad de los ejes antropológicos de opresión</i>; esto resultó una realidad insoslayable a finales de siglo XX en la América Latina (hay que considerar para su discusión los trabajos de PECHENY y DEHESA). Hay que analizar pues la existencia misma de ese «pundonor», al menos respecto del hecho político de verdadero aterramiento moral producido, comprendido como dispositivo de disciplinamiento. Y siendo que fue aplicado y que no se ciñó particularmente a una «ideología», «gobierno», «clase social principal» o «sistema productivo» (aunque evidentemente se circunscribiese a un estado del mundo, en tanto refiere -más que a una idea de ser- a una <i>realidad sexual</i>). </span></div>
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Ante la sola insinuación de un pundonor que se pretendiese incuestionable, acaso, incontestable, incluso en los términos propios del estilo heroico (la narración de la Historia Nacional uruguaya de los siglos XIX y XX parecería, como ya mencionara, atender solo la existencia de personalidades heterosexuales), se podría, en cambio, formular lo que propone ECHAVARREN en su <i>opus</i> de <i>Arte Andrógino</i>; dice: en vez de <i>love and peace</i>, duda agresiva. Quizá de esa manera -y sin humildad- podría resolverse de manera más exacta la cuestión de las verdaderas asociaciones del sujeto de pensamiento con lo múltiple de sus <i>disposiciones exteriores</i>. El deseo no debe resumirse, per se, a causa de una moral injusta, en el horror y asco hacia sí mismo.</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>7.2. Problema electivo: reivindicar el actuar sexual como una política de libertad personal, de la persona en concreto en su mundo-entorno, o renegarlo a partir de un pundonor exacerbado que es <i>dispositivo de control total</i> y no de convivencia</b> </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En este asunto debe atenderse efectivamente la problemática político-jurídica de la instauración del pundonor respecto de las operaciones de obscenidad. Hay que discutir la presentación de lo sexual-explícito tanto en sus condiciones pornógrafas, siendo el sexo una cuestión mercantil, como pospornógrafas cuando la plataforma sexual se constituye en reivindicación civil del sujeto de expresiones. El pundonor, su disposición totalizadora de lo obsceno, la instrumentalidad imperativa (además de indicativa) con que envuelve lo corpóreo, es lo que confirma al mundo «heterosexual» en la Humanidad, en referencia del intercambio entre sujetos-sexuales-de-reproducción. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La obscenidad, como objeto de crítica moral, es expresión de una positividad que refluye en el castigo a las relaciones gay. No se logra así, justamente, un ejercicio de desbordamiento de los bordes donde la personalidad es un ejercicio de explicitud. No se comprende la importancia estratégica del estudio de la operatoria propiamente obscena. O si se consideran las formulaciones de ECHAVARREN, acerca de lo porno y sus <i>consecuencias modales</i>, no se logra reconocer la importancia de reconsiderar la progresión misma de lo porno como una extensión del «derecho civil» que se ejerce. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El ingresar a «páginas de adultos» -donde los intercambios se imbrican en el plano teletecnológico, asociándose al efecto estroboscópico y al «elemento sonoro», <i>para narrar</i>- siguió siendo esta <i>simpleza expresiva</i> en el comienzo de siglo XXI un acto de estigmatización. Se carece de una pornodidáctica de las sensaciones o del reconocimiento de los «apetitos», siendo que en vez de inhibirse deben educarse (adoctrinarse). El «alimentar la imaginación» y las alternativas de su <i>hipertelia</i>, derrumbar los andamiajes de una ignorancia institucionalizada -cada vez que es necesario discutir acerca de la multiplicación de los estilos- es una obra educativa que evidentemente carece de inocuidad. Esto es fundamental advertirlo, para prevenir del sopor de los órganos teleceptores. La moralina resulta transfigurada en <i>inferencias seguras e indiscutibles</i> cuando se injerta en las realizaciones porno para meramente reducirlas a la abyección. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Es un aprendizaje que no debe remitirse a una mera repetitividad o tipificación de aceptaciones (a anacrónicos moldes mundanos de moral). Debe lograrse una atrofia del estereotipo de la pureza, respecto de la positividad que refuerza, como «falso consenso», el pundonor. El instantaneísmo de lo telemático, la hipervisibilidad que habilita en su condición sinóptica (en vez de panóptica), su problemática condición de contingente, etc., confirman la conveniencia ontológica de un sujeto de deleites que requiere de saber efectivamente, pues, cómo acaso ejercerse en los intercambios. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esto es un problema político continuado. A partir de la legislación británica de 2014 (<i>The Audiovisual Media Services Regulationsse</i>, Nº 2916) fue pretendido regular el producto pornógrafo audiovisual, mediante la especificación de <i>qué es sexo agradable</i> y qué no; esto ha sido denunciado por Ch. HOOTON (en el periódico diario The Independent con el título «<u>A long list of sex acts just got banned in UK porn</u>», de fecha de 2 de diciembre). Y es el propio HOOTON quien menciona la crítica que formulara F. MULLIN acerca de esa reglamentación temeraria (de la revista VICE en «<u>British BDSM Enthusiasts, Say Goodbye to Your Favourite Homegrown Porn</u>» de fecha de 01 de diciembre): <i>refiere simplemente a un conjunto de juicios morales diseñados por personas que han luchado sin cesar para detener la visión pornógrafa del pueblo británico</i>. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">O como posteriormente lo especificara a su vez R. O'CONNOR (también en The Independent, en el artículo titulado «<u>Porn protest: UK laws banning erotic acts should be annulled, Lib Dem MP says</u>», de fecha de 12 de diciembre de 2014); se sustenta la normativa anti-pornógrafa de una moralina axiomática: <i>los actos eróticos deben ser anulados</i>. Hay una fórmula política clásica además para atacar <i>la libertad de la persona</i>; simplemente se comienza restringiendo el ejercicio de libertad de expresión sexual de la población femenina. Esto mismo lo analizaría M. JACKMAN en el campo jurídico, en la publicación británica anotada (su título: «<u>The UK's sexist new pornography restrictions aren't just an act of state censorship, but could be the first step towards something even worse</u>», de fecha de 4 de diciembre).</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Es delirante encerrarse en el supuesto generalista de que <i>la pornografía es inmoral</i>. No es que el <i>decorum</i> horaciano desaparezca de la pornografía. Evidentemente no se extirpa <i>el mundo de la vida colectiva que desborda la vida individual</i>, cuanto más subyace. El problema es que en la pornografía merco-expositiva la desnudez es actante (es una especie de faloforia pagana reducida a mercancía); y es solo un mostrar lo que está-ahí. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Por su parte, en cambio, en el posporno, la desnudez es solo parte material de conceptos que se quieren discutir, siendo que lo sexual-explícito se ensambla a otras totalidades. Hay incluso dirección filmográfica acerca de esto, de distinto género, más que contundente (baste con mencionar apenas algunas: P.P PASOLINI, J. WATERS, B. LABRUCE, T. MATHEWS, etc.). El <i>decorum</i> como figura transaccional -y no como figura moral- se desprende de la <i>politesse</i> (desborda las condiciones de las «buenas costumbres» o de la «moral pública»). De las distancias siderales habidas, además, entre Estética o Moral ya se refirió en su momento el Idealismo alemán, mediante HEGEL. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Lo que propongo, por tanto, específicamente, es que se aplica como adorno ese objeto de trabajo narratológico necesario que es el <i>decorum</i>; es finalmente artilugio «cinematográfico» del intercambio gestual y pasional del que se hace registro (aparte, G. de EUGENIO PÉREZ, en relación con la Ilustración, especificaría en su tesis de <i>La presentación de la persona en el espacio social de siglo XVIII</i> que el <i>decorum</i> es tomado por el teatro como adorno, siendo esto con lo que la representación escénica hace más atractiva la virtud). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Deduzco así que su quid vacilante es que en el teatro y sus <i>mundos circundantes</i>, pues, YO-ME-PERMITO (y, valga, claro, su necesaria extensión al mundo de lo audiovisual). El <i>decorum</i> no rivalizará con los «aspectos decorativos» y para eso el <i>decorum</i> no quedará reducido a «frías moralidades». Y esto que por mi parte remito a lo pornógrafo o lo pospornógrafo pasa asimismo en el plano cómico (acaso con más lucidez y por eso puede que haya más condescendencia con la pornosátira); nada de esto, pues, a lo que hago referencia como mundo pospornógrafo, trata de excepcionalidades que acaso tergiversen la arqueología de una «institucionalidad sexual». </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Hay que discutir por tanto la necesidad antropológica de resolver cómo atribuir alguna autonomía en la producción proliferada de lo sexual-explícito (incluso comprendiéndosela a la manera de esa <i>sensibilidad camp</i> que es analizada por investigadores como ECHAVARREN). Ese hacer-social implica, en principio, inhibir el requisito moral que incide sin exactitud en el tratamiento del asunto de la personalidad <i>según lo corpóreo</i> (a lo que no se lo puede reducir pero que es a la vez una base innegable). Para un entendimiento verdadero -si se intenta resolver lógicamente un estudio compuesto tal como lo propone Santo Tomás de AQUINO- <i>no corresponde que con la definición del círculo resuelva los atributos del triángulo</i>. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Claro que un estilo de ser-explícito es mucho más que una polémica publicitaria acerca de la «libertad del cuerpo». Resulta prioritario que esta problemática no se reduzca a una mera situación biótica, a una cuestión natural. Porque carece de sentido comprimir lo vívido de las prácticas de lo sexual-explícito-que-es-obsceno al «coito», siendo además que la imaginería en discusión -incluso el <i>tardologismo</i> en que la contiene un analista de lo porno como A. HAMED- radica en cómo discuto la construcción de las resoluciones sexuales, sus mundos expresivos que tratan finalmente acerca de un complejo de elecciones y decisiones. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Mostrar el placer requiere de explicitud, claramente, y de saberse concebir en los bordes de sí mismo. Una asociación así no sería reciente, el propio Arístipo de Cirene fue un pensador hedonista por excelencia, incluso más radical en sus postulaciones -según George CLARKE- que lo posteriormente concebido por el epicureísmo, y fue contrario a la actitud filosófica ascética: es el <i>filósofo que goza</i> respecto de proceso y acciones. Porque <i>la predilección personal no se halla exenta de deliberación racional</i>; no son dominios no susceptibles uno del otro. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">A partir de las <i>nociones de lo pornógrafo</i> de ECHAVARREN, hay alguna conjetura posible: el comportamiento sexual, connatural a una existencia corpórea, tal como ya se mencionó, se efectiviza discutiendo de qué manera la obscenidad en cuestión podría confirmarse, incluso aniquilarse institucionalmente, asimismo, al ser «aceptada». Esto, no solo a causa de la necesidad de comunicación de la que hace referencia ECHAVARREN, como contradictorio de lo obsceno, o de lo explícito que no se logra validar, sino también del ejercicio asertivo de una personalidad que se muestra-y-se-defiende discursivamente. La obscenidad, si no logra ser refutada moralmente, es una actitud convincente. Es verdaderamente descubierta, así, en la forma de una norma.</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En esa <i>topografía social</i> la personalidad «especialmente obscena» emerge de realidades sexuales contrapuestas, respecto de «costumbres» existentes que regulan cómo se mira lo <i>anormal</i> o aquello que resulta disociado del estereotipo, o de técnicas que sustentan la inhibición de su explicitud, o de reglamentos que sistematizan su invisibilidad, etc. Esa manera de concebir y comprender los intercambios, provoca contradicciones no ya con otros sino en el propio sujeto de deberes distributivos que los construye inevitablemente por sí mismo. La obscenidad es eficaz si contrapone al sujeto de ética consigo mismo.</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">A finales de siglo XX, la propia recreación de las formas obscenas ya se había constituido en objeto museográfico: Das Museum of Porn in Art (Zürich) es un caso que destaca por especializar su estudio en la sustantivación de lo porno. Lo porno, desbordado de la atrofia de una moralina repetida, es asumido como un objeto de exploración en aquellos casos al menos donde objetivamente resulta posible. Ya que no todo lo porno se precia de ser verdaderamente sustantivo. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Pero para que lo porno desborde entonces el solo <i>mundo de la obscenidad</i>, y que no se acote a una correlación automática, puede intentarse en «términos psicológicos» una comprensión poliédrica de los comportamientos (en el sentido que le daría Marcos AGUINIS). Aunque no consiste en un mero revisionismo clínico, o en un absurdo arquetípico tal como cataloga Ma. M. HERNÁNDEZ VELÁZQUEZ a esquemas tales como el modelo de Expresiones Comportamentales de la Sexualidad (ECS) o el Fílico-Parafílico (F-P) que se aplican para fines de a) condena moral, b) de control social y c) de hegemonía doctrinaria en el campo de la sexualidad. Una discusión posible acerca de una supuesta ascesis sexual, en todo caso, como morigeración del comportamiento, no deberá parecerse a una homeorrexis (porque no corresponde que se reduzca a una extensión inusual o exagerada de la homeostasis). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Es necesario con esto formular -en las tematizaciones acerca del intercambio- un análisis de lo perlocutivo de la práctica de los placeres, de las expresiones explícitas de la persona evidentes ante otros. Y de la proliferación semántica de sus exabruptos narrativos (en los trabajos de Alfonso DRAKE hay un análisis austiniano donde «acto» y «efecto» coinciden y donde esa resultante no proviene de una comprensión lingüística sino de un procedimiento institucionalizado o decretativo). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En términos antropológico-sociales, pues, no es racional afirmar que la pornografía como forma de lo sexual-explícito es simple «epifenómeno» resultante de la alienación que el régimen capitalista-imperialista (desbordado en el oligopolio) provoca en las personas, específicamente en <i>los explotados por la clase principal burguesa</i>. Claro que el propio capitalismo, especialmente en los Estados aletargados en la religiosidad moral, cometería equívocos lógicos diversos, incluso irreparables, a la hora de interpretar la historia de la sexualidad. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">También los sistemas estalinistas -inmersos en el «comunofascismo» (tipificación con la que A. SCHAFF define a aquel «socialismo real» que fue resuelto en el nacionalismo)- han exagerado su crítica a la <i>vida homosexual </i>de manera insensata. Así como lo han hecho a su vez las teocracias, entre las que destaca -como lo plantea C. VAQUERO PÉREZ- la aplicación de la tradición legal islámica y su sistema jurídico de la <i>sharia</i>, cuando se asume la aplicación de las ofensas <i>hudud</i>. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Evitar la exageración moral no implica negar discusiones que traten acerca de la existencia de la «mercancía» erótica y la pornográfica (siendo que se corresponden con algún tipo de análisis social y económico, a la manera de los estudios de J. K. GALBRAITH, tanto del capitalismo anacrónico que se propugna en los países pobres, como del poscapitalismo en general y su economía de posmercado). Lo porno no tiene por qué terminar confundiéndose con las relaciones de «prostitución», puesto que no siempre son merco-expositivas, además, cuando refieren a casos religiosos, o psicopatológicos, o de sofisticación de la estrategia sexual, etc.</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Algo evidente, la <i>productividad pornógrafa</i> resultó económicamente cuestionada: la pospornografía critica lo sexual-explícito como mero producto valorado <i>mediante concurrencia</i> y realiza y multiplica esa exhibición en función de sí mismo o incluso de derechos civiles a resolver. Está claro que vivir de la pornografía industrializada (estructura que posee además dispositivos propios para «autorizar» o «desautorizar» realizaciones, tómese por caso la AVN® Media Network, Inc. que produce sus propios AVN Adult Awards), debe aclararse, no-es-convergente necesariamente con el derecho a realizarse una personalidad de manera pornógrafa. Es, a lo sumo, un dispositivo fabril de explotación de la persona (entre otros tantos que han pululado en los primeros doscientos años de historia del <i>gerentismo</i> de las organizaciones productivas).</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El «porno verbalizado» de siglo XVIII, aclara ECHAVARREN, como literatura didáctica, se volvió un instrumento político de los «derechos humanos» <i>para explorar el cuerpo en compañía</i>, para aprender acerca del deleite, aunque no como una condición de la Naturaleza (o sujeta a las «necesidades» <i>de la naturaleza</i>). Resultó en cambio una <i>manifestación de letras</i> en ejercicio de una libertad ideal. Hay, de alguna manera, una «economía» renovada acerca de las técnicas aplicadas a lo corpóreo-viviente (a esa base material de todo ejercicio social de la personalidad entendida como «mónada»); hay nuevas figuralidades para ordenar-y-legitimar sus movimientos reales o virtuales. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En el siglo XX, una «nueva forma» de las tensiones entre lo civil y las cuestiones de Estado se compuso como problemática <i>queer</i>. Por un lado el propio campo simbólico de los intercambios anti-heterosexualistas emerge a escala política. Por otro, coaligado a lo anterior, se intensifica un ejercicio de auto-reconocimiento, de cómo me denomino en el acto de ser personalidad moral (no en condiciones trascendentales sino de finitud). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En el Uruguay su Código Penal trata asimismo la cuestión del pundonor (Libro II, Título X): «<u>De los Delitos contra las buenas costumbres y el orden de la familia</u>». La obscenidad -como conjunto generalista de operaciones atentatorias del pundonor- siguió siendo referida a una conducta de infracción o incluso de violación grave de la ley en el marco del Derecho penal (Libro II, Título X, Capítulo V, ARTÍCULO 278): «Comete el delito de exhibición pornográfica el que ofrece públicamente espectáculos teatrales o cinematográficos obscenos, el que transmite audiciones o efectúa publicaciones de idéntico carácter». </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La dificultad se halla dada en la construcción ostensiva de lo que acaso es «obsceno» y por tanto «pornógrafo», así como la problemática metodológica no menor de una dependencia conceptual del término según resulte de su «aparición pública» como problema. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Menciono este caso nacional porque podría revelar, en algo, quizá, lo extremo o incluso temerario de una verdad normativa que tipifica exageradamente la conjunción de determinados comportamientos sexuales. Aunque con este supuesto no minimizo la pena que pudiere recaer respecto de actos sexuales resueltos a partir de «violencia privada» (Libro II, Título XI, Capítulo I, ARTÍCULO 288 del Código Penal), o mediante otras formas delictivas contra la <i>libertad individual</i>.</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Entre otros delitos (y menciono el estipulado en el Libro II, Título X, Capítulo IV, ARTÍCULO 275): «Comete estupro igualmente, el que, mediante simulación de matrimonio, efectuare dichos actos [de conjunción carnal] con mujer doncella mayor de veinte años». Y esto es una verdad normativa. ¿Cómo lograr que se presuma que una mujer no conoció hombre, anteriormente a mí? ¿O, de manera contraria, cómo lograr que se presuma que mi <i>cambio de parecer</i> no es más que un arrepentimiento honesto, siendo que la experiencia obtenida no me confortó o incluso me afligió? ¿Qué debería en tales circunstancias darse por condición tácita? </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Ocurre que los «delitos sexuales» (argamasa volátil en que confluyen lo pornógrafo, lo incestuoso, el estupro, la violación, etc.) son considerados como <i>ámbito central</i> del Derecho penal; y siendo que sus cuestiones político-sexuales se configuran, si se atiende el análisis de M. GÓMEZ TOMILLO, al influjo continuado de reformas y contrarreformas. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">No debe desatenderse pues que la cuestión obsceno-sexual resulta envuelta en un formalismo penal cuasimetafísico (en un análisis verdaderamente anti-dialéctico y arquetípico). Ese «nomenclátor» penal, finalmente, es un formalismo que no posee capacidad suficiente para resolver, al menos de manera <i>definitiva</i>, la antropología de lo pornógrafo. Es un asunto que desborda las categorías penales, las que en todo caso se le relacionan como un componente solamente oblicuo.</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>7.2.1. Obscenidad objetiva.</b> ¿En qué consiste entonces esa «obscenidad objetiva», aquella que deba definirse <i>respecto de qué actos institucionales</i>? Debe comprenderse en la <i>ruptura ideológica</i> con una operatoria moral heterosexualista -y, por tanto, de supuesto «consenso» o heterorreflexividad- habida en el Uruguay, a comienzos de siglo XXI. Para el caso del sujeto «no-heterosexual», se trata de la existencia de un objetor históricamente radical que se rebela ante la progresión de relaciones que materialmente no lo comprenden. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y así -en vez de omitir su propia «corporeidad» o <i>adaptarse</i> por la vía de la humildad ética- elige y decide intervenir interrogativamente y sin ambages las concreciones valorativas de sus intercambios. Debe resolverse como una definición real (evitándose pues la clase de las definiciones nominales; nada resuelven en este asunto la sola operatoria sinonímica o etimológica). De esto algo mencioné en el §2.1. <u>Morfología del ensayo</u>, como cuestión propiamente de reconocimiento efectivo de lo gay en tanto objeto de trabajo.</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Incluso en el campo narratológico más extremado, hay que considerar asimismo cómo la cuestión «zoofílica» y «zoofóbica» resultó en una demarcación estética mediante la que se desplazaron las construcciones de los <i>classics illustrated books</i> hacia la fotografía y la filmografía -de serie B- de expresión <i>vore</i> (de <i>vorarephilia</i>) y sus variaciones entre las que se halla el <i>vore porn</i>. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Por tanto, evidentemente, legislar acerca de la realidad -siendo que el esquema de juridicidad, como aparato de racionalidad, es una realidad en sí misma- no trata, tal como ya lo advirtiera FOUCAULT en sus <i>denuncias</i> al intelectualismo y la positividad en que se encerraba, de conformar prohibiciones o dispositivos acaso subyacentes y funcionales a un <i>rigorismo moral sobre los cuerpos</i>. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El activismo gay, en ese sentido, ha contribuido transformativamente a densificar aquellos procesos interpersonales que implican la construcción-y-proliferación de estilos, de necesario condicionamiento moral, claro, aunque deberá ser un condicionamiento operatoriamente minimalista, como acuerdo a partir de lo necesariamente común a todos y por esto verdaderamente imprescindible. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Lo obsceno, en tanto obscenidad anti-heterosexualista, se imbrica en una pospornografía que como movimiento destacó con Annie SPRINKLE en la década de 1980. Y anteriormente a esto se hallaría el «porno-gay» filmográfico de Peter de ROME, de la década de 1970 (aunque hay cinemateca anterior que conduciría hasta los primeros experimentos o rastros del «cine mudo»). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El estereotipo pornográfico comenzó a depreciarse, su comprensión intentará resolverse más allá de la plusvalía económica o de su sola concreción como dispositivo culpógeno. Comenzaría a recrearse, a partir de la razón pública, una discusión acerca de quiénes verdaderamente somos sexualmente (aunque algunos de sus dialogismos no se hallarán exentos, entre otras sociometrías, de <i>psicologismo social</i>). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Las explicitaciones desbordadas del estilo, los intercambios privados concentrados en la sofisticación del estar-y-ser, incluso desproporcionados en lo público, se implicaron en una crítica posporno al mero deleite circense (porque, de alguna manera, además, los actos-sexuales-vistos se redujeron como «telerrealidad» a las condiciones circulares de una «sociedad sinóptica», desvaneciéndose, en la sociología de investigadores como BAUMAN, el viejo panoptismo, o <i>la vieja manera de controlar para castigar</i>). Claro que esto implica la problemática de reconocer carencia de habilidades fundamentales -o de «didáctica» del hacer- para enfrentarse a los mundos exteriores, o a los mundos que no concuerdan con el propio mundo-entorno en que (<i>porque se aprende</i>) se sabe estar-y-ser.</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">No niego que las operaciones pornógrafas puedan acaso resultar en actos opresivos, pero al igual que la danza gimnástica, o la filmografía documentalista, etc. Ni tampoco omito que algún «contra-mercantilismo» se deslizó incluso hacia conclusiones feministas irracionales, moralmente neoconservadoras que confundieron mecánicamente toda imagen-mujer producida -y que resultara <i>dispositivo de deseo</i>- con un acto de degradación. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El posporno de siglo XXI -especialmente como objeto de trabajo para un mapa de experimentaciones pedagógicas- refiere a un plano de mundanidad de las expresiones de lo corpóreo que se contrapone al porno-merco-expositivo: no hay una obligación de apariencia, <i>no hay mercadillo ni mercancía para envolver</i>. El acto sexual no se reduce a las condiciones oligopólicas del «trabajo productivo» o a sus «moldes de consumo». Y si lo hace es porque el porno deteriora al posporno, a su población dispersa que es conformada, entonces sí, como «audiencia» o <i>recurso mercadológico</i>.</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La pedagogía de lo porno en el Uruguay, en general, se redujo al solo terror y control del abuso psicofísico; lo que sin duda pauperiza los mundos de la operatoria sexual. Hay que preguntarse pues por qué el Estado coagula jurídicamente la diseminación de los comportamientos sexualmente-explícitos y públicos. La exacerbación del pundonor resulta entonces en un dispositivo moral objetor del sujeto de sexualidad, evidentemente injertado en la juridicidad que atañe a su Código Penal. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En el posporno se discute el sentido de lo que sexualmente hacemos como «mundo real» (mundo no-alternativo del que proliferan otros). Se intentan así presentaciones nuevas, se renuevan las discusiones -clínicas, industriales, jurídicas, pedagógicas, etc.- acerca de las cotidianas restricciones que inhabilitan el necesario ensamblaje de posturas para poder reconocerse como personalidad. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esta «obscenidad» no se funda en la depravación sino, por su cuestión interpretativa, en la necesidad de discutir teóricamente a causa de las formas que adquiere <i>lo que se halla fuera de lugar</i>, respecto de los universales que objeta. Incluso la autocrítica (esa <i>palinodia</i> griega desarrollada, a la manera socrática, para la resolución del logos), necesaria para recrear un estilo de sí, puede provocar obscenidad. Hay acciones de violencia inmoral en referencia a una moral heterosexualista con que se intenta que se legitimen las expresiones sexuales de sí mismo. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En este sentido de necesaria violencia moral, el transexualismo es un asunto civil que destaca obscenamente: la Organización Mundial de la Salud (OMS) siguió comprendiéndolo en su CIE-10 -aparecido ya el siglo XXI- como un tipo de trastorno paranoide de la personalidad (aunque hubo esfuerzos de Francia durante el año de 2010 para abatir esto). Los «derechos civiles» de la persona transexual, de esta manera, por causa de la Naturaleza, quedan reducidos a un cientificismo anacrónico (encerrados en <i>menciones patologizantes</i> como lo denunciara en el año de 2012 la asociación Stop Trans Pathologization). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">¿Es acaso una violencia moral necesaria en el Uruguay? Sí, claro que lo es. Collette RICHARD -presidente de la Unión Trans del Uruguay <span style="font-size: xx-small;">•</span> UTRU- declararía «¡Dejen de hablar de mí!». Lo mencionó a instancias del Primer Congreso Nacional de Personas Trans y de la defensa de los derechos civiles que representa, al ser entrevistada por el periódico diario La Diaria, de octubre de 2013, con el título «<u>Ser vos</u>». Ese imperativo es necesario, al menos cuando <i>el hablar de mí</i> incursiona en la indicación patologizante o en el sociologismo empirista (habituales además en el mundo académico). El no-hablar-de-mí, a su vez, como exigencia política de integridad moral, se formula circunscripta a una transfobia extendida, existente y condenada además por la representación de Naciones Unidas en el Uruguay (se publicó en EL TIEMPO, tomado de la agencia EFE: «La ONU pidió al gobierno de Uruguay que despliegue “todos los esfuerzos” para aclarar una ola de crímenes contra transexuales en el país», de 20 de abril de 2012; en general, la prensa de esta temática confunde en sus relatos lo «travesti» con lo «transexual»). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Aunque esto refiera, claro, a una progresión resuelta a declinar: a finales del año de 2012, la propia American Psychiatric Association resolvió en su DSM-V revisar la transexualidad como «trastorno de identidad de género», comprendiéndola finalmente como «disforia de género». No es una modificación completa aunque al menos se evita catalogar a la persona -en su publicación del año de 2013- como intrínsecamente «desordenada» (siendo que esta comprensión síndico-nosográfica, además, es la que otrora incidió burocráticamente en la <i>administración de los diagnósticos</i> que ejecutara la OMS mediante su CIE). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La fuga del binarismo «hembra-varón» -de ese ajustamiento de la propiedad biológica de «fecundar» consistente en resolver médicamente el acto de «procrear» y que desatiende incluso otras estrategias de ese mismo par- posee especialmente en el activismo transgénero y travesti del Uruguay su principal componedor civil de antecedencias institucionales. Lo «transgénero» y lo «travesti» aniquilan toda concepción unívoca de las transaccionalidades. También confirman al sujeto de historia a partir de una multiplicidad infinita de estilos. No es un detalle menor para <i>una historia</i> (sociológica) <i>de la sensibilidad</i>. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>7.2.2. Obscenidad como asunto de lo público.</b> El problema político de cómo manifestar <i>mi corporeidad</i> -que solo adquiere valor ético como personalidad- consiste no tanto en la existencia necesaria del pundonor en general sino en el impedimento material de una crítica a su positividad en el ejercicio individual. Se halla en el ilusionismo exacerbado de aplicarla de manera compulsiva y desmedida por parte del Estado, incluso a partir del sentido aristotélico con que una «norma de control» regula y resuelve los intercambios, respecto de <i>quien no está dispuesto para los placeres del cuerpo en la medida que la ley manda</i>. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Ese control a las manifestaciones de sí mismo agobia cuando en el intercambio se reduce exageradamente su rareza a una patogenia de la personalidad. Y no es el «derecho de expresión» lo que resulta pues radicalmente o principalmente vulnerado en su construcción formal, sino <i>el derecho a expresarme</i> como causa de lo concreto de una exploración material, en el reconocimiento de un estar-y-ser presente. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Una revisión a partir de la androginia -en el sentido que la discute ECHAVARREN, como <i>alternativa del estilo</i>- podría permitirnos especulaciones más densas acerca de cómo es que se involucra el sujeto de sexualidad en «ese» lugar o contexto indicativo-imperativo que no lo legitima. Aplicando pues la importancia vital del estilo al espacio antropológico, quizá podríamos prescindir del dispositivo epistémico de «anormalidad» a la hora de reflexionar respecto de lo obsceno (adjetivado institucionalmente, más allá de la sola didáctica mecánica de la reconcentración genital). Entre otras alternativas, ayudaría a discutir las formas sexuales del <i>out in public</i>, o las expansiones de la <i>netporn</i> (habiendo, de esto, estudios como los de K. JACOBS). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esta cuestión, a su vez, en el propio campo de estudio de los «signos» de lo urbano y de la urbanidad, trata acerca de disyunciones de lo transaccional, propiamente de actos de sexualidad que se resuelven cosignificativamente siendo <i>ajenos a la función</i>, <i>uso y propósito</i> de la territorialidad delimitada paisajísticamente, incluso moralmente limitada. Ese «análisis semiológico del espacio» hasta podría comprenderse incluso a partir de alguna <i>hétérotopologie</i> (simplemente mediante la propia noción foucaultiana de <i>hétérotopie</i> -previamente borgiana- y que analizara M. ANTONIOLI). No desatiendo con esto, evidentemente, incluso en la condición moral mencionada de <i>la limitación</i> de los intercambios entre personas, algo más que fundamental: la comprensión de la «dignidad del lugar», donde la <i>cosa construida</i> posee realce respecto del solo ejercicio individual. Por tanto, lo que postulo de <i>la cosa</i> -o del ingenio construido- <i>en relación con los intercambios entre personas</i>, en nada lo asocio a lo que podría ser acaso una apología anárquica del vandalismo urbano. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La obscenidad es una plataforma de transformación urbana. Es, como cuestión política del activismo civil, incluso una entidad patrimonial anti-heterosexualista de clarísimo contrapeso, de contrapeso a lo que podría denominarse -remedando a P. VIRNO- como una <i>pulsión de repetición</i> que se instituye en dispositivo institucional de funcionamiento de las reglas. La obscenidad como artilugio (sin confundir esto con las formas fetichistas posibles de adquirir) quiebra aquella repetición que es herramienta de la exacerbación moral, de una moral heterosexualista.</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En ese ahí donde se concreta el acto sexual es que podría comprenderse la conjunción de personas, en ese mundo-entorno que queda cosignificado como <i>sitio</i> para actos que su diseño objetual no comprendió fundacionalmente o técnicamente. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Hay una consumación patrimonial de «lugares», asociados a un paisaje, especialmente urbanos respecto de la preocupación sociológica acerca del «espacio-público», a los que se les altera su razón cosignificante: aceras, ascensores, autobuses, callejones, costaneras, parques, pasillos, peatonales, playas, plazas, puentes, servicios higiénicos en bibliotecas, etc., ya no serán usados en las condiciones de su función, puesto que los ejercicios de deleite desbordan la condición de su categoría arquitectónica. Los lugares, como sitios, se usan para lo que no están hechos: la urbanidad, incluso a partir de sus bordes de inmoralidad, reacondiciona el objeto urbano.</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El «lugar» que por oscilación mutativa, o por <i>el cambio expresado en el devenir interpretativo</i> de un tiempo-y-lugar, es reducido a «sitio obsceno», si es reconformado a partir de una habitabilidad erógena, es porque hay personas hábiles en explicitar -incluso con desmesura- su deleite. Esto, si se entiende esa microgeografía o micrópolis como <i>hermaion</i> que para los helenos era un hallazgo afortunado en el camino, sin desatenderse, claro, su topografía y estructura y, a su vez, el tipo de urbanidad con que corresponde vínculos y circunstancias, etc.</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Hay una distinción que especifica ECHAVARREN para comprender estas distorsiones vinculares: el ejercicio pornógrafo -y con esto, su necesaria crítica- es un derecho de la persona. De lo contrario, el criterio de relación posible entre el deseo y su estilo se pauperiza. La oportunidad de manifestarse (evidentemente, <i>ante otros</i>) resulta en una condición por sí misma restrictiva si la necedad es su moda. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El exhibicionismo, entendido como «prurito» antes que como «perversión», no debe clasificarse apresuradamente como un obrar inmoral o un interés malsano. Es hueco (o una noción vacía), hay que adjetivarlo en proporción a las circunstancias, siendo que a veces incluso puede ser <i>instrumento de daño</i>, claro que sí, además de concordante con la forma del dicterio. Es un dispositivo que hace a la existencia y realización misma de la personalidad. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Ese mostrarse se halla implicado en la proliferación de ortopedias virtuales <i>para un ocio audiovisual</i> -como acto privado, persona a persona- y con esto la «coerción institucional» necesariamente pierde «intensidad» en una plataforma digital como podría serlo <i>cam4</i> u otras en el campo telemático. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y en condiciones donde lo privado desborda en lo público, hay cuestiones dudosas para formular que no se determinan en la sola condición de juridicidad del asunto. ¿Acaso una frontera entre lo erótico y lo porno refiere al reflujo de memorias, de pensar acerca de lo no demostrado o pronunciado, en «indicios»? ¿Por qué detenerse en el deseo, si el deleite es un derecho? ¿Respecto de qué protege la persistente mecanicidad púdica del no-desvelar? ¿Por qué disminuir las prácticas de la «sugerencia» a las de una «ocultación»? ¿Por qué invalidar las certidumbres de lo sexual-explícito con antelación, o degradar la antropología de la personalidad, en aras de una irracional (o arquetípica) sistemática del escrúpulo? </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Este engorroso <i>ensamblaje social</i> es resuelto por el posporno en términos de representación multiplicada, porque lo «raro» en el espacio público es exhibido sin que sea rotulado -en las condiciones de un objeto de interés clínico- como «exhibicionismo». </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Si bien la estilización de sí, en efecto, implica alguna realidad estética que es intervenida por deberes éticos, en las condiciones de una personalidad, claro, las figuraciones que concreto, no siendo funcionales al propio campo de las obligaciones, no se circunscriben a los <i>deberes morales</i>. Puesto que no son los «otros», en su sola <i>condición aritmética</i> al menos, quienes deben acaso autorizar mi visibilidad, ni lo superlativo de productos emergentes que provengan de los actos propios que encierra. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Se comienza, así, toda una serie de discusiones asociadas al agotamiento político de una ideología del escrúpulo sistemático contra las cuestiones y los cuestionamientos que tratan las concreciones sexuales. Esto, no obstante, no implica defender la infecundidad poética: no conviene reducir lo porno a presentación de pura fisiología; la pose, evidentemente, no debe ser un demérito si de ficcionalidad se trata, puesto que lo porno no es traducible a documental naturalista o relato pseudoetnológico. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Se inculca -en la didáctica de la negación de la «imagen sexual»- el temor a la orgía, al lesbianismo, a la analidad del varón, en general, a la sodomía con el otro o consigo mismo, etc., a la <i>degustación</i>, a comprometerse con un saber de sí. Se ahoga al sujeto de sexualidad en un «autismo»; sus intercambios son subsumidos al mentalismo, o al ilusionismo escatológico de temer a entidades fantasmagóricas (sublunares o supraterrenales), en vez de ejercerse la asertividad como un objeto de las relaciones. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La vergüenza, entendida como dispositivo moral que acota el comportamiento propio respecto del otro, posee, en efecto, una raíz aristotélica que es antecedencia de su comprensión moderna y transformada. A su vez, si se asume su contravalor, en el siglo XXI la <i>desvergüenza</i> podría identificarse como una resultante del reflujo moral que discute la comprensión de <i>los vicios presentes</i>, <i>pasados o futuros que parecen llevar a perder el honor</i>. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El posporno reactiva críticamente el ejercicio de esa «desvergüenza» del acto sexual: no para desestimar la vergüenza -la pena y turbación que le sean intrínsecas, su expresión misma, aunque finalmente la vergüenza debe ser aniquilada por la «magnificencia» que es su verdadero contradictorio- sino para recrear incógnitas acerca de por qué resulta correspondida continuadamente con obras <i>procedentes de vicio</i> y en relación a la reclusión del deleite. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El posporno -mediante las nociones que propone ECHAVARREN en el ensayo de este asunto- atiende la inflexión y crítica producidas a causa del proceder pornógrafo, a causa, asimismo, del reexamen y la recreación que los institucionalmente excluidos realizan de las «vivencias pulsionales». Y esto claro implica lo <i>queer</i> (o postulado con menos eufemismo, el sesgo civilizado del <i>degeneramiento moral</i>).</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Si la vergüenza es una representación del deshonor y este, asimismo, se padece en atención a los que juzgan, la problemática se constituiría atendiendo <i>cómo se piensa en la opinión de los que son prudentes puesto que dicen la verdad</i>: emerge, de este proceso cognitivo, la cuestión de la positividad foucaultiana y de cómo se instrumentan burocráticamente las operaciones sexuales en relación a la censura (ante un poder determinativo, como lo es en el Uruguay el Poder Judicial respecto del Código penal anteriormente mencionado). La «vergüenza», así, refiere a operaciones que se desajustan de la norma política y habría que resolver entonces si esto acaso no es un justificativo burocrático al supuestamente «necesario» ocultamiento ético. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>7.2.3. Obscenidad como objeto anti-pornógrafo, igualmente funcional al pundonor.</b> En el plano laicista, esta dificultad sintáctica, este quid de cómo ordenar moral y ética, se manifestó -durante siglo XX- en, por ejemplo, movimientos feministas antipornográficos (para no hacer referencias evidentes, las de mujeres defensoras de la familia y la moral, u otros activismos predecibles, etc.). Redujeron todas las figuraciones que se resolviesen <i>en el asesinato del cuerpo de la mujer</i> (generadas como <i>snuff movies</i> principalmente) a una cuestión de misoginia. Por tanto, toda <i>snuff porn</i> merco-expositiva o académica -toda ficcionalidad que <i>violentara el cuerpo de la mujer</i>- quedaba al mismo nivel que un «asesinato real», como si acaso pudiesen comprenderse ambas situaciones indistintamente en el plano criminógeno. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esto llevó a que se rotulara de «feminicidio» incluso a las películas <i>snuff</i> «blandas» que comprendiesen figuraciones correspondientes con el terror, el suspenso, el misterio, etc., puesto que también convertían a la mujer en objeto de <i>violencia ficcional extrema</i>. Algunos movimientos feministas incluso igualaron, mediante ese «feminicidio», por su concreción explícita de lo sexual, a la pornografía con la gorenografía, siendo que se valían de iguales propósitos (tanto en sus operaciones filmográficas asociadas al género <i>terror</i> como al <i>space</i>-<i>opera</i> que comúnmente es confundido a su vez con el de «ciencia ficción»). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">A este asunto, a su vez, agrego la construcción de lo pornógrafo que discute WITTIG al criticar «el pensamiento heterosexual». Respecto de <i>sus imágenes </i>-<i>películas</i>, <i>fotos de revistas</i>, <i>carteles publicitarios en las paredes de las ciudades</i>- <i>constituyen</i>, eso afirmará, <i>un discurso</i>, <i>y ese discurso</i>, <i>que cubre nuestro mundo con sus signos</i>, <i>tiene un sentido</i>: <i>significa que las mujeres están dominadas</i>. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y agrega que <i>para nosotras</i> -las personas lesbianas- <i>sin embargo</i>, <i>este discurso no está divorciado de lo real</i>, <i>como lo está para los semiólogos</i>. Entiende que <i>el discurso pornográfico forma parte de las estrategias de violencia que se ejercen sobre nuestro entorno</i>, <i>humilla</i>, <i>degrada</i>, <i>es un crimen contra nuestra</i> «<i>humanidad</i>». Es más, afirma que <i>no ven</i> -tales semiólogos- <i>que este discurso es la realidad para nosotras</i>, <i>una de las facetas de la realidad de nuestra opresión</i>, <i>creen que nos equivocamos en el nivel de análisis</i>. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esas operaciones de minusvaloración -especificadas legítimamente por WITTIG- fundamentalmente hay que comprenderlas como <i>denuncia gremial</i>. Ahora, hay que asimismo concretar el sentido de su aserción verdadera -que lo es, como verdad normativa- en tanto critica el <i>objeto de propaganda heterosexual</i>, o su proselitismo. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En su crítica acerca de la «imagen» no se resuelve ninguna consideración sustantivada acerca de lo porno, más allá de la sola consecución de <i>pasiones del alma racional</i> (el «asco», el «desagrado», la «desesperación», la «angustia», etc., confirman esa relación <i>psicologista</i> con el objeto, pero no universalizan, acaso, puesto que resultaría burdo, una concluida supeditación de lo estético a lo moral). Nunca podría ser ese reduccionismo la conclusión posible en el campo del activismo de los «derechos civiles». </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Lo porno ha sido utilizado instrumentalmente como dispositivo que imperativamente indica-lo-otro para «oprimir», pero también ha ocurrido con lo educativo orientado a mero cúmulo de <i>competencias</i> o <i>calidades</i>, o con lo médico a través de estrategias de higienización, o con lo matrimonial y su liturgia de obediencia al varón, etc. Y no por eso reduzco tales planos del saber-hacer a su solo suplicio. Es necesario apropiarse arqueológicamente de sus aplicaciones posibles y rebatir la positividad en que se comprimen (si de considerar materialmente las nociones de FOUCAULT se trata). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Atendiendo este considerando sucinto, correspondería, ahora en el campo religioso que es su correlato, esbozar también alguna reflexión acerca de las afirmaciones que el Catecismo de la Iglesia Católica proclama acerca de estos entredichos habidos con la explicitación de lo sexual-público (§2354): «La pornografía consiste en dar a conocer actos sexuales, reales o simulados, fuera de la intimidad de los protagonistas, exhibiéndolos ante terceras personas de manera deliberada. Ofende la castidad porque desnaturaliza la finalidad del acto sexual. Atenta gravemente a la dignidad de quienes se dedican a ella (actores, comerciantes, público), pues cada uno viene a ser para otro objeto de un placer rudimentario y de una ganancia ilícita. Introduce a unos y a otros en la ilusión de un mundo ficticio. Es una falta grave. Las autoridades civiles deben impedir la producción y la distribución de material pornográfico». </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Al sujeto de sexualidad se le imputa ser causa de un obrar procaz, respecto de las propias tensiones operatorias que dimanan de los estilos, por contraponerse con una moralidad que converge en la negación de los <i>estados del mundo</i>, en la inmovilidad de la Historia, si elije y decide disociarse de la castidad. Esa castidad -como valor moral que presenta el catequismo- amalgama y confunde las recreaciones pornógrafas o posporno. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Iguala irracionalmente entre sí lujuria, masturbación, fornicación, prostitución y violación, así como sus respectivas figuraciones, como si acaso fuesen manifestaciones equiparables. Se exige como comprensión metafísica que las incongruencias expresivas de lo corpóreo con el lugar desaparezcan, de no «invisibilizarse» o «curarse» convergerían así en algún tipo de martirio institucionalizado, en su horror moral (hay por ejemplo todo un estudio a considerar de V. BURGIO que discute la <i>iconografía del miedo</i> a partir de las realizaciones conceptuales de N. SOLAKOV). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Menciono una anécdota acerca de lo obsceno como objeto de trabajo <i>en lo público</i>. En el Museo de Arte Precolombino e Indígena de Montevideo, su curaduría expuso como permanente -de su colección y acervo- una pieza de cerámica: una vasija con tres figuras de bulto yacentes y que podrían denominarse «homoeróticas». </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esa pieza es originaria del distrito de Moche, Perú (data de los años 1 a 700 d.C.). De ese <i>trimonio</i> de varones, dos de las figuras de bulto presentan su genitalidad: un varón mantiene coito anal con otro de los varones, en tanto que el tercero pernocta junto a ellos, sin intervenir en el placer de sus pares. Esa maravillosa pieza arqueológica fue observada efectivamente por variadas personas, sin que hubiese reparos en su presentación (siendo que esto incluye el reconocimiento estético de educandos sin «mayoría de edad», incluso párvulos). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">¿Qué acto moral debía entonces haberse resuelto? ¿Debía afirmarse que la población precolombina de Moche era «inmoral», o «inocente» acaso? ¿Debía sugerirse a las autoridades del museo que evitara quizá mostrar esa pieza decididamente «pornográfica»? ¿Acaso debía desarrollarse una campaña pública para advertir de tal vergüenza a <i>madres</i> y a <i>padres</i>, a <i>tutores</i>, a <i>defensores de la familia</i>, etc.? ¿Y cuánto más debería acaso haberse reaccionado moralmente? </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">¿Debía promoverse, quizá, respecto de filias pretéritas, contemporáneas o probables, a la manera de una prolepsis, alguna omisión moderna de la arqueología tratante de anteriores expresiones de sexualidad? ¿O debía promocionarse alguna otra manera de «eliminación» incondicional y absoluta de tales imágenes, o de ceguera iconográfica, para toda aquella temática sexual que <i>perturbara</i> el pundonor? </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La respuesta pedagógica -también andragógica- a tales cuestiones dudosas es <u>no</u>. No-debe-ejercerse el delirio moral, la burocrática moralina. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>7.2.4. Obscenidad como objeto arqueológico y antecedente.</b> Evidentemente que no debe prohibirse ni omitirse mostrar un coito anal u otro objeto estético de la operatoria sexual, en tanto el propósito sea el de ordenar -por la vía de su historicidad- una <i>pedagogía adjetivada de los actos sexuales</i>. El campo de casos es extenso, si se atienden los estudios tanto de A. DANIÉLOU como los de G. DEVEREUX, así como también los de F. CARMONA, C. HERNÁNDEZ y J. A. TRIGUEROS, o el de L. A. PÉREZ, entre otros.</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Están las obscenidades rituales de los misterios eleusinos para iniciarse en el culto de las diosas Deméter y Perséfone, o por ejemplo del <i>anasyrma</i> de algunos ritos religiosos -orientados al transformismo y a la androginia- aplicados incluso con un sentido <i>apotropaico</i>, o de la creencia órfica en la Baubo representada con una vulva exagerada, de piernas muy abiertas y montando sobre un puerco, o de las <i>cantigas de maldizer</i> medieval en la poesía gallegoportuguesa, o, comenzado ya el siglo XXI, del <i>dozens </i>afroamericano manifestado en su <i>reggaetón</i>, etc. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Porque de no ser así, además, de no evitarse entonces la exageración moral, hasta el <i>Risus Paschalis</i> (o la hilaridad en la Pascua) -que G. SOTO POSADA menciona según los análisis teológicos de M. C. JACOBELLI- resultaría inconcebible a causa de las «actitudes obscenas» que constituyen su misa. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Sería inconcebible, claro, al menos en las coordenadas de un rigorismo que acerca de la moral sexual parecería orientarse según un fanatismo escatológico antiguo (en su raíz platónica, en la que promovía liberarse de los apetitos sensibles para<i> entrar en contacto con lo que es puro</i>, y, de ese postulado es que se apropió el espiritualismo cristiano posteriormente con el fin de fundamentar la «perfección moral» de las pasiones, etc., tal como se aprecia en las extensas anotaciones de H. PINARD de la BOULLAYE). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Hay que reconstruir alternativas transaccionales para discutir el porqué de las reducciones de los sujetos «no-normalizados» a una «otredad negativa»: la persona es también una concreción explícita (aunque no cumpla una función explícita, puesto que no puedo comprender al sujeto de sexualidad como un «reflejo mecánico», ni de su sociedad, ni de su tiempo). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Hay que discutir una pedagogía de la sexualidad que se involucra, además, contemporáneamente, con la emergencia de una pedagogía de lo pornógrafo, siendo que el fetiche didascálico es para recrear el propósito formativo del <i>deleitarse</i>. Hay un caso objetual específico; se trata del proyecto porno para ciegos de L. J. MURPHY conocido como <i>Tactile Mind</i> a partir del año de 2010. Este asunto, asimismo, permite relacionar «cuerpo» y <i>fetiche</i>, en vez de hacer de la corporeidad solo un artilugio, donde sí resulta <i>reducido a cosa</i>. Se trata de una realidad relacional compleja. Se halla compuesta de múltiples operatorias excitativas, capaces del desbordamiento de la sola verdad normativa a partir de la que sin duda se aprende a estar-y-ser. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La intervención misma del fetiche en la construcción de lo obsceno-sexual, como asunto propiamente de los intercambios, debe discutirse <i>fuera</i> de toda presuposición psicopatológica que inhiba comprender su mundo-entorno (al sujeto de sexualidad en relación autocomplaciente con la cosa), en el que acaso se logra estar-y-ser. El objeto de electividad como cosa instrumental de deleite, al menos en las condiciones estéticas <i>de ser el primer objeto</i> (antes que mero artilugio, diferenciación en la que insisten los pensadores materiales de Oviedo, por ejemplo), no debe confundirse con una «malformación», ni restringirlo a sinónimo de «aberración», «perversión», «degeneración», o «primitivismo». Esto lo analizo remendado a G. BUENO respecto de sus reflexiones acerca de la problemática del fetiche (cuestión que arbitrariamente relaciono con el mundo tecnológico del placer).</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En todo caso, la discusión de los «trastornos» -como asunto resultante de una lectura psiquiátrica- no debe ceñirse a una operatoria clínica circunscripta a <i>comprender el mundo de manera praxeomórfica</i>. Esto implica que si bien es inevitable y necesario vivir la mundanidad propia del saber práctico de una época, según lo que se sabe hacer y a la manera en que se suele acaso ordenarlo, debe afirmarse con BAUMAN que no es a eso que el conocimiento de un asunto evidentemente se reduce. Esto, independientemente de los estudios de <i>opiniones</i>, <i>aficiones</i>, o <i>comportamientos</i> que en general pudiesen acaso resultar de interés demoscópico para la física social. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Está claro pues que no se reflexiona acerca de lo pornográfico y lo posporno «idealmente», sino a partir de la existencia misma de lo corpóreo representado. Pero las operaciones jurídicas se relacionan con los campos médico, psicológico, pedagógico, etc., para resolver -de manera arquetípica- cómo acaso es posible contener la decisión judicial del castigo. El castigar, claro, tal como lo aclara FOUCAULT, no es una tarea sencilla. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Por tanto, es necesaria la «crítica sana» a las estrategias de «visibilidad del cuerpo» que proliferan. Y que de alguna manera (contemporáneamente) especializan y densifican alternativas de <i>participación democrática</i>. Los estilos, así, son también un emergente institucional: es más que una idea redactada; los derechos civiles resultan forjados en el caminar, en el hablar, en el vestirse, en el peinarse, en el acoplarse al otro, a partir de lo común a todos, sabiéndose defender esas construcciones. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Lo corpóreo en sí del sujeto de sexualidad, tal como lo afirma la propia <i>teología del cuerpo</i> (de ese «cuerpo» metafísico que discute), no debe ser tratado como «objeto de manipulación». ¿Para qué este requisito? Para que el cuerpo «sea» -efectivamente- <i>de la persona</i>. No obstante, esa sola premisa dificulta concluir que los intercambios deban resultar predeterminados. Porque distinto de lo que presupone la antropología cristiana, la personalidad no resulta reducible a un sentido esponsalicio.</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">O el sentido esponsalicio o la negación vitalicia de toda intimidad material con otro, esas son las dos condiciones posibles para resolver el propósito salvífico. Y es que remedando a fray Luis de LEÓN, especialmente en su sentido moral y anagógico, cabe recordar que la <i>imagen del hombre terreno</i> (como culpa suya y <i>por virtud del demonio</i>, siendo «ponzoña» y «espíritu malo») no se corresponde con los <i>bienes naturales de Dios</i> (siendo estos la sustancia del cuerpo y del alma). Por tanto esa «distancia» debe resolverse a partir de tecnologías del renunciamiento de sí, como reconocimiento de un bien: la negación de la imagen terrena -y este es el quid de su fundamentación- se trata en las condiciones de una mera referencia ilusoria.</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">No obstante, esa sola acotación metafísica permite atender lo evidente: lo porno o posporno en sí mismo no necesariamente se cosignifican como libertad-y-liberación (respecto de aptitudes y talentos propios a formar y recrear). Bien puede ocurrir así que se tergiversen en <i>referencia ilusoria</i>. El anotarlo protege de una mundanidad ciclópea que acaso hipostasie lo obsceno-sexual y dificulte por tanto el hallazgo moral de lo «deplorable» o de lo «aberrante». Algo así debe evitarse.</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">No postulo las manifestaciones porno o posporno a partir de una autonomía absoluta o de prescindencia ciega del lugar, o, como cuestión todavía aún más fundamental, no se trata de practicar el indiferentismo ante otras personas. Pero no debe minusvalorarse ni magnificarse de antemano la narrativa-sexual que se halla intrincada con el mundo de la desmesura. La «moralina» no debe contorsionarse como una tecnología de las elaboraciones estéticas. No lo es. Porque esto injerta <i>automáticamente</i> al sujeto pornógrafo, y, de manera más general, a quien se radica en la condición <i>queer</i>, en las alternativas de alguna discriminación injusta, sometimiento humillante o prevaricación. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Un análisis de lo pornógrafo, de las trazas o resabios arqueológicos con que se intenta construir algún postulado para tratar lo obsceno-sexual, no es que deba acaso menospreciar entimemas morales. No. Aunque tampoco debe ahogar sus conclusiones en un ortograma de deberes atributivos, si es apenas sustentado por «premisas idiosincrásicas» (como ocurre con la positividad que rechaza lo gay en sus variadas formas por resultar contrapuestas sus operaciones a un Estado heterosexualista). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Hay que discutir para esto la propia problemática de la <i>videncia</i> de sí mismo, así como los mecanismos mediante los que se construyen instrumentos para el deleite, siendo que deben comprenderse en la hipertelia misma de sus progresiones (hay que atender esa <i>fantasía perceptiva</i> de J. LEZAMA LIMA, a partir de la que recrearse es una posibilidad cierta). Puesto que en esas prácticas-fetiche, o en el objeto iniciador del deleite -como <i>rememoración que identifica</i> si remedo a su vez la díada de la significación o «cosignificación» en F. de SAUSSURE- es que subyace la «evidencia» constitutiva de las formas (incluso obscenas) del acto sexual. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La propia recreación, por tanto, como tecnología del estilo que aniquila justamente el tedio de las repeticiones (las que a su vez son <i>tecnología de institucionalidad</i>), permite confirmar el cuidado de sí. Para que el sujeto de sexualidad <i>desde sí</i> elabore entonces alguna apertura al mundo del otro; la moral que lo comprende -y lo afirmo a partir de ECHAVARREN- debe <i>descomponer las disyunciones que resultaron esquematizadas a partir de un régimen binario esencialista</i>. El estilo, evidentemente, no es reducible a un mero conglomerado de «repertorios simbólicos», ni a una construcción de identidad por la vía merco-expositiva de las «industrias de la manipulación corporal». No es <i>un recorte y aplique</i>.</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Para esto, una historia nacional de la sexualidad colaboraría en la comprensión de la circularidad de los comportamientos, así como de lo explícito-sexual de sus operaciones, las progresiones mismas de su legitimidad. Permitiría compilar tantas otras alternativas que se configuren en oposición a las prácticas de un «biopoder» mediante el que se inculcó -tal como lo advirtiera FOUCAULT- una <i>scientia sexualis</i> como realidad supletoria del <i>ars erotica</i>. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Hay que proponer y promover que la responsabilidad y el cuidado de sí proliferen, para que el deleite del sujeto de sexualidad no sea un padecimiento y para que su estar-y-ser, sus <i>imágenes </i>y <i>protuberancias</i>, no las enajene el Estado. Y el propio Estado además debe conformar las condiciones de estas enseñanzas. En el Uruguay lo comenzó por la vía legislativa. Ahora resta intervenir un ya clásico objeto de interés sociológico: «el disciplinamiento». </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La «disciplina del comportamiento» como construcción pura y dura de opresión moral, debe revisarse. Y debe hacerse especialmente en lo que concierne a la administración de circunstancias y condiciones que harían de la personalidad un objeto de prognosis, un <i>receptor</i>, finalmente, políticamente adiestrado. Y esta cuestión acerca de las restricciones maximalistas al sujeto de sexualidad (pienso en el «maximalismo moral» del que advirtiese el pensamiento polaco con SCHAFF), no es, en tanto objeto de crítica histórica, un asunto solamente vinculado con las tramas del deontologismo religioso o del neoconservadurismo burgués.</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Se trata de una positividad que resultó reforzada en el propio acervo político antiimperialista latinoamericano: el pundonor exacerbado, de alguna manera, legitimó la desacreditación de toda ética desburocratizada que el sujeto de sexualidad acaso pretendiese. Una «ética revolucionaria» no se aceptaba si era una ética revolucionaria manifiestamente no-heterosexual. El negarla era una <i>norma invisible</i> que se aplicaba a rajatabla -como marca moral- sobre aquel sujeto político que se hallara en ejercicio público de su verdadera-vida.</span><br />
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<b style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><a href="http://prometheuschannel.blogspot.com/search/label/Ensayo%20en%20ciencias%20humanas%20III" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">7.3. Problema electivo: hacer de la contraconducta una «fuente ética» de estilo o acallarse en la humildad del comportamiento</a> </b></div>
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Pablo Pallashttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02676986163926451532noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8368737022377042313.post-83318525953481700982015-02-24T17:52:00.001-02:002021-03-15T00:26:05.685-03:00Ciencias Humanas: ensayo de maestría<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-large;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><a href="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/r3WZAIXJ4PM/maxresdefault.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="225" src="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/r3WZAIXJ4PM/maxresdefault.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><br /></span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-large;"><b>Maestría en ciencias humanas: tesis</b></span><br />
<b><span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-large;"><span style="color: #444444;">«</span><span style="color: #444444;">M</span><span style="color: #444444;">undo gay» intrincado en la m</span><span style="color: #444444;">oral sexual</span></span></b><br />
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<b style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></b><span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://prometheuschannel.blogspot.com/search/label/Ensayo%20en%20ciencias%20humanas%20II" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Anterior</a></span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>7.3. Problema electivo: hacer de la contraconducta una «fuente ética» de estilo o acallarse en la humildad del comportamiento</b></span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La tarea académica de discutir acerca de la conformidad de estilos, implica referirse a los morfismos del estar-y-ser. Es la propia disposición personal de las actitudes, las habilidades y el hallazgo de las virtudes como una operatoria vívida, respecto de un paisaje que legitime aperturas al auto-reconocimiento (a ese saber-hacer autológico que se orienta a un fin). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La persona va sabiendo de sí misma en el quehacer microcósmico de sus alternativas. Considero que esa premura ontológica me puede facilitar la tarea formal de discutir lo verdadero de las relaciones del sujeto de sexualidad consigo mismo, como con otros, según <i>lo que se concreta y se hace y de cómo acaso se lo valora</i>. Eso no se resuelve como una definición psicologista de las circunstancias. Puesto que además deben discutirse propiamente las identificaciones que se confirman al influjo de lo institucional (a la manera de «relaciones necesarias» entre sujetos lógicos, entre personas efectivamente capaces de valorar). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Ya en lo anteriormente discutido, la legitimidad del estar-y-ser se comprende como problema a partir de dos cuestiones generales. Una es la de una fuga concretada, una superación de la sola positividad que se fundamenta en el heterosexismo (donde todo intercambio social es envuelto en el velo de la Naturaleza). La otra trata acerca de la efectiva resistencia civil lograda contra una jurídica del pundonor y su censura de lo obsceno-sexual o de lo explícito-público del cuerpo <i>simplemente porque sí</i>. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Hay toda una discusión, por tanto, acerca de las alternativas de manifestación material de quién verdaderamente se es y de cómo acaso ha de comprenderse uno mismo virtuoso. Es más, esto incluso se procesa ante las instancias mismas de señalamiento de-lo-que-se-hace interviniendo (inevitablemente) la razón pública, interviniendo su «correctivo moral». Y el saber defenderse, entonces, implicará exigir con persistencia que ese correctivo moral sea efectivamente fundamentado a partir de referencias reales a las que se contraponga, en vez de resultar solo sustentado en una mera <i>iconografía del miedo</i>. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Al avanzar en estas consideraciones acerca de las restricciones pundonorosas a ese yo-que-soy, es que se hace posible, entonces, comprender -atendiendo las reflexiones formuladas por ECHAVARREN en <i>Arte andrógino</i>- que las «contraconductas» existen siendo entre sí aditivas. Y esa «contraconducta» -que es aludida en sentido foucaultiano por ECHAVARREN (como término vago antes que positivo)- es un reconocimiento de ese sí mismo, de su para sí. Trata acerca de una recreación de la personalidad. Es un procedimiento que delinea la fuga o salida de las tautologías de la Moda, mediante las que precisamente se homogenizan los quehaceres de unos y otros. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Para formular de esta manera alguna crítica a esa comprensión de los progresos vinculares, de su Moda, hay que considerar que si en las ciencias humanas lo expresivo de lo corpóreo es reducido <i>a naturaleza</i> es porque se lo minusvalora. El problema consiste en que la personalidad discrepante, su propia fuga ideológica, es considerada entonces como anti-natural, siendo que la razón teológica a su vez caracteriza tradicionalmente lo innatural como contrapuesto con las exigencias del orden sobrenatural. Baste recordar con FOUCAULT que lo anti-natural asimismo fue una forma de lo dado como «contra la ley»: las prohibiciones se fundamentaron, a su vez, según esa <i>naturaleza jurídica</i>.</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La libertad-y-liberación de la persona que discuto, ese ejercicio de realidad radical que analizara ECHAVARREN al reflexionar acerca del gobierno de sí y de los otros, no se postula como una tarea cínica (o de simple <i>reinado de sí</i>); no es un elucidarse a sí mismo <i>conforme a lo que se encuentra en la naturaleza</i>. Es mucho más que eso. No se trata de una simple práctica de conformismo, no es una observación banal de sí mismo que se practique <i>a escondidas de otros</i>. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La emergencia de un pensamiento negador de esa contraconducta marcadamente anti-heterosexualista se evidenció, o erupcionó, si se quiere, en su magma moral, en el año de 2003. Aconteció mediante declaraciones que formulara N. COTUGNO en contra del «matrimonio gay» (o de un «matrimonio» o <i>unión esponsalicia</i> en general sin requerimientos «heterosexuales»), siendo en ese entonces representante de la Iglesia Católica del Uruguay. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Igualmente, antes de pasar a la cuestión de la posición eclesial, aprovecho a mencionar -atendiendo una cronología formulada por SEMPOL- que la organización activista Ovejas Negras presentó en el año de 2010 un proyecto de reforma del Código Civil ante el Poder Legislativo. Lo hizo justamente para la salvaguarda del «matrimonio igualitario». El articulado de matrimonio igualitario propuesto al Parlamento por este colectivo, resultó reformulado por el representante nacional Sebastián SABINI con el aval de sus autores. Y en mayo de 2011 fue presentado ante la bancada legislativa de la coalición Frente Amplio gobernante. Comenzaba a gestarse así una verdaderamente nueva arqueología jurídica, en lo propiamente nacional y sin desatender los hallazgos en este sentido de anteriores legislaciones como las del caso argentino.</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Entrevistado por A. DANZA y E. RISSO, periodistas de la revista Búsqueda que en agosto de 2003 publicaron su trabajo con el título «<u>La homosexualidad es como “una enfermedad contagiosa”, por eso es preciso “aislar” a quien tiene esa condición para poder “curarlo”</u>», el entonces Monseñor COTUGNO afirmaba: «Si voy a los dos primeros capítulos de la carta de san Pablo a los romanos, ahí interviene la palabra de Dios de una forma tajante, cuando condena todas las formas aberrantes de unión de los varones entre sí: la homosexualidad. Entonces, condena la cosa en sí; no expresa ningún juicio condenatorio sobre la persona. Se condena el pecado pero se está abierto a la misericordia del pecador. Nosotros vemos estas manifestaciones “aberrantes” de la realización del ser humano en la historia, como la expresión negativa de “querer ser Dios” prescindiendo del verdadero Dios, del que se ha manifestado creando. La naturaleza humana ha sido creada por Dios; entonces tiene determinados carriles, cánones, límites, que no se pueden franquear. ¿Se puede hablar de enfermedad entonces? En cierto sentido, sí. Es la “enfermedad” de quien sufre en el propio ser y en la propia carne los desvíos y la desvirtuación de lo que llamamos naturaleza humana». </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Distinto de lo que mundanamente se supondría, las declaraciones publicadas no poseyeron «trogloditismo» sino un conocimiento denso de la cuestión teológica que comprende el tema de la moral-sexual. Hubo fundamentación; la hubo, aunque se correspondiera con el pensamiento reaccionario. Esa especulativa metafísica acerca del <i>placer aberrante</i> como relación varón-varón, y dejando de lado la problemática de exégesis que incorporaría, merece al menos dos observaciones generales a sus conjeturas.</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La primera razón, pretendió otorgarle estatuto clínico a las que son consideraciones morales, tipificando COTUGNO lo gay como «enfermedad», (siendo esto, en el campo nosológico, una pretensión más que temeraria). La segunda razón, comprendió además como <i>superbia</i> -en su discurso eclesial- las alternativas del deseo o deleite, aquellas que se identifican anti-heterosexualistas. La superbia y el <i>origen del diablo</i> -al menos en el borde más «demonológico» en el que insisten pensadores como M. SCHELER- radican en «el orgullo del valor moral propio, en tanto que valor supremo, el orgullo moral o el vicio del ángel caído –al que los fariseos imitarán eternamente». Pero en esto, todos los renacimientos resultarán tildados justamente de pecaminosos, de hallarse inmersos en la <i>superbia</i>.</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Ya en el Fedro, la «economía» que Lisias argüía de las afectaciones era descompuesta por Sócrates. Tuvo que aclararle Sócrates a Fedro, respecto de Lisias, una cuestión moral muy sencilla de entender: la relación entre varones solo requiere de la <i>palinodia</i> -o autocrítica homérica, como labor del saber rectificarse- y no de la negación o sublimación de sus asociaciones privadas. Y es que no es cuestión de postular ninguna forma del deber que pauperice el acto sexual, ni tampoco que lo inhabilite (porque tal como lo aclara AGUINIS, si en la «negligencia» se omite el hacer, siendo un deber, en la «imprudencia» por su parte se hace por sobre lo que resulta del deber). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Hay que proponer, también considerando a AGUINIS, lo siguiente: es posible construir tecnologías del deber moral que sustituyan a las del sojuzgamiento; eso implica superarse como mero objeto de culpa, para ser sujeto de responsabilidad. Está claro que una <i>nada absoluta de culpa</i> -tal como lo menciona- no es lo que se considera, ya que se correspondería con una <i>analgesia congénita</i>: el sujeto de intercambios carecería de una conciencia de valores, no poseería la facultad de pensarse respecto de sí mismo y respecto de otros, no habría oportunidad de diferenciar sus quehaceres ni de diferenciarse de sus propias maneras (multiformes) de ser. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Hay que volver a pensar, entonces, la responsabilidad del acto sexual. Parecería no entenderse que los «intercambios fundamentales» no son solo reflujo económico y orgánico de <i>lo necesario</i> sino a su vez causa de deseos. Esos «deseos», deben discutirse sintácticamente a la manera de una <i>prolepsis</i> que refluye de los actos. De lo contrario, el devenir crítico se obnubila si prescindo de esta fórmula, si lo vivencial, pues, no se halla confirmado en lo vívido que además le es inmanente (propia del espacio antropológico donde el deseo es claramente una cuestión material y no mera hipotética). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Hay que desmoronar por tanto los excesos de una institucionalidad de la culpa. Y es que la apología de la culpa que tuviese por causa no-ser-heterosexual degrada, en efecto, a la persona humana. Además, continuando con AGUINIS, respecto de esa culpa, nada podría reconocerse sino a partir de su adjetivación variada, como a) un <i>constituyente psíquico</i> del sujeto, b) un inhibidor de las exacerbaciones de uno sobre otro, c) una <i>indignidad</i> de sí que se convierte en manera de ser, o iv. una <i>gracia culposa</i>, o v. un gozo de la culpa. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Su propia multifacetación -aclarará AGUINIS- no se genera solo como <i>respuesta</i> ante una <i>mala acción precisa</i>. Hay que considerar, pues, estas formas de la culpa cuando se promueven respecto de un estar-y-ser «no-heterosexual», para discernir la trama de tergiversaciones que se efectivizan acerca del deseo (si acaso se degrada a una secuencia de minusvaloraciones). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Pero para esta contraconducta que discuto y que tomo de ECHAVARREN, también es necesario analizar el naturalismo de los actos. La Naturaleza no <i>dispone</i> para cada hembra un macho propiamente de la especie (ese basamento etológico solo se concibe mediante un ordenamiento ilusorio y arquetípico inmutable, claramente anantrópico, propio de la mitología mesopotámica o, posteriormente, de los yahvistas y la ulterior tradición sacerdotal). Y esto se corresponde con una contraposición subyacente, no siempre admitida: «humanizarme» implica desnaturalizarme. No soy a partir de la Naturaleza, sino a pesar de sus condiciones ecológicas. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La vida civilizada trata acerca de una coherencia natural que se descompone (se recuperan condiciones de supervivencia y se superan), porque la progresión del sujeto de deleites incluye, a causa de su inacabada manifestación de historicidad, condiciones de perplejidad. Y -según AGUINIS- el determinismo que se inocula por vía <i>de la naturaleza</i> o su esquema de «necesidades», así, se modifica sustantivamente. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Incluso en el campo teologal de M. SCHULZ -donde el interés es explicitar una sabiduría acorde a sus virtudes, a la Caridad, a la Esperanza y a la Fe- se ha prevenido contra la «costumbre moderna» de resolver <i>preguntas filosóficas</i> simplemente recurriendo a las ciencias naturales. FOUCAULT también observa ese naturalismo moderno, aunque no con un propósito «sobrenatural». Se puede así proponer como conjetura que un parámetro heterosexualista, de un «naturalismo» empirocriticista y de un «religiosismo» demonológico, tiende a retrogradar a la persona en tanto sujeto de sexualidad. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>7.3.1. De un extremo al otro del heterosexualismo.</b> <u>De la cuestión de la Naturaleza, un borde</u>. Los genetistas afirman que es ilusorio predecir (mediante el genotipo, o un «menú de identidad» genética o por sus ascendientes) el comportamiento del «ser humano». Entienden así que es fantástico buscar el gen de la «fidelidad» o de la «compasión», etc. En el año de 1960 se arraigaba el mito de que la «criminalidad» era inducida por un cromosoma determinado. En el año de 1993 se supuso descubrir el gen de la «homosexualidad». Y así tantos otros supuestos cientificistas ofrecidos. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Eran proclamaciones que no atendían, dada la conformidad aleatoria del interaccionismo genético, su acción probabilística; y la confundieron como si fuese determinista. Todo esto resultó analizado por J.-F. MARMION al discutir acerca de la genética del comportamiento. Lo que se opone a la existencia de la libertad, de una libertad que no es una omnímoda indeterminación, pues, como cuestión ontológica, es la persistencia misma de <i>una naturaleza sin regular</i>. Porque lo propiamente corpóreo y correspondiente con la personalidad no es un hecho natural, no existe como existen los lepidópteros o los alcelafos u otras formas de la materia.</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Porque además -con A. RIOJA- debe decirse que incluso no es el carácter determinista ni probabilitario (útil para la «naturaleza») lo que constituye una comprensibilidad fiable -o una capacidad <i>predictiva</i> de las teorías- para los actos de sofisticación que se discuten en el campo mismo de las ciencias humanas. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y con C. ALONSO BEDATE, analista de las fronteras entre «ciencia y cultura» y de su posible aproximación crítica, hay algo más; discutirá lo siguiente: «Es verdad que el hombre es un ser éticamente definido por elementos genéticos dado que estos han posibilitado que se desarrolle en él una estructura biológica capaz de razonamiento y relación y por tanto con posibilidad de acción ética. Pero eso no quiere decir que la genética determine su comportamiento ético y menos la evolución de su ética, puesto que son las reglas caóticas del juego genético y epigenético y las novedades que surgen de ese juego, junto a su cultura, las que definen las peculiaridades de los individuos y las que garantizan que cada individuo será único, irrepetible y con imposibilidad física de ser definido <i>a priori</i>».</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><u>De la cuestión de la Demonología, el otro borde</u>. La progresión de lo religioso, en tanto estructura legitimadora de valores, trata fundamentalmente acerca de un aparato burocrático especializado en la construcción de la moral -de su contexto atributivo- con que se superpone a lo propio del sujeto de posturas éticas. Ioannes Paulus PP II lo especificará en su carta encíclica <i>Fides et Ratio</i>: «(…) la teología moral debe acudir a una visión filosófica correcta tanto de la naturaleza humana y de la sociedad como de los principios generales de una decisión ética». </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La intelectualidad eclesiástica -durante siglos, advertirá A. GRAMSCI- participó del propósito académico de monopolizar la filosofía y las ciencias en sus respectivas épocas. Otra vez Ioannes Paulus PP II en la misma carta encíclica: «Entre los diversos servicios que la Iglesia ha de ofrecer a la humanidad, hay uno del cual es responsable de un modo muy particular: la diaconía de la verdad».</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">No obstante, esa circunscripción monista del mundo resultó con anterioridad en documentos como el de la bula <i>Summis desiderantes affectibus</i> del año de 1484 que dictada por Innocentius PP VIII refractaba entre los fieles el problema de la «brujería» en sus vidas: resaltarán H. KRAMER y J. SPRENGER que sus principales cultoras eran las mujeres (así lo especificarán en su <i>Malleus Maleficarum</i>, el <i>opus</i> que investigadores como O. TANGIR tipificarán como <i>el libro infame de la inquisisción</i>). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Se halló preocupado también Franciscus PP -quien en el año de 2013 supliera al renunciante Benedictus PP XVI- acerca de otras «presencias maléficas»: el matrimonio igualitario -que ya denunciara siendo Arzobispo de Buenos Aires- es resultante, eso afirmaría, de <i>la envidia del Demonio que pretende destruir la imagen de Dios</i>. Esto último fue anotado por el periódico diario argentino La Nación (2013, marzo 14; edición electrónica) bajo el título </span><span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><u>Jorge Bergoglio, un acérrimo opositor al matrimonio igualitario y al aborto</u></span><span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">. Luego, ya en el ejercicio de su pontificado, habrá un mayor cuidado en el tratamiento público de las cuestiones atinentes con la moral sexual. Pero la «renovación» no se hallará en la doctrina cristiana de la Iglesia de Roma, sino en el ejercicio de la </span><i style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">función poética</i><span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> que resultará aplicada para resolver políticamente su catequesis. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La antecedencia documentaria de siglo XV que vengo mencionando, entre otras, fue apreciada como <i>actitud firme de la Iglesia contra lo demoníaco</i>; así lo sentenció la Sagrada Congregación para la Doctrina de la Fe, ya en el primer párrafo de su <i>Fe cristiana y demonología</i> del año de 1976. Y esto, al menos al tiempo de esta reescritura de tesis en el año de 2014, no fue modificado sino continuado. Lo gay siguió siendo considerado como una «maldad objetiva» (más allá de la <i>responsabilidad subjetiva</i> a la que referiría la oportunidad del arrepentimiento). Además, en las condiciones del análisis demonológico es que cabe advertir lo no-heterosexual como una verdadera manifestación del Asedio que se concretaría por la vía de los asuntos de la carne. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esto, claro, no es óbice para admirar eso a lo que Franciscus PP invitó a los obispos: <i>hay que considerarse comprensivo con la anticoncepción y la homosexualidad</i>. Quizá esa «comprensión» -la que deberá constituirse- permita que se repliegue la «obsesión moral» habida en el tratamiento de las realidades sexuales, a partir de las que también se construyen valores y contravalores en las condiciones de una urbanidad que evidentemente <i>desborda</i> la sola regencia religiosa de sus cuestiones. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esto fue dado en octubre de 2014, en el proceso de una <i>III Asamblea General Extraordinaria del Sínodo de los Obispos</i> de 2013 (<i>LOS DESAFÍOS PASTORALES SOBRE LA FAMILIA EN EL CONTEXTO DE LA EVANGELIZACIÓN</i>, documento preparatorio). De este documento, resalto las cuestiones dudosas que el vaticano formulara en su §5 «<u>Sobre las uniones de personas del mismo sexo</u>»: a) ¿Existe en el país una ley civil de reconocimiento de las uniones de personas del mismo sexo equiparadas, de algún modo, al matrimonio?; b) ¿Qué actitud asumen las Iglesias particulares y locales ante el Estado civil, promotor de uniones civiles entre personas del mismo sexo, y también ante las mismas personas implicadas en este tipo de uniones?; c) ¿Qué atención pastoral es posible desarrollar en relación a las personas que han elegido vivir según este tipo de uniones?; d) ¿Cómo habría que comportarse pastoralmente, en el caso de uniones de personas del mismo sexo que hayan adoptado niños, en vista de la transmisión de la fe?</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En el caso uruguayo, por ejemplo, donde el documento refiere al tema con el subtítulo </span><span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><u style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">B. Acerca de las uniones entre personas del mismo sexo</u><span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">» </span><span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">(</span><i style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">INSTRUMENTUM LABORIS</i><span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> de 2014, de la III Asamblea del Sínodo de Obispos que mencionara), la realidad jurídica que se posee respecto del matrimonio igualitario nos comprendería, según ese registro, en el </span><i style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">tercer contexto </i><span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">geopolítico (justamente de tres referenciaciones distintas posibles): «112. Un tercer contexto es aquel en el cual los Estados han introducido una legislación que reconoce las uniones civiles o los matrimonios entre personas homosexuales. Hay países en los que se debe hablar de una auténtica redefinición del matrimonio, que reduce la perspectiva sobre la pareja a algunos aspectos jurídicos, como la igualdad de derechos y la “no discriminación”, sin que haya un diálogo constructivo sobre las cuestiones antropológicas implícitas, y sin centrarse en el bien integral de la persona humana, en particular, el bien integral de los niños en el seno de estas uniones. Donde hay una equiparación jurídica entre matrimonio heterosexual y homosexual, con frecuencia el Estado permite la adopción de niños (niños naturales de uno de los miembros de la pareja o niños nacidos mediante fecundación artificial). Este contexto está particularmente presente en el área anglófona y en Europa central». Lo dicho, la doctrina no ha cambiado (</span><i style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">ni en su más pequeñísima parte</i><span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">).</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El poder pastoral -según FOUCAULT- converge en un esquema vincular que «cuida» no solo de la comunidad en su conjunto sino asimismo de cada feligrés en particular, <i>durante toda su vida</i>. De esto resulta que el cuidado de sí es convertido en un cuidado de los otros que en efecto institucionaliza una pérdida de autonomía en las personas. Es un poder catequístico que fuerza <i>mediante la semilla de la palabra</i>, envuelto en el Magisterio y el <i>ministerium</i> de su Homilética Católica, el conocimiento de los secretos, de aquellos que se hallan asociados a lo más privativo de un sujeto de deberes. Hay que tener presente esta razón histórico-universal a la que refieren pensadores como FOUCAULT, para no pecar de <i>ingenuidad política</i> en el análisis justamente de las cuestiones referidas a la moral-sexual.</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El aparato religioso hace de la moral sexual heterosexualista su fundamento inclusivo o mundano. Logró manifestarlo -en lo nacional- en la verdad normativa de las disposiciones jurídicas, a pesar de la otrora <i>separación batllista</i> Estado-Iglesia habida en el Uruguay liberal. El deontologismo de su «énfasis moralista» resultó envuelto en una exégesis de la intertextualidad (C. CARBULLANCA es quien refiere históricamente al desplazamiento de los actos, siempre concernientes a un contexto, hacia esa otra referencia que es el <i>irse</i> finalmente de los profetas para fijarse <i>al texto escrito</i>). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Deshabilitó, esa reducción de la verdadera-vida a intertextualidad, la concreción de toda «igualdad ética», de todo «libre albedrío» (incluso de toda <i>prohairesis</i>, en el sentido <i>estoico</i> de Epicteto). Ahora, esa «igualdad ética» a la que refiero converge en la Igualdad que ensayara en el <i>segundo nivel ético</i> un investigador como S. SÁNCHEZ CORREDERA: no se reduce una «posición personal» a <i>engaño eticista</i>. No se trata esta libertad que se proclama de un infantilismo actitudinal. No es un «<i>yo hago</i>» anarco-comunalista (de acciones acaso arcaicas por hallarse verdaderamente <i>alejadas de la vida política</i>), ni tampoco narcisista (cuando <i>resolver con otros</i> parecería tornase «deserotizador» o «mortífero», sin considerar que también refiere a relaciones necesarias).</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Eso complicó la facultad de decidir -y con conocimiento de causa- las inevitables asociaciones con otros para la delimitación de los actos sexuales: las <i>convenciones sociales</i> acerca de lo moral no necesariamente confirman, al decir de RIOJA, los «acuerdos intersubjetivos». Y no entender esto es justamente caer en la moralina. Las «operaciones de resistencia» a esa sintáctica heterosexualista se fueron conformando de las reivindicaciones de lo gay, y, de alguna manera, de la disolución del moralismo que subsumió las multiplicidades sexuales en la exigencia del celibato o de la castidad (hay que referirse con esto a documentos como el Catecismo de la Iglesia Católica, §2359). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>7.3.2. Del aparataje religioso de la humildad.</b> No debe soslayarse que históricamente la <i>trascendencia del Cristianismo</i> -como producción de institucionalidad moral- se opuso, si considero los estudios de PINARD de la BOULLAYE, a toda conclusión sincrética del mundo. Ya en sus inicios, Clemente y Orígenes al señalar la existencia de elementos asimilables del paganismo constituyeron una tendencia que resultó <i>pronta y severamente condenada con rigor</i> (aunque incluso Orígenes se opuso al sincretismo de Celso, puesto que no se trataría de hallar solo acciones análogas o incluso estilos, sino de cuáles son las <i>intenciones</i> en que se comprenderían). Esa misma problemática de «las culturas» asociada a la institucionalidad católica, en referencia al <i>sincrético cultural</i> que enfrenta, el Vaticano continuó contrarrestándola y con renovado esfuerzo a finales de siglo XX aunque a partir de un dicasterio especializado (así, a partir de una apertura fundacional a estas cuestiones de Ioannes Paulus PP II en el año de 1982). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En el tercermundismo latinoamericano, no obstante, la Religión Católica hubo de intervenir la existencia de una «teología informal». Y es que habían resultado sus propuestas muy propensas a la <i>condescendencia sexual</i> que en el Uruguay resaltarían con el religioso L. PÉREZ AGUIRRE (en su tipo de «acercamiento» al texto bíblico). No debe obviarse que la Iglesia de Roma resultó convertida en un problema pastoral, por vía sincrética <i>de lo romano con el indigenismo y la negritud</i>, al que se reconoció como «los catolicismos» (asunto revisado además por M. M. MARZAL a partir de la antropología religiosa). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En el Uruguay, PÉREZ AGUIRRE, este modesto sacerdote de la Compañía de Jesús, colaboró con la organización síndica de las meretrices, fundándose la Asociación de Meretrices Profesionales del Uruguay <span style="font-size: xx-small;">•</span> AMEPU, en el año de 1988 (período en el que es además reconocido por la Human Rights Watch, en su sede de New York). Fue contrario a una reflexión escatológica cristiana por incongruente con la propia tradición bíblica que acertadamente desacralizó la sexualidad: «Cabe recordar que es obvio que al Dios trascendente no lo podemos experimentar fuera de las mediaciones corporales y sexuadas puesto que así nos ha creado y querido» (lo afirmaría en su <i>opus</i> conocido como <i>La Iglesia increíble</i>).</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Pero no falta quien presupone que la Iglesia de Roma, si <i>permanece</i> inmersa en una estructura «arcaica», es quizá un resabio de la historia. Ese postulado dificulta la comprensión antropológica del poder político en el que se fija su eutaxia: la conducción de las <i>almas racionales</i> devino en la dirección de las conciencias, para lo que se instauró, posteriormente al siglo XVI (tal como lo analiza FOUCAULT), un desplazamiento del sacramento de la penitencia hacia el propio ordenamiento pedagógico. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y lo especializó para atesorar comportamientos y regularlos, conjugándolo con la «culpa». ¿Cómo? También lo aclara FOUCAULT: <i>a partir de las técnicas y las tácticas de dominación</i>. La persona se sujeta a un mandato irracional, resultando finalmente en un mandato no-ético, puesto que es de incondicional obediencia. Este punto es analizado a su vez por ECHAVARREN: «El cristianismo no es una religión de la ley, piensa Foucault, sino de la voluntad». No puede pasar inadvertida esta cuestión, si el estilo (de sí) se analiza como matriz antropológica de una contraconducta posible. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Podría comprenderse como metafísica, por tanto, toda lectura del proceder institucional que no atienda ese principio de contraconducta. Este asunto se hallaría inevitablemente inmerso en el propio campo de las ciencias humanas (<i>donde una cierta temática es capaz de hacer confluir un conjunto de discursos</i>, al decir de FOUCAULT al analizar la arqueología de las ciencias); se hallaría en una amalgama de disciplinas fundamentalmente derivadas del mundo teológico.</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">FOUCAULT -como ya mencionara- formula por caso que se intervinieron las tradiciones del <i>ars erotica</i> para instaurar una <i>scientia sexualis</i> que se desarrollaría durante el siglo XIX. Ese instauracionismo fue regido por la «confesión» obligatoria y exhaustiva, siendo esa técnica la primera en aplicarse para producir verdad por parte del Occidente cristiano. Y fue esa <i>scientia sexualis</i> la que resultó conceptualmente en el estudio de la «sexualidad». ¿No es esto revelador?</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Agrega este galo asimismo que su <i>dispositivo</i> se aplica no con la finalidad de reproducirse (puesto que eso lo comprende el <i>dispositivo de alianza</i> en vez del <i>sexual</i>) sino con el de proliferar, de innovar, de anexar, de imbricarse en los cuerpos de manera persistente y de controlar a las poblaciones de manera cada vez más sistemática. Por tanto, el <i>hacer ciencias humanas</i> implica conocer esa raíz de la que históricamente se emerge a la manera de contradictorios multiplicados. Lo moral religioso permanecería, en efecto; subyace en el conglomerado patrimonial (incluso teorético) de las producciones académicas. Negar la religión, así, a secas, implica también negar su realidad. Es la misma negación-de-realidad que el religiosismo quiliástico hace -como contrapartida- de la antropología de la sexualidad, de ese <i>objeto de civilización</i>. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Jean-Claude MONOD alude a una síntesis de J.TAUBES que me permite recrear una sinopsis acerca de una parte de lo expuesto: a) san Pablo contribuyó a la fundación de una instancia eclesial universal que resultó decisiva para su «pentecostés» (incluso superadora de otra construcción circular, como la político-imperial romana), en tanto que b) la Iglesia de Roma ha visto declinar, una y otra vez, los poderes que se le oponían. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Es en el despliegue de su «misión salvadora» que la Iglesia de Pedro <i>ha vencido</i> (propagando los Evangelios, principalmente la soteriología a la que remite). Superó históricamente a aquellos imperialistas latinos con quienes confrontó su obra primitiva. Esto, siendo que incluso logró prevalecer a una ductriz romana como lo fuera Julia DOMINA, si vamos a las anotaciones que del asunto formula PINARD de la BOULLAYE. En este sentido, P. IZQUIERDO dirá: «Fue una ilusión de los ilustrados creer que se podían eliminar las religiones. La religión está aquí y va a permanecer. Me temo que es un hecho antropológico. La idea de que se puede eliminar no es muy realista». </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Durante la modernidad y sus renacimientos hubo transfiguraciones de la estructura eclesial, apartándola de su feudalismo, y, de su señorío por sobre las personalidades. Y, sin embargo, igualmente especializó todavía más la administración del cuerpo del sujeto de fe, recuérdese que supeditándolo confesionalmente, al imponerle, comenzado el siglo XVII, reglas meticulosas de examen acerca de sí mismo.</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">FOUCAULT afirmará que luego de ese siglo la «familia» trató acerca de un ordenamiento <i>encargado</i> de la sexualidad y de la alianza. Porque confirmaría -con sus prácticas habituadas- tanto la ley y la dimensión de lo jurídico (sus dispositivos de sexualidad) como la economía del placer y la intensidad de las sensaciones (mediante el régimen de esa alianza). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Luego de eso, los remanentes occidentales del integrismo católico moderno, a su vez, entre los siglos XIX y XX, lograron retrogradar la comprensión médico-anatómica del cuerpo, envolviendo en la idea de «enfermedad moral» los intercambios que se comprenderían como escabroso mundo de lo no-heterosexual, así como de los sodomitas en general. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Además, en ese mismo lapso, <i>las rebeliones del cuerpo</i> se intentarán aplacar, disminuir, administrando comportamientos que entendidos como virtuosos serán especialmente orientados a la castidad. Y es eso que se ha intentado perpetuar cuando se limita sociológicamente lo gay respecto del objeto «familia», delimitándolo moralmente. En su momento (año de 2007), cuando desarrollaba la tesis, al concederme una entrevista E. DIANO -como representante de la Vicaría de la Familia en el Uruguay- afirmaba acerca de estos asuntos lo siguiente: «Puede vivir el amor, aunque no el [de la sexualidad] individual con otra persona de su mismo sexo [puesto que ello no lo legitima la Iglesia Católica]. Hay personas homosexuales que optan por una vida de castidad y ello sí se legitima». </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La persona «no-heterosexual» es inquirida mediante un ordenamiento moral referenciado entre la «heterosexualidad» y la monogamia y, en general, entremezclado con lo comportamental-natural que es a lo que se ciñe el mandato bíblico de <i>multiplicación</i>. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y las resoluciones que el sujeto de estilo concretara <i>para su liberación</i> quedarían aprehendidas en la mortificación, en el afrontamiento continuado del deseo como contrariedad salvífica; el caso ultramontano es prototípico: «154. - ¿Cuál ha de ser la actitud de los fieles de la Obra ante la virtud de la castidad? […] La actitud de los fieles de la Obra, ante la virtud de la castidad, ha de ser -como la de todos los cristianos responsables- la de amarla y custodiarla como una afirmación gozosa. […] Esta virtud hace a los hombres gratísimos a Jesucristo y a su Madre Inmaculada; y además toda obra de apostolado ha de basarse sobre la santa pureza. […] Se aconseja a los miembros de la Obra, para que cultiven con eficacia la santa pureza: vivir en presencia de Dios; el trato diario con el señor en la Eucaristía y a lo largo de la jornada; el recurso asiduo y filial a la Santísima Virgen; el trabajo intenso y constante; la humildad, la sinceridad, la modestia, la templanza, la mortificación y la penitencia; y, siempre, huir de las ocasiones peligrosas». Esto afirma el catecismo de la Sociedad Sacerdotal de la santa Cruz («<u>Parte III: Vida en el Opus Dei</u>»). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Respecto de la tesis, valga aclararlo, expuse como pensamiento ultramontano tanto el que reconoce al <i>Opus Dei</i> como al <i>Neocatecumenado</i>. Ambas organizaciones de formación católica componen esa institucionalidad religiosa que en el Uruguay profesa el <i>tradicionalismo</i>, o la fidelidad a las formas de la Iglesia universal por sobre las meras construcciones o modificaciones litúrgicas que profesaran comunidades o expertos. Y esa raíz -en lo que conciben por «tradición»- es su amparo político. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Es mediante esa tecnología de poder -a la manera de un proceder moral- que se concreta, mediante sus referentes eclesiales, el ejercicio de un sacerdocio que evangeliza y que implica, a su vez, la potencia de la reprensión de la grey (si acaso <i>fuere necesaria</i>). FOUCAULT nos recuerda que la penitencia cristiana ha tenido el asunto del «sexo» como materia privilegiada de confesión. Fue Dietrich von NIEHMEN quien afirmara en el año de 1411 que si la unidad de la iglesia resultaba amenazada, pues, la propia Iglesia quedaba liberada de todo precepto moral. La unidad como fin santificaría todos los medios. Afirmaba asimismo que atendiendo ese propósito -como lo remarca G. BOUTHOUL, al discutir el arte de la política- la personalidad debe ser sacrificada para el bien general. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Si acaso se consideraran extemporáneas afirmaciones de ese tenor, aunque evidentemente no lo son, se halla el considerando de Félix SARDÀ i SALVANY del año de 1884 al decir que <i>liberalismo es pecado</i>, en quien, además, se ha sustentado el integrismo católico de siglo XX: «(…) se puede amar y querer bien al prójimo (y mucho) disgustándole, y contrariándole, y perjudicándole materialmente, y aun privándole de la vida en alguna ocasión. Todo estriba en examinar si, en aquello que se le disgusta o contraría o mortifica, se obra o no en bien suyo, o de otro que tenga más derecho que él a este bien, o simplemente en mayor servicio de Dios». </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Este último fundamento del terror mencionado y con el que se anatematiza al otro -en defensa de una Verdad radicada por la Fe- se aprobó para su divulgación, en el año de 1887, mediante fallo de la Sagrada Congregación del Índice, durante el principado de Leo PP XIII, y, a su vez, habiendo recibido con anterioridad el apoyo de los obispos de Barcelona, de Urgel, de Osma, de Tuy, de Mallorca, de Tarazona y de Montevideo. Por tanto, este asunto concierne directamente a la <i>historia moral</i> del Uruguay de siglo XIX.</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En el siglo XXI, en coordenadas geopolíticas, el activismo de las libertades civiles que eclosiona con el «matrimonio gay» especializa -en lo latinoamericano- ese asunto político mediante otros nódulos asociados: la filiación, la patria potestad, el parentesco, la adopción, la tutela y la curatela. Esto lo tratan tanto F. SCHÄFER como A. ELDRID. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La propia historicidad occidental de lo gay eclosionó en el conglomerado de lo religioso como asunto político y con resultados cismáticos (algunos casos comprenden «fragmentaciones» notorias como las provocadas en las Iglesias Bautistas Americanas, en el Budismo, en el Judaísmo, en la Iglesia Luterana, en la Iglesia Metodista Unida, etc.). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Lo gay, así, se configuró como un distorsionante económico del poder religioso, de su propia supervivencia cohesiva (al menos a partir de una intolerancia heterosexualista). Y es ese poder religioso el que se manifiesta, entre otras formas, como «cristofascismo», fanáticamente. Recreando un poco el análisis de J. BORTOLINI, invito a pensar que el cristofascismo como movimiento notoriamente ibérico, pero con penosas refractaciones latinoamericanas, tergiversa el cristocentrismo, el propiamente dimanado de los himnos cristológicos (<i>EL LIBRO DEL PUEBLO DE DIOS</i>: Ef. 01.03-14 y Co. 01.03-13). Un cristofascista renegaría incluso de un seguidor de san Pablo como lo fue Épafras que no cedió ante el fatalismo de su época, cuando incluso los actos religiosos se desplegaban como <i>si se estuviese a la merced de algún espíritu malo</i> (de un «kenoma»), <i>disperso por los aires</i>. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Es un movimiento que intenta retrogradar la apertura jurídico-política en el plano del anti-heterosexualismo. Y esto debe ser resaltado, especialmente, si se discute a partir de las coordenadas geopolíticas en las que refluye lo iberoamericano y los <i>estertores coloniales</i> de su folclore, harto manifiestos en cuestiones de Moral y de Ley si de «control sexual» se trata y de cómo acaso diversificarlo. Y es que los <i>estertores coloniales</i> en el tercer mundo (siendo, en esto, más que paradigmático el caso africano) se evidencian radicalmente en las legislaciones que ejercen un control compulsivo de la sexualidad, tal como lo investigara en su oportunidad J. C. RODRÍGUEZ SOTO.</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>7.3.3. Del aparataje burocrático de la humildad.</b> Lo que objeto es la imposición de un modelo heterofilial-reproductivo que <i>sustituya</i> la existencia misma de un dominio «no-heterosexual» de las elecciones y, en términos más abarcadores, aún, que incluso a las <i>pasiones sodomitas</i> pretendiese dislocar. Porque no es más que eso; es una pretensión.</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">MINES llegó a analizar esto en el periódico semanario Brecha, de fecha de 22 de agosto de 2003, en un artículo titulado «<u>De la Comisión para la paz a la prédica de la homofobia</u>», al criticar la posición política de la Iglesia de Roma, en la regencia del arzobispado que ejerciera COTUGNO: «La recatequización de los viejos dominios espirituales emprendida por Juan Pablo II a lo largo de sus más de cien viajes por el mundo, se acompañó de fuertes inversiones financieras y un hábil trabajo de cabildeo que ya ha empezado a dar sus frutos: la doctrina católica oficial -hoy encarnada en las banderas del antiabortismo, el antifeminismo, el antihomosexualismo y la defensa a ultranza de la <i>familia patriarcal</i>- logró imponer sus controles en la conferencia de Beijing, en la de Durban, en la reciente reunión de la Comisión de Derechos Humanos de la Organización de las Naciones Unidas en Ginebra y en muchos otros ámbitos internacionales». </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Hay que considerar que el comportamiento político integrista se evidencia en documentos tales como el de la Encíclica <i>Quanta cura</i> y <i>Syllabus</i> de 1864, entre otros ya mencionados, con el que la Iglesia de Roma, durante el principado de Pius PP IX, condenó como «principales errores» del liberalismo europeo y americano la libertad de cultos, la supremacía absoluta del Estado, el absoluto derecho a legislar sin Dios, el matrimonio civil, la libertad de imprenta, entre otros índices que asumió proscribir, durante lo que fueron para el catolicismo -al decir de Giacomo ANTONELLI- «miserables tiempos». </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esa dominancia vaticana que cité mencionada por MINES se mantuvo incluso hasta mediados del año de 2011, cuando el Consejo de Derechos Humanos de las Naciones Unidas, en el mes de junio, en su 17ª sesión, asumió una estrategia de <i>paternalismo justo</i> con lo gay, entre sus resoluciones de trabajo, entendiéndolo como problemática política a revisar supranacionalmente, siendo acompañada además por la representación diplomática del Uruguay: «Il adopte un protocole sur les plaintes pour violations des droits de l'enfant et commande une étude sur les discriminations fondées sur l'orientation sexuelle. […] En vertu d'une décision prise aujourd'hui, une réunion-débat se tiendra à la session de mars 2012 du Conseil sur la question des droits de l'homme, de l'orientation sexuelle et de l'identité de genre, sur la base d'une étude qui sera établie par le Haut-Commissariat. […] Dans une résolution concernant les droits de l'homme, l'orientation sexuelle et l'identité de genre (A/HRC/17/L.9/Rev.1), adoptée par 23 voix pour, 19 contre et 3 abstentions, le Conseil demande à la Haut-Commissaire de faire établir une étude d'ici à décembre 2011 pour rendre compte des lois et pratiques discriminatoires, ainsi que des actes de violence commis contre des personnes en raison de leur orientation sexuelle et de leur identité de genre dans toutes les régions du monde. Cette étude devra aussi porter sur la manière dont le droit international des droits de l'homme peut être appliqué pour mettre fin à la violence et aux violations des droits de l'homme fondées sur l'orientation sexuelle et l'identité de genre» («<u>Le Conseil des droits de l'homme a clos les travaux de sa dix-septième session</u>»; COMMUNIQUÉ FINAL, 2011). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esa resolución, en efecto, orientó a los países miembros de las Naciones Unidas a la readecuación del «acoso moral» de Estado que se aplica cuando las prácticas sodomitas y los estilos relacionales de lo gay son tergiversados a «figura penal». Orienta asimismo la rediscusión del propio estatuto alotético de <i>persona humana</i>, cuando por la vía clínica -según lo discute el propio FOUCAULT- se intentan resolver las tensiones habidas entre el <i>discurso de la disciplina</i> y la <i>regla jurídica</i>, estigmatizándose a una personalidad en el «plano corpóreo». </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Hay un caso paradigmático de burocratismo, en este sentido del análisis, donde el sujeto de sexualidad no-heterosexual resulta obliterado, obligado a la humildad, y es el del Mercado Común del Sur. En el MERCOSUR, en vez de tratarse las problemáticas infecto-contagiosas y sexuales mediante los «comportamientos de riesgo», sus decisiones políticas se redujeron a un sociologismo de «grupos de riesgo» (a un universo ilusorio así denominado). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y así, por la sola condición de ser un varón <i>que mantiene intercambios sexuales con otro varón</i>, se excluye a la persona de una comprensión sanitaria; según el Decreto 358/00 de Presidencia de la República que se promulgara durante la administración presidencial BATLLE (adoptándose la MERCOSUR/GMC/RES. N° 42/00): «Serán inhabilitados por un año como donantes de sangre y componentes, los candidatos que dentro de los 12 meses precedentes: [sean] Hombres que hayan tenido relaciones sexuales con otros hombres y las parejas sexuales de ellos» (SNS; Marco Legal, «<u>Decreto 385/00 Reglamento Técnico Mercosur de Medicina Transfusional</u>», 26/12/00). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esa clausura clínica, claro, habría de caer si acaso esos «hombres» reorientan su comportamiento hacia la heterosexualidad, entonces vencido el lapso de ostracismo -y siendo monógamos- podrían ser reconsiderados quizá para una práctica de medicina transfusional. En su momento, FOUCAULT propuso que se observara si acaso las nuevas tecnologías del sexo no resultaban en una mera progresión de la vigilancia. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Hay un aprendizaje sanitario que debe ser descompuesto por parte de los Estados, para, de esa manera, poder identificar en su conglomerado a aquella <i>teoría médica científicamente insuficiente y abusivamente moralizante</i> con la que se ejecutan «patrones de rechazo» (aunque no solo a partir de ese nódulo, si se atiende la <i>dispersión amplia</i> en que se comprenden las mentadas «tecnologías del sexo»). Y esto no tiene por qué implicar negligencia en oportunidad del <i>análisis clínico</i> sino una posición institucional pos-SIDA, al amparo de una investigación ya más avanzada en epidemiología. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Algo así fue discutido por la Sociedad de Integración Gay Lésbica Argentina, especialmente en uno de sus debates habido en torno <i>a la donación de sangre como estigma para homosexuales</i> a través de M. ALONSO, R. MAZIN, R. MANCHADO y J. R. CRUZ: «Maximizar la seguridad de la transfusión sanguínea es un principio incuestionable. Tanto esto como la no estigmatización de grupos basándose en la orientación sexual y ciertas prácticas (tales como el sexo entre varones), las dos cosas deben ser promovidas por las autoridades de salud (…)». Es una orientación clínica que ha sido aceptada por países como Australia, Japón o Reino Unido. E incluso durante 2014, en la Agencia Estatal de Medicamentos estadounidense -siendo un regulador sanitario- se propuso <i>poner fin a la ley que prohíbe donar sangre a los hombres homosexuales y bisexuales</i> mediante la formulación renovada de una norma restrictiva en el campo médico transfusional (esta noticia fue tomada por el periódico diario People’s Daily, de fecha de 24 de diciembre de 2014 con el título «<u>Los homosexuales podrán donar sangre en Estados Unidos a partir de 2015</u>»).</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Ese <i>arrepentimiento</i> le daría a la persona, casi que automáticamente, un estatuto de sanidad. No obstante, si deben también los Estados de <i>finalizar con la violencia y las violaciones a los derechos humanos que se fundan en la orientación sexual y la identidad de género</i> -tal como se consigna en la A/HRC/17/L.9/Rev.1 del Consejo de DDHH de Naciones Unidas- cabe entonces preguntarse lo siguiente: ¿no hay que revisar acaso el propio artilugio legal para que las prácticas de «abuso» no se travistan en «justicia» por la vía de una seudo-asepsia médico-biológica? </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Hay algo que por parte de los investigadores sociales ya se sabe (PECHENY y DEHESA): «Cuando las políticas apuntan al ámbito sexual, no solo los implementadores religiosos conservadores ejercen violencia sobre la (inobjetable) sexualidad, sino también lo hacen los implementadores con perspectivas de salud pública y derechos humanos». </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y si bien la sociometría no resuelve la verdad de un asunto, es didáctico evaluar la improcedencia metodológica de esa mecánica heterorreflexiva o de falso <i>consenso</i> a partir de su propia doxografía: «La vía de mayor contagio sigue siendo la sexual, que lidera con 69.6% de los casos notificados. Esta forma de contagio es encabezada por los heterosexuales (60.1%); siguiendo en la lista los homosexuales (15.6%); bisexuales (14.5%); trabajadores y trabajadoras sexuales (5.8%)» (Programa Nacional de SIDA - Uruguay, esa fue la sentencia formulada por M. SERRA durante 2003). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El ser pues un hombre que mantiene relaciones sexuales con una mujer, esa sola práctica en sí, no lo excluye sanitariamente, lo que es además exacto: no debe inventarse un «grupo de riesgo heterosexual» <i>aplicando</i> mediante estadística una confusión entre la <i>odds ratio</i> y la causa en sí del suceso (tampoco debe hacerse evidentemente respecto de los intercambios que se resuelvan a partir de lo gay, u otros). Esto es discutido por G. PIÉDROLA GIL en lo que hace a la medicina preventiva, en el marco de la demografía sanitaria y la epidemiología. Porque, respecto de las propias técnicas de medición aplicadas, el cruzamiento de información que se postulase (de cómo es que se especificaría para eso una <i>anidación de variables</i>) no solo atendería un «índice medio nacional» de infección sino, a su vez, el hecho social mismo de cómo acaso las personas tienen acceso efectivo a la investigación, al resolverse una tasa de <i>prácticas sexuales y de profilaxis</i> en una población a analizar.</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Igualmente, relacionar la práctica HSH (hombres que mantienen sexo con hombres) con la posibilidad de infectarse VIH, sífilis, etc., no solo manifiesta una mera confusión metodológica causada por prescindirse, en lo propiamente conclusivo de la estadística, de un cálculo que permita el verdadero valor de asociación del «intervalo de confianza» con la «precisión de la estimación», del <i>factor</i> que se asocia pues a la <i>enfermedad</i>. Hay algo más para apreciar, al menos oblicuamente, y se trata de lo que FOUCAULT preveía y contra lo que prevenía al discutir que es posible identificar la existencia de un tipo de «racismo de Estado» cuando, mediante su <i>policía médica</i>, se procede a clasificar a un supuesto <i>enemigo de raza</i> como <i>peligro biológico</i> (este asunto, a su vez, no debe reducirse a lo solamente fenotípico). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>7.3.4. Finalmente, el institucionalismo de la humildad.</b> Es también FOUCAULT quien propone analizar el poder no ya en el nivel de las <i>intenciones</i> o de las <i>decisiones</i>, sino en el de las prácticas reales y efectivas, en su campo de aplicabilidad misma. Esto, claro, no implicará que respecto de la acción desconozca su finalidad. Reflexiona acerca de las <i>relaciones de poder</i>, discutiendo sus implementaciones y el producto de sus <i>resultantes reales</i>. Destaca principalmente al conglomerado cristiano-católico porque es aquel que cataloga, especifica y valora el mundo sexual y asimismo -agrego- el de lo «no-heterosexual». Lo hace tensionándolo con el modelo de <i>matrimonio heterosexual monógamo</i>, es con ese dispositivo <i>de alianza</i> que ordena homeostáticamente a la sociedad, para administrar moralmente el hecho privilegiado, clínico y burocrático, de la «reproducción». </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y propongo, como ejemplo de esto, tramos de lo que me señalara DIANO en su labor vicaria: «La Familia es ese ámbito donde el hombre y la mujer se caracterizan como seres humanos, por esa realidad que nos hace partícipes del misterio de Dios que es el Amor (en una de las epístolas del apóstol Juan, en la que se trata de “definir” a Dios, se dice <i>a Dios nadie lo ha visto nunca</i>, <i>pero el que ama conoce a Dios porque Dios es amor</i>), y, tal vez, [es la Familia] por lo que nos diferenciamos del resto de las criaturas. Hace que esa unión entre el hombre y la mujer no resulte meramente <i>instintiva</i>, para [solo] procrear, sino, para una relación de complementariedad por la que ambos, mutuamente, se plenifican en ese encuentro, íntimo, profundo, y, donde en definitiva son felices por el amor que los distingue. Las familias son un ámbito que surge por el amor del hombre y la mujer, creando una realidad que los trasciende. Se crea un ámbito diferente, donde, la convivencia, el mutuo compromiso de respeto, de fidelidad, de acrecentamiento del amor, provoca que surja la oportunidad de los hijos, como <i>fruto</i> de ese amor». </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Es esa misma realización esponsalicia la que resulta pues incontrastable con toda otra conformación «no-heterosexual» del mundo de clases relacionales en el <i>dominio familiar</i>. Continúo con DIANO: «[…] Hay toda una discusión [que consiste] en si se le puede llamar familia a las uniones [por ejemplo, entre mujeres]. Los católicos entendemos que no es una familia. Más allá de que existan afectos, es una unión o una convivencia que no es “familia”. [Eso] puede ser asumido por la sociedad sin necesidad de que sea considerado una familia y un matrimonio. Está [asimismo] todo el campo jurídico [que trata] respecto de la convivencia misma que genera el amparo de uno hacia otro; pero, para proteger a uno de sus miembros no se necesita que esa unión sea llamada familia o matrimonio. Es una convivencia entre dos personas que puede hallarse generada por los afectos, aunque, el conjunto social no puede llamarlo “familia” y “matrimonio”. ¿Por qué? Porque el Matrimonio también implica y genera responsabilidades de uno y de otro, y, también, posee elementos que hace que se distinga como institución: el compromiso de fidelidad, el ser una realidad para siempre, indisoluble, ello solamente se puede vivir desde el amor, y, donde, asimismo, esa unión de esas dos personas es generadora de vida (es uno de los elementos fundamentales de la organización matrimonio, <i>la apertura hacia la vida</i>). La generación de vida solo es posible, naturalmente, en la unión del hombre y la mujer, no en otro ámbito».</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y, siempre atento a la teología fundamental, entiendo que esto de alguna manera debe discutirse. La «Iglesia» y «la palabra de Jesús» (su <i>Ipsissima verba</i>) no refieren a un mismo aparato discursivo. Jesús no puede ser representado positivamente, sino por reflejo institucional (como resulta efectivo, a partir del obrar de los apóstoles, mediante los documentos neotestamentarios). Este problema metodológico, respecto de la Filosofía, se tiene con Sócrates, quien tampoco puede ser representado positivamente. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Es el investigador O. GONZÁLEZ de CARDENAL quien observa que la palabra «teología» no se registra en el Nuevo Testamento, aunque sí «filosofía» y «filósofos». Igualmente afirma que es posible anotar denominaciones que comprenderían su raíz: <i>theodidaktoi</i> (los cristianos han sido enseñados y han aprendido de Dios) y <i>theopneustos</i> (las Sagradas Escrituras del pueblo de Israel son divinamente inspiradas). Dicho esto, en la versión neotestamentaria se afirma que leyendo Jesús, en Nazaret y en día de reposo, <i>el libro</i> del profeta Isaías, dentro de la sinagoga, hizo público su propósito de brindarle libertad a los oprimidos (<i>EL LIBRO DEL PUEBLO DE DIOS</i>: Lc. 4.16-19). Ese <i>kerygma</i>, en efecto, su respuesta cristiana -mediante la fe, el arrepentimiento, la conversión y el bautismo- comprende <i>a todos los oprimidos</i> y no solo a los «heterosexuales» (esto que planteo ha sido discutido a su vez por otros investigadores, como B. D. EHRMAN). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Fue san Pablo quien lo afirmó a los efesios (<i>EL LIBRO DEL PUEBLO DE DIOS</i>: Ef. 2.19), reiterándolo posteriormente fray Luis de LEÓN: <i>Dios en Cristo recapituló todas las cosas</i>. Lo confirmó asimismo Ioannes Paulus PP II en su carta encíclica <i>Redemptor hominis</i> («<u>Dimensión humana del misterio de la Redención</u>»): «En el misterio de la Redención el hombre es “confirmado” y en cierto modo es nuevamente creado. ¡Él es creado de nuevo! “Ya no es judío ni griego: ya no es esclavo ni libre; no es ni hombre ni mujer, porque todos vosotros sois uno en Cristo Jesús”». </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y siendo así, es que debe verdaderamente concluirse como inaceptable el cristomorfismo del varón, la resacralización de la sexualidad, la exacerbación procreacionista del heterosexualismo, en fin, esa vanidad moral que induce por la vía de la Fe, hasta fatalmente, a la segregación de personas institucionalizándose su indefensión ética (incluso mediante el descarnamiento del mismísimo estupor, haciendo del Evangelio -de esa Buena Nueva- <i>un imposible de vivir</i>). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y me detengo brevemente en ese objeto de moral oprobioso que es el <i>cristomorfismo</i> del varón en el que subyacen -como rémora segregacionista que perduró incluso en el siglo XXI, de alguna manera- otras nematologías religiosas. Menciono anotaciones de TANGIR, si de antecedencias se trata: el mismísimo Ambrosiastro (siglo IV) afirmaría -amparándose en <i>EL LIBRO DEL PUEBLO DE DIOS</i>: 1 Co. 14.34- que una mujer no puede ser testigo en una corte, ni ejercer ciudadanía, ni ser juez, ni puede enseñar, puesto que se halla sujeta al dominio del varón, dado que <i>ella no es imagen de Dios</i> (siendo esto retomado a su vez en el <i>Decretum Gratiani</i> del año de 1140 y asumido en el <i>Corpus Iuris Canonici</i> hasta el año de 1917).</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Hay que considerar que el ejercicio mismo del deber moral resulta tergiversado mediante la propia <i>acumulación</i> de exigencias delirantes, cuando se requiere del sujeto de deber ético una absoluta supeditación. Se trata de una entrega de sí que convierte el deseo de corresponderse consigo mismo en un <i>minusvalor</i> (la <i>teología informal</i> con PÉREZ AGUIRRE así denomina la problemática de la negación doctrinal de un verdadero valor como valor en sí). Es una culpa por estar-y-ser, finalmente, intercalada con ese dictamen de naturaleza propiamente magnificado y que se concibe como «heterosexualidad». </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La teología informal de alguna manera también discute ese esquematismo natural cuando objeta la promoción del mencionado cristomorfismo del varón, porque tamaña conjetura acrecienta la inaccesibilidad de la mujer (por <i>su condición de hembra</i>) a los propios sistemas ético-morales. Y si el «cuerpo», en tanto disposición metafísica, es entonces lo objetado materialmente (ontológicamente), para <i>finalizarlo</i> en la compleja estructura de la «santidad», debe atenderse con esto que se recae, sobretodo mediante la también mencionada <i>resacralización</i> de la sexualidad y del placer, así, en un control medieval e inquisitorio y en un aislacionismo proliferante sobre la persona.</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La resacralización de la sexualidad también preocupó a la teología informal uruguaya, especialmente a PÉREZ AGUIRRE, durante la segunda mitad de siglo XX. Es una problemática de moral sexual que deviene del paradigma misógino del celibato. Y siendo que la condición de célibe permanece vigente durante la Escolástica y Trento; SOTO POSADA recuerda que el matrimonio se concibió legítimo en tanto resultante de lo que especialmente el catolicismo arguye como «pecado original» y lo hace con la siguiente locución: <i>quod ad munditias corporis Christi, omnis coitus inmunda sit</i>. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>7.3.5. Moralina para una «legítima segregación».</b> Esa positividad, o modo de existencia de un pensar que amalgama <i>naturaleza</i> con <i>religión</i>, se diversificó, maximizó sus insumos, conformando multiplicados censores de la peculiaridad ética en el Uruguay (no solo en el campo médico o pedagógico sino especialmente en el jurídico-político): «En comisión, el diputado Álvaro Lorenzo (Alianza Nacional) admitió que votó el artículo 140, que permite la adopción por parte de parejas en concubinato, pero aclaró que “en este estado de cosas” no está a favor de que las uniones concubinarias homosexuales puedan adoptar. “Cuando se votó la ley de unión concubinaria, argumenté a favor de que ese estatus jurídico fuera aplicable a parejas homosexuales e hice un fuerte alegato contra la discriminación y la homofobia”, recordó Lorenzo. Pero el diputado blanco afirmó que las parejas homosexuales “toman una opción libre que incluye, por su propia naturaleza, la imposibilidad de procrear”. […] El diputado frenteamplista Jorge Orrico agradeció la intervención de Lorenzo y dijo que “por argumentos filosóficos similares” rechaza la adopción de parte de parejas homosexuales: “En estos temas, como en tantos otros, manda la naturaleza. Y la naturaleza permite que dos personas del mismo sexo tengan el <i>amplexo</i> sexual y lo disfruten, pero no permite que tengan hijos”. Orrico dijo que igual “queda dilucidado el punto”, que entrará en vigencia una vez que el Parlamento le dé la sanción definitiva» (lo publicaba El País, Uruguay, de fecha de 07 de agosto de 2009 con el título «<u>Los concubinos gays van a poder adoptar</u>»). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Atendiendo las reflexiones de J. UGARTE PÉREZ a quien tuve oportunidad de consultar en la Conferencia que brindó en el Sindicato Médico del Uruguay (08 de noviembre de 2006), hay que recordar que los asuntos concordantes con el «matrimonio gay» destacan -a partir del caso nupcial de Dinamarca, en el año de 1989- porque provocan discusión acerca de «(…) la diferencia en el trato legal que reciben las uniones heterosexuales y homosexuales, en cualquiera de sus formas». Su tesis, planteada en la conferencia de Montevideo, lo reafirma: «Unos gobiernos y otros han sacrificado la igualdad a la libertad porque los derechos reconocidos por esas leyes están lejos de ser los mismos que los aplicados a las parejas heterosexuales. Se trata de uniones de segundo orden; una especie de ley de parejas de hecho pensada solo para homosexuales».</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En ese despliegue de UGARTE PÉREZ, respecto de las legislaciones de los Estados como Dinamarca, Suecia, Bélgica, etc., de finales de siglo XX, podría comprenderse incluso el caso uruguayo de «unión concubinaria», a pesar de haber sido un progreso del estatuto de persona: la legitimación de lo gay produjo una «igualdad» (<i>sacrificada</i>) que distó de una materialidad del derecho, al influjo justamente de las libertades civiles, aunque las pretendiese o proclamase. Este pro-foucaultiano ibérico, atendiendo entonces las implicancias del «concubinato» o de otros <i>permisos menores</i> al del «matrimonio», conformó una crítica jusfilosófica (entiendo que orientada de manera «trialista», si la asocio a la concepción de <i>mundo jurídico</i> que sostiene M. H. NOVELLI).</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">E importa destacarla <i>para cotejo</i> de las exageradas preocupaciones que en el orden de la Naturaleza algunos legisladores uruguayos declararon en el proceso de argumentación del voto: «(…) existe un matrimonio, para heterosexuales, con todos los derechos y deberes, y una ley menor para homosexuales» […] y <i>sorprende</i> que «(…) los tribunales constitucionales de esos países hayan aceptado que los ciudadanos sean tratados de diferente manera por el Estado, algo que en Europa no se veía desde el periodo previo a la segunda guerra mundial»; esto afirmaría UGARTE PÉREZ en la gacetilla de su conferencia. Sorprende también respecto del Uruguay esta problemática, donde incluso la defensa legislativa del «matrimonio gay» -no ya de la unión concubinaria- integró algún que otro reparo psicologista a la <i>adopción homoparental</i>. Afortunadamente ese moralismo fue aniquilado por la propia construcción legislativa uruguaya. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Lo «heterosexual» como un <i>singular genérico</i> o <i>universal</i>, pues, resulta propiamente en una nebulosa ideológica, enraizada, claro, en la arqueología de las instituciones. Ya en el siglo XIX, es V. SOLOVIOV -objetando los postulados de A. SCHOPENHAUER- quien discute que el <i>impulso sexual </i>complicado en la «atracción» no se corresponde necesariamente con la <i>fecundidad</i> o <i>reproducción</i> como fin, ni es su única resultante la «multiplicación de la especie». El «amor sexual» o la «reproducción», pues, no conforman necesariamente una continuidad fenoménica; porque sencillamente no hay nada parecido a una <i>volición de la naturaleza</i>. No se trata por tanto de si la naturaleza <i>lo quiere o no lo quiere</i>. Y es que el «sentimiento amoroso», según lo reflexiona SOLOVIOV, no trata acerca de <i>un truco seductor de la naturaleza</i> para el logro, acaso, de algún «propósito» (este análisis puede apreciarse en ECHAVARREN, cuando trata el propio caso SOLOVIOV). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El «moralismo impotente» (ese que SOLOVIOV arguye de las afectaciones hipostasiadas, mistificadas, siendo además un <i>aparataje institucionalista</i> que deplora), niega evidentemente las concreciones históricas del amor. Parecería que deja de lado los <i>amores adjetivados</i> que podrían discutirse como verdaderos sesgos institucionales, como un «resultado de algo» antes que «causa» de costumbres fijadas. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Es el «amor», al menos como objeto de pedagogía (o andragogía incluso, si se prefiere), una resultante institucional; consiste en que <i>uno deviene otro</i>, en condiciones de relación aprendida (o deflagración entre prácticas interesadas por necesarias, como condición antropológica del intercambio en vez de utilitarista). En ese devenir otro o con el otro, me plazco en rememorar a partir del estudio preliminar de E. GÓMEZ de MIGUEL la «marcada predilección» del poeta Virgilio por Alejo (o Alejandro), a quien protegió decididamente convirtiéndolo -de esclavo- en «gramático insigne». La «operatoria sexual», aquella que no se limita a la <i>reproductividad</i>, podría entonces ser una de las alternativas institucionales de ese estar-y-ser en relación al otro. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Aparte de esto, claro que el amor, como objeto teologal, bien puede implicar una <i>separación</i>, cuando la caridad asume la forma de la severidad, poseyendo, por tanto, valor moral el acto de humillar-al-otro. Aunque para algo así se requerirá de la crítica, del saber criticar un obrar en cuanto es identificado como inmerso en la ignorancia. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Evidentemente la amalgama del <i>amor heterosexualista</i> con la <i>procreación</i> es en general un objeto de análisis político. La autonomía orgánica o la mera condicionante genética no resuelven las construcciones de una libertad (política). Y es que el sexo-naturaleza (en tanto cuestión de la biología) no comprende el sexo-historia, el sexo-significación, el sexo-discurso, etc. Por eso es necesario discutir tal como lo afirmara FOUCAULT que las oposiciones binarias <i>convierten</i> «el sexo» en una pura mecánica sin razón, sin más. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esta problemática halla su antecedencia en el propio pensamiento material de Aristóteles; fue a partir de la fisiología que este estagirita reflexionó acerca de posibles composiciones naturales del comportamiento moral («<u>De la ignorancia del intemperante</u>» en <i>Teoría de la intemperancia y del placer</i>; Libro VII, Cap. III). Ese entramado teórico progresó. Y pasados los siglos, esa fisiología y la moderna psicología han sido además subsumidas al mundo del «antifeminismo», de manera más o menos subyacente. Esto mismo además ha sido enfatizado por más de un <i>sexólogo</i>, en sus discusiones de siglo XX respecto de ciencias y moral.</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y nada de esto es, aunque retrospectivo, «pretérito». No es un mero reparo <i>sacado de la galera</i>. El científico W.F. GANONG (en la <i>Review of Medical Physiology</i>, la que fuera una típica lectura clásica, no de divulgación sino científica, ya en el año de 1977, según T. LAQUEUR), especificaba entre sus corolarios que «(…) por citar un viejo refrán, la menstruación es el útero que llora por la ausencia de un bebé». Esa concepción que convence acerca del «hacer bebés» -como obrar matrimonial- simplemente se continuó. Segregar, así, a lo propiamente gay, de ese mundo relacional, resultaría algo casi que inevitable. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>7.3.6. Contraconducta como verdadera defensa de la Moral.</b> Para la existencia del acuerdo, a partir de lo necesariamente común a todos, la contraconducta del sujeto de sexualidad es refractación del campo de interpositividad del que hablara FOUCAULT. En el Uruguay, lo <i>micropolítico</i> de las decisiones asumidas -como quehacer ruptural en el propio mundo de la razón pública- fue tomado por diversos estadios de organización gubernamental o no gubernamental. Empezó a deslegitimarse una tradición discursiva que asumiese por basamento al heterosexualismo <i>más puro y duro</i>. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Empezó a cuestionarse de esta manera la propia razón de existencia de aquellas institucionalidades que señalaron al sujeto «no-heterosexual», quebrantando sus correspondencias éticas, vulnerando su personalidad. E imposibilitándolo a su vez de relevancia para una verdadera vida moral. Y empezaron a reconsiderarse, siendo la propia sexualidad un ejercicio manifiesto del estatuto de persona, las correspondencias con aquel dirigismo religioso que se hallara <i>anclado en las costumbres del decir</i>, cuando el discurso activista discute que el deleite trata acerca de una <i>práctica de sí</i> y de un <i>cuidado de sí</i> que reniega del indiferentismo a las singularidades (a la propia multiplicidad de lo real). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Ya con FOUCAULT sabemos que la práctica de sí es una realidad compleja y múltiple y que el cuidado de sí (en <i>L’Alcibiade</i>) es entendido como un trabajo, asociado a la experiencia de una técnica elaboradora y transformativa. Eso comprende dos campos: lo atinente con la «historia de la subjetividad» y un análisis de las formas de «gubernamentalidad» (especialmente cuando lo «biológico» es referente normativo, su fuente logotécnica).</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Se resiste <i>de facto</i> la institucionalidad de las supeditaciones culpógenas cuando son injustamente impuestas. Se deja de promover la invisibilidad al amparo de un falso «nosotros», cuando el auto-reconocimiento consiste en discutir una no-correspondencia con el estereotipo de «heterosexual», por ser un <i>universal ilegítimo</i>. Se resiste la indefensión de no hallarse verdaderamente sujeto a Derecho, en un Estado <i>refractado</i>, además, como «prototipo jurídico», en la forma de un anti-heterosexualismo. Esto es necesario en un país como el Uruguay que ha legislado acerca del «matrimonio igualitario» como objeto de <i>registro civil</i>. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La uniformidad del comportamiento en el modo de existencia de los intercambios deja de ser una condición tácita. Es más, en términos generalísimos, la propia «heterosexualidad» empieza a dejar de ser un <i>requisito revolucionario</i> en el Uruguay latinoamericanista de siglo XXI. Y que <i>para muestra baste un botón</i>: «La abogada y militante sobre la diversidad sexual, Michelle Suárez, será la primera trans en ingresar al Parlamento como legisladora. Esta activista que participó en la redacción de la ley de matrimonio igualitario admitió que es un “honor” hacer historia con su inclusión, pero aseguró que es un honor “triste”. “Pasó lo mismo cuando terminé mi carrera en la Universidad [resultó ser también la primera persona <i>trans</i> en obtener título universitario]. Ello también revela [una] situación bastante complicada. Revela que el camino fue muy complicado”, dijo este viernes entrevistada por Mariano López en El Observador TV. […] Suárez recuerda que hace 15 años, cuando decidió cambiar de identidad, escuchaba en la radio y leía en las revistas que muchas personas atacaban sin pudor a los homosexuales. Decían “a los putos hay que matarlos o quemarlos”, recuerda Suárez que decían durante su adolescencia. Sin embargo ahora ese tipo de ataques están mal vistos, lo cual es un avance, consideró» (esto lo publicaba el periódico diario El Observador con el título «<u>Michelle Suárez: “Es un triste honor ser la primera” trans en el Parlamento. La abogada y militante sobre la diversidad sexual fue electa senadora suplente por el Partido Comunista</u> [debe decir -y posteriormente el periódico uruguayo lo corrigió- <i>suplente por el lema Democracia Avanzada</i> que entre sus organizaciones fundadoras tiene al Partido Comunista del Uruguay, en correspondencia con su política de alianzas a partir de identificaciones programáticas]»; de fecha de 07 de noviembre de 2014).</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El sujeto de sexualidad, cuando resultó impelido o predestinado a la sola «heterosexualidad», no deseándolo, quedó convertido en personaje. Y fue quedando así en relación simbiótica con su <i>ambiente</i> o «contexto ecológico», simplemente padeciendo esa pose de ser. Porque ser gay <i>nunca era algo natural</i>. Y es que si bien la individualidad trata acerca de la personalidad, no obstante, habría que ver -junto con HEGEL- que pervertirla podría corresponderse con <i>personificarla</i>. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y aunque se logró que una primera persona <i>trans</i> obtenga un escaño parlamentario en el Uruguay con <i>el voto electivo del comunismo</i>, para la legislatura que comprendan los años 2015 – 2020, esto no hace <i>desaparecer</i> la tradición moral heterosexualista. Y es que esa exigencia moral, igualmente, no resultó antojadiza sino enraizada en los envolvimientos institucionales <i>ad hoc</i> de la teoría material-histórica. La <i>práctica sexual</i> entre varones, o, a manera extensiva, de los «uranios», fue comprendida por F. ENGELS como uno de esos <i>feos vicios contranaturales</i> -entre tantos otros- que revelarían objetivamente la «decadencia moral»; lo supuso valiéndose del testimonio de Ammianus (siglo IV) opuesto a los taifalienses o taifalos, siendo que sus varones se hallaban en unión carnal indecible entre sí, y de lo narrado por Procopius Caesarensis (siglo VI), contrario a los hérulos de quienes se pretendía la conversión, siendo que estos otros, a su vez, eran guerreros que se <i>apareaban</i> de manera profana entre sí e incluso con asnos. ENGELS entonces en el año de 1884 estrictamente afirmará: «(...) en sus emigraciones, particularmente al Sudeste, hacia las estepas del Mar Negro, pobladas por nómadas, los germanos decayeron profundamente desde el punto de vista moral y tomaron de los nómadas, además del arte de la equitación, feos vicios contranaturales, acerca de lo cual tenemos los expresos testimonios de Amiano acerca de los taifalienses y el Procopio respecto a los hérulos» (esto puede verse de su autoría en «<u>II. La Familia: 4. La familia monogámica</u>» en «<i>EL ORIGEN DE LA FAMILIA, LA PROPIEDAD PRIVADA Y EL ESTADO</i>», un clásico de la filosofía material).</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Lo que los movimientos revolucionarios antiimperialistas latinoamericanos de la segunda mitad de siglo XX no comprendieron, como tampoco lo asumió el <i>neoconservadurismo burgués</i>, es que la idea de placerse personas entre sí, <i>de igual sexo</i>, es milenaria, y, no obstante, la palabreja «homosexual» -tal como la «idea de socialismo»- es resuelta históricamente en el siglo XIX y no antes. Y su prognosis sociológica, a su vez, dependerá de cómo acaso se confirmen las coordenadas antropológicas de su adjetivación: la remarcada tesis <i>anti</i>-<i>homosexual</i> del marxismo (de raigambre fundamentalmente engelsiana, <i>en cuestiones de familia</i>, sobrevalorada incluso durante la proliferación del estalinismo antifascista) resultó aniquilada por la historia de los derechos civiles, siendo no solo injusta sino además deplorable a causa de lo infrahumanizante de su composición. Y es que al «sujeto-de-sexualidad-no-heterosexual» se lo estereotipó como <i>objeto infame</i>. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esa falsa-tesis, ese ortograma, ya declinaba en el año de 1950, a partir de la iniciativa del inglés Harry HAY de fundar en la ciudad de Los Ángeles la <i>Mattachine Society</i> (asociación clandestina estadounidense, integrada principalmente por comunistas gais o «andróginos» que era como reivindicativamente se concebían). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La mención engelsiana de cómo concebir acaso al <i>hombre</i> en tanto evidencia <i>heterosexual</i>, en efecto, no sería más que anecdótica, si no fuese porque -como dispositivo moral- resultó exacerbada por un centralismo burocrático de la <i>organización del pensamiento</i> que la tergiversó en «ley universal» y expandió a manera de «internacionalismo» anti-burgués, inculcando, en consecuencia, la promoción del encerramiento de las singularidades en la univocidad sexual. En un intento de remedo de GRAMSCI (en su <i>opus</i> titulado «<u>El partido político</u>»), hay que atender que si la práctica político-partidista se fija en un <i>centralismo burocrático</i> (no confundirlo con el postulado de centralismo democrático) se convierte en un <i>órgano de policía</i>. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esa vanidad partidista, en cambio, debería de sustituirse por «hechos concretos». Así lo proponía GRAMSCI. Y por otra parte, es pertinente considerar, a su vez, cómo esa <i>moral del cuerpo</i> se enraizó y expandió -en su metafísica moral- enciclopédicamente en Suramérica, (entre las décadas de 1960 a 1990), en las relaciones <i>político</i>-<i>progresistas</i> que se coaligaban en el anti-neocolonialismo como postulado, y, posteriormente, a su vez, del anti-neoliberalismo como una forma necesaria -menos densa- de antiimperialismo.</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Hay que mencionar asimismo, atendiendo el ensayo de ECHAVARREN titulado </span><i style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Las noches rusas</i><span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, la cuestión de la burocracia revolucionaria soviética. Debió enfrentar su propia nematología de las instituciones: se propuso que los varones que comprometían radicalmente su masculinidad, siendo un </span><i style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">alto porcentaje de invertidos de los círculos artísticos y de marina</i><span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, podrían también redirigir sus lealtades políticas a la manera de una facción antigubernamental (esto, en la tumultuosa década de 1920 de la sociedad de Petrogrado). Aunque, finalmente, sabido es, los actos contrarrevolucionarios claramente podrían prescindir de un atributo como el de la «no-heterosexualidad». </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esa medida administradora de un erotismo sin finalidad reproductiva rezuma, hay que entenderlo, de una construcción panóptica de entreguerras, pero infiltrada por una moral que <i>se escandalizó</i> del placer entre varones e ignoró los estilos atinentes con lo lésbico. Y continúo con ECHAVARREN: si bien el bolchevismo en su Código Penal del año de 1922 -mediante el Comisariado Popular de Justicia- suprimió <i>el delito de sodomía</i>, en el año de 1934 se penaliza nuevamente. Hay así una retrogradación jurídico-técnica de los derechos civiles y, de alguna manera, una contrarreforma geo-antropográfica en la <i>primera república socialista</i>. Esto, si se considera que ya en el año de 1791 la mentada «sodomía» se había empezado a despenalizar en territorio francés. Esos atisbos de <i>modernidad tardía</i> quedaron encapsulados durante el siglo XX e inicios de siglo XXI, incluso con una Rusia posteriormente refundada en el capitalismo.</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Aquella visión ideologizada (o didáctica, como <i>objeto de propaganda</i>) preanunció la llegada del «hombre nuevo» -acto no exento de entremezclas religiosas variadas, más o menos evidentes, orientado incluso hacia un <i>radicalismo de la obediencia</i>- y en esa <i>moda científica</i> fue que se ensayaron las organizaciones revolucionarias antiimperialistas de la América Latina. El verdadero «hombre nuevo» trataba principalmente, al menos en las coordenadas geopolíticas que menciono, acerca de un <i>varón</i> que debía ensoñar pues al «hombre nuevo-heterosexual». Pero aquel supuesto nunca fue una «verdad histórica» sino, en todo caso, una persistente <i>falacia antropológica </i>torpemente requerida para la promoción de «cuadros dirigentes» revolucionarios. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En ese contexto anti-neocolonial, se halla el trabajo de M. KRAUSE-FUCHS (titulado ¿<i>Machismo</i>?<i> No</i>, <i>gracias</i>. <i>Cuba</i>:<i> sexualidad en la revolución</i>), siendo ella oriunda de la ex-RDA, quien mantuvo diversas discusiones de orden pedagógico y sexológico en la República Socialista de Cuba, principalmente, si se atiende su relato, por su condición de cofundadora (año de 1972) del Grupo Nacional de Trabajo de Educación Sexual que resultaría (a partir del año de 1989) en una organización nueva como el CENESEX (Centro Nacional de Educación Sexual). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esta germana se declaró contraria a los intentos de reeducación de los «homosexuales» que durante la década de 1960 se implementaron en la isla, integrándolos forzósamente a los trabajos agrícolas orientados por las UMAP (Unidad Militar de Apoyo a la Producción). Esa operatoria de «conversión» fue disuelta posteriormente por el gobierno revolucionario cubano. Hasta el año de 1990, su trabajo comprendió la cuestión pedagógica y sexológica de educar acerca de la legitimidad de la <i>persona homosexual</i>, eso hizo durante casi treinta años, en la isla caribeña, mediante la colaboración que le proporcionara C. ÁLVAREZ LAJONCHERE (maestro y ginecólogo cubano).</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">De las multiplicadas discusiones que mantuvo KRAUSE-FUCHS con la academia cubana, destaca la presentada en la revista Alma Máter (publicación mensual que pertenece a la Universidad de La Habana): en ocho páginas de entrevista explicitó el segregacionismo al que fueron sometidas las «personas homosexuales», a las que se penalizó y relegó socialmente por la sola y específica condición de no-ser «heterosexuales». La revista Alma Máter posteriormente continuó publicando asuntos atinentes con la «diversidad sexual», en el año de 2008 ensayaba la cuestión con el título «<u>La diversidad es la norma</u>». </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Ahora, en términos de «macropolítica» sociológica, también hay que considerar la visión anti-latinoamericanista o panamericanista. En aquel apogeo de regulacionismo del comportamiento, para el logro alquímico de un <i>sujeto ejemplar</i> e imposibilitado de una contraconducta que ya resultaba en ideologismo durante el siglo XX, las cuestiones de «moral social y familiar» que discuto fueron a su vez expandidas en la geopolítica caribeña y suramericana mediante otro flanco: el del <i>trabajo evangélico</i> que desarrolló una fundación neoconservadora estadounidense. Se inició en el año de 1981. Y se denominó Instituto sobre Religión y Democracia (es una de las refractaciones de la administración presidencial REAGAN, según las investigaciones que publicara A. M. EZCURRA). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Aunque no operó a solas: en la década de 1990 ese movimiento obtuvo la contribución decisiva de los «científicos sociales» y de los «oradores populares». S. FALUDI asocia a la Nueva Derecha y a la administración presidencial REAGAN no solo con el neoconservadurismo sino también con el neofeminismo de ideologismo izquierdista como el sustentado por Christopher LASCH que coincidiendo con el reaganista George GILDER solicitó incluso la prohibición constitucional del divorcio para parejas con hijos (esto lo discute en su obra <i>Reacción. La guerra no declarada contra la mujer moderna</i>). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El propósito del instituto fue el de concretar producciones doctrinarias asociadas con la iglesia católica de neocristiandad (fundamentada en el principado de Ioannes Paulus PP II y evidentemente continuada a través de Benedictus PP XVI o posteriormente por Franciscus PP). Esto no implica, claro, la no existencia de otros movimientos ultraconservadores estadounidenses, detenidos en el Concilio de Trento, como podría serlo el caso de la comunidad benedictina de J. NATALE, denominada Most Holy Family Monastery (iniciada en New Jersey, en la década de 1960). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En los Estados Unidos de América se hallaba instalada la administración republicana de R. REAGAN (de los años de 1981 a 1989) y, aunque los neoderechistas estadounidenses finalmente se apartaron de su representación (al menos, si se comprende el período de los años de 1981 a 1985 tal como lo aclara EZCURRA), por considerar que no radicalizaba de manera efectiva su <i>oposición a la pornografía</i>, <i>al soporte de la pena de muerte</i>, <i>a la separación escolar de negros respecto de blancos</i>, etc., el neoconservador Instituto sobre Religión y Democracia, en cambio, validó su política porque se poseía una misma <i>visión moral</i> con el gobierno, ordenada, además, según una prioridad estratégica: «(…) oposición al aborto, a la homosexualidad, al uso de anticonceptivos, al divorcio, a las relaciones sexuales extramatrimoniales y defensa de la “familia tradicional”». (EZCURRA titulará este tramo de su ensayo como «<u>Los espacios de coincidencia con la administración Reagan y con el conservadurismo emergente en USA</u>»). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Respecto de ese mundo de siglo XX en el que empezó a resolverse la disolución del heterosexualismo como ideal del ordenamiento social, si bien <i>lo que fue</i>, <i>necesariamente ha sido</i> -al decir del poeta Agathon y de la ética aristotélica que retoma esa locución- hay que conformar, aún así, unas ciencias humanas que a la vez discutan junto con la noción de contraconducta (según la consistencia del hecho) los hallazgos arqueológicos que traten de la <i>repulsión al otro</i>: a) de las opresiones morales, en las condiciones de lo suprapersonal, así como b) de la propia práctica personal de la «vergüenza» (en tanto forma teológica de la angustia, en el aprendizaje de una heterosexualidad inmanente y como <i>origen natural</i> de las enseñanzas morales). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Hay que destacar en este sentido el «hecho político» no de las minorías sino de los «menospreciados», de esos hombres y mujeres que padecieron persecuciones morales dirigidas contra la población de gais, lesbianas y transgéneros que se alternaba en determinados procesos de sociovulnerabilidad de la persona con otros <i>atributos negativos</i> (como el ser «inválido», o «judío», o «negro», etc.). Los irracionalmente «menospreciados», fueron subsumidos -a la manera inquisitorial- a mero objeto de derecho e interrogatorio; resultaron doblemente menospreciados en el mundo occidental si eran de estratos sociales obreros o campesinos, menospreciados, además, a partir de cuerpos demonizados, de cuerpos vituperados para especificar el <i>mal ejemplo</i>, cohibidos sexualmente para retrogradar su legitimidad y emancipación. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">No obstante, en el siglo XXI ya se discutirán con <i>otro rigor lógico</i> las técnicas institucionalizadas de «ocultación de los comportamientos» (como estrategia proteiforme o cambiante de la «culpa» para conformarse, resulta en el miedo de la persona <i>a ser reprobada</i> socialmente, según lo comprende AGUINIS) y que inhibieron la legitimidad política de la personalidad, asociadas asimismo a órdenes normativos más o menos convergentes con formas de atavismo. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La propia problemática de los derechos civiles se ramificó, hallándose así múltiples nódulos activistas en América del Sur, algunas veces, quizá, manifestados de manera excesivamente fragmentada. Pero incluso así, en el caso uruguayo se lograron tesis parlamentarias con modificaciones legislativas variadas -y radicales- para el resguardo del sujeto «no-heterosexual» como verdadera persona humana. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La problemática de los valores supraindividuales dejó de fundamentarse, así, en una mera «heterosexualidad» aquiescente: «(…) [en discordancia con COTUGNO que comparó, a partir de su jerarquía eclesial, lo gay con una <i>enfermedad contagiosa</i>] los cinco partidos con representación parlamentaria firmaron una declaración que reafirma la importancia y legitimidad de la diversidad en la sociedad uruguaya, al tiempo que condena la incitación a la violencia contra las minorías sexuales» (esto lo consideraba SEMPOL en su artículo publicado en el periódico semanario Brecha con el título «<u>Alerta: el “virus” gay es “contagioso”</u>», de fecha de de 22 de agosto de 2003). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La «homofobia», amalgamada, claro, con otras fobias y dicterios hechos tradición, debió de ser explicitada, develada paso a paso de su sola pátina moral subyacente, por parte del activismo gay (incluso mediante trabazones autocríticas, tanto respecto de casos de misoginia como de lesbofobia, de misandria, de androfobia, o como fuere, etc.). No es una mención secundaria que el dicterio aplicado a la persona «no-heterosexual», en tanto retrogradación de las relaciones de convivencia, refluye también -y lo tomo de ECHAVARREN- como una «fuerza ilocutoria» que envuelve el actuar del victimario en la institucionalidad, en una verdad normativa construida por la vía de aquellas operaciones que son «anti-homosexuales».</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Se «descubrió» que las oportunidades vinculares, así, cuando resultaron minimizadas al <i>martirio</i> y al <i>suplicio</i>, se correspondieron con una dramática moral que se ahogó en la esquematización de los hechos naturales. Y que «cuida» de una interaccionalidad a la que además «custodia», entendiendo que toda fuga de los «roles del sexo» es intrínsecamente «corruptiva». Aristóteles en <i>La Política</i> recuerda un decreto espartano de los reyes y de los éforos que prescribió a Timoteo su música, bajo pena de destierro; se le exigió que quitara cuatro cuerdas de la lira con que componía, <i>porque sus sonidos afeminados corrompían a sus jóvenes</i>.</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">FOUCAULT comprendía superlativamente esta problemática cuando trató el padecimiento civil de las personas «hermafroditas». Estas personas resultaron catalogadas de criminales por su sola disposición anatómica; porque el propio cuerpo visibilizado <i>embarullaba</i> la ley que distinguía los sexos, prescribiendo además su existencia aditiva. En una discusión que el pensador presentara como «<u>Le vrai sexe</u>» indica que es en el siglo XVIII que comienzan las refutaciones de toda idea de mezcla de los (dos) sexos en un solo cuerpo y se restringe por consecuencia el libre ejercicio del intercambio entre los sujetos de placer propiamente, mediante las teorías biologicistas acerca de la sexualidad, de condiciones jurídicas restringentes de la persona humana y con formas maximalistas de control administrativo por parte de los Estados. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Ese maximalismo moral, claro, bien puede adquirir asomos temerarios: se prohibió la presencia de «Winnie the Pooh» -de A.A. MILNE, escritor de cuentos y dramaturgo- en el parque de diversiones de la ciudad polaca de Tuszyn. ¿La razón?: se lo quitó por <i>parecer hermafrodita</i> y porque <i>era difícil determinar su sexo</i> (la noticia se presentó en The Press and Journal con el título «<u>Winnie the Pooh banned from Polish playground as an ‘inappropriate hermaphrodite’</u>», de fecha de 20 de noviembre de 2014). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En el caso nacional hubo que discutir esa historicidad del relacionismo biologicista, especialmente confirmado en su didáctica de instauración: «[La Administración Nacional de Educación Pública en el Uruguay] (…) ha evidenciado el predominio del concepto de la sexualidad limitado a la sexo genitalidad y la reproducción. Esto parece mostrar que las acciones educativas, que, de acuerdo a lo expresado por los docentes participantes, se han realizado a lo largo de todo el país, han priorizado los temas de PREVENCIÓN, la Sexualidad ha sido particularmente enfocada en sus aspectos biológicos» (este trabajo fue coordinado por S. CERRUTI en el año de 2005, se presentó como «<u>La incorporación de la sexualidad en el sistema educativo formal: una propuesta de trabajo</u>»). </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El sujeto discente fue pedagógicamente resguardado en la «heterosexualidad», como presupuesto natural de su integridad, siendo la propia facultad de reproducirse una pauta sexual con la que se comprendió el valor moral de sus actos. O como lo afirma J. BUTLER, <i>es mediante las fábulas de género que se inventan y divulgan los mal llamados hechos naturales</i> (esto fue visto por F. ALVES de ATAYDE en su trabajo «<u>Performidad y política en Judith Butler</u>»). Y así las distinciones se delatan, en vez de asumirse como oportunidad pedagógica, cuando el «disciplinamiento» y la «responsabilidad» se distorsionan para que resulten en operaciones concordantes. Se fue «restringiendo» de esa manera <i>la potencia del estar</i>-<i>y</i>-<i>ser</i>. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La necesaria «ruptura ética» por la que el sujeto se diferencia, igualmente, no implica disociarse de los acuerdos morales. La contraconducta por tanto no es una forma de la inmoralidad necesariamente. Hay alguna anterioridad relacional, alguna manera de reconocimiento del entorno que habilita discutir cómo acaso conocerse uno mismo en vez de padecerse o ser un suplicio para otros. Debe comprenderse junto con HEGEL cuando discute de estética que <i>no todas las formas de la personalidad tratan acerca de cualidades morales</i>. Y, por tanto, si bien <i>no todo lo técnicamente realizable es moralmente admisible</i> (postulado que Ioannes Paulus PP II destaca en su carta encíclica <i>Fides et Ratio</i>), hay técnicas con las que practico la sofisticación de mí mismo que no necesariamente son objeto de moral. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esta noción, asimismo, permite que se discuta la inconveniencia antropológica de reducirme en el quehacer a un no-deber-hacer (N. LLORENS recuerda en «<u>Naturaleza y paisaje en la estética de Shaftesbury</u>» que esta temática fue tratada durante la Ilustración inglesa por el tercer conde de Shaftesbury: Anthony ASHLEY COOPER, en su <i>The Moralists</i>).</span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Las alternativas de la acción, como verdadera posibilidad, claro que requieren no solo de un ejercicio de contraconducta, inevitablemente coordinado con las cuestiones morales, sino también de un <i>ensimismamiento</i> propiamente orteguiano, del saber reflexionar acerca de un hacer posible y de lo ya hecho. Por tanto que quede entendido: no reduzco, como cuestión de la contraconducta, el deseo a una <i>curiosidad ambiental</i>, al mero raciomorfismo mamífero del sistema ecológico. Las formas del deseo/placer no permanecen inalterables. La contraconducta -y pienso en el trabajo de FOUCAULT «<u>Subjectivité et vérité</u>» al discutir esto- se relacionará por parte de la persona con el hallazgo de la razón del intercambio «no-heterosexual», a la ética incluso de sus realizaciones sexuales. </span><br />
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<span face="Verdana, sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b><a href="http://prometheuschannel.blogspot.com/search/label/Ensayo%20en%20ciencias%20humanas%20IV" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">7.4. Problema electivo: mostrar lo gay como imagen -también legítima- de la sociedad o aceptarse naturalmente invisible</a> </b></span></div>
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Pablo Pallashttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02676986163926451532noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8368737022377042313.post-48827833678422290842015-02-24T17:41:00.002-02:002021-03-15T00:27:05.925-03:00Ciencias Humanas: ensayo de maestría<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><a href="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/r3WZAIXJ4PM/maxresdefault.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="225" src="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/r3WZAIXJ4PM/maxresdefault.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><br /><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><br /><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;"><b>Maestría en ciencias humanas: tesis</b></span><br />
<b><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;"><span style="color: #444444;">«</span><span style="color: #444444;">M</span><span style="color: #444444;">undo gay» intrincado en la m</span><span style="color: #444444;">oral sexual</span></span></b><br />
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<b style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></b><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://prometheuschannel.blogspot.com/search/label/Ensayo%20en%20ciencias%20humanas%20III" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Anterior</a></span><br />
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<b style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">7.4. Problema electivo: mostrar lo gay como imagen -también legítima- de la sociedad o aceptarse naturalmente invisible </b><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">A partir de 2003 lo gay, recapitulando lo ya mencionado en la tesis, fue convertido en una «cuestión pública» en el Uruguay. Algunos de los entramados de positividad (especializados en institucionalizar <i>pensamiento</i>), resultaron incluso confrontados entre sí, sobre todo, en el campo discursivo abocado a legitimar lo propiamente subjetivo-lógico de los «eventos dispersos» que se ordenan. Un caso relevante lo es el de la Iglesia de Roma: observó colisionar su evangelio heterosexual con los mecanismos tecnocráticos editoriales de un periodismo uruguayo que -en una versión liberal de la <i>libertad de expresión</i>- simplemente publicó <i>bona fides</i> las demandas morales del arzobispado. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Lo que sucedió: la Iglesia de Roma rechazó en el año de 2003 las prácticas periodísticas de la revista semanal uruguaya Búsqueda. Así lo hizo mediante un comunicado de prensa, especificando que <i>los títulos publicados en primera plana no reflejan los dichos de Monseñor Cotugno ni su espíritu</i>, <i>son recortes voluntarios e intencionales de sus declaraciones</i> (esto lo aclaraba G. ESTÉVEZ, vicario para los Medios de Comunicación Social: «<u>De la Arquidiócesis de Montevideo</u>», Radio 810 AM El Espectador, de 21 de agosto de 2003). Y hay que recordar entonces el mentado título que resultara criticado por la jerarquía eclesial, dado lo paradigmático de su fórmula: «<u>La homosexualidad es como una “enfermedad contagiosa”, por eso es preciso “aislar” a quien tiene esa condición para poder “curarlo”</u>», así se presentaba el asunto durante el año de 2003.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">De todas maneras, ese ejercicio de redacción (podría asumirse que más alineado a la escuela escéptica que a la nueva academia de los áticos, si se atiende el valor técnico que le brinda su periodismo a la «neutralidad»), resuelto para la revista, resultó en una «notoriedad civil» preocupante para el Arzobispado. Pero el título y lo narrado se contraían a no más que un <i>entrecomillado</i>, a una transcripción nodular de las aserciones expuestas por la representación católica en el Uruguay acerca de la sexualidad moral (orientada según esa <i>comunidad de fe</i>). Fue una eclosión que «inauguró» variedad de tertulias mundanas, de multiplicadas discusiones concernientes con el progreso de los derechos civiles y la legitimidad moral e incluso de la legalidad de los actos sexuales. Fue todo un acontecimiento y claro dio mucho de qué hablar.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Entremedio, a su vez, lo gay fue volcado a la razón pública también cuando posteriormente se explicitó un dirigentismo mercantil de lo televisado que en el Uruguay se avergonzó de mostrar la versión «no-heterosexual» de una sociedad en emergencia: «desestimó besos» (siendo, esto, un <i>hecho moderno </i>de sinarquía). Relegó una narración estética que como propaganda blanca de lo gay -desarrollada por Ovejas Negras- desorientaba la moralina discursiva como ideologismo heterosexual. Esos ósculos -como objeto de propaganda civil- resultaron apartados del mundo virtual (suprimidos como semejanzas complejas de un hecho de estilo). Y se negó por tanto el sentido geo-antropográfico de sus formas asociadas a las identificaciones de lo gay, necesariamente, en tensión con otras manifestaciones expresivas que son igualmente <i>antropológicas</i> en valor. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">¿Qué fue esto? Hubo una primera campaña anti-segregacionista denominada <i>Un beso es un beso</i> (año de 2009) que televisó el colectivo Ovejas Negras. Ocurría seis años después de la primera <i>gran controversia pública</i> entre lo moral y lo gay. A esto propongo contrastarle, a manera de antecedencia filmográfica latinoamericana, la obra <i>Beija</i>-<i>me se for capaz</i> (año de 2007) de Lufe STEFFEN: la estética del ósculo como cuestión poética del intercambio explícitamente «no-heterosexual» es su <i>tema de reflexión</i>, o, como objeto de trabajo semiótico -y cuasimetafísico- podrá decirse que es su materia del contenido. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En ese trabajo filmográfico, función metalingüística mediante, se muestra -en condiciones de cinemateca- prototipos de besos reconocidos socialmente, mediante <i>prácticas heterosexuales</i> del intercambio, aunque desplazados a imágenes tratantes de transaccionalidades no-heterosexuales. Es al influjo geo-antropográfico de sus afectaciones que <i>esos personajes</i> se concretan y resuelven, en la propia construcción estética que los envuelve, incluso, mediante la narración de sus actos éticos. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esto se intentó retomar, a pesar que se pretendió resumir las prácticas de lo gay a objeto de vergüenza. Hubo «omisión» de las empresas de comunicación. Fue aplicada por estaciones televisoras privadas, principalmente por parte de las televisoras <i>SAETA</i> y <i>Montecarlo</i>. Se intentó restringir la presentación audiovisual de la mencionada campaña <i>Un beso es un beso</i>. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esa no presentación, esa desestimación empresaria a una campaña de derechos civiles, fue observada aunque no sancionada por las plataformas estatales del Uruguay que guardaban competencia en el caso (refiero, en el Uruguay, a la Comisión de Derechos Humanos del Ministerio de Educación y Cultura y la URSEC <span style="font-size: xx-small;">•</span> Unidad Reguladora de Servicios de Comunicaciones). Se entendió que no hubo en lo hecho, así se especificó, resolución antijurídica ninguna, culpable y punible. Y entonces tristemente no pasó nada.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esos <i>besos</i>, en su forma, o como tema orientado, se realizan en el hiperrealismo del conocimiento (no hay separación real entre el sujeto de decisiones y su objeto de interés). Esos besos, objetivamente por tanto se identifican en la propia circularidad antropológica del intercambio. Se concreta esa manera de hacer con el otro como un dominio electivo del «amor sexual» que no se halla al servicio de lo reproductivo, ni se comprende como una medianía natural. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Valga mencionar respecto de ENGELS que la existencia, como pasión, del «amor sexual» -modernamente individualizado, siendo una forma superior de la <i>atracción sexual</i>- es un progreso moral que resulta emergente de las ruinas del mundo romano (al menos, respecto del intercambio heterosexual, aunque no sea incluso con un fin reproductivo, según se lo trata en el pensamiento material de «<u>II. La Familia: 4. La familia monogámica</u>» en «<i>EL ORIGEN DE LA FAMILIA, LA PROPIEDAD PRIVADA Y EL ESTADO</i>»). Es, de alguna manera, la condición antropológica circular que resuelve lo legítimo o no del intercambio sexual hembra-varón así como su propia razón de criterio (no necesariamente monógamo, sino especialmente adúltero si se considera su distancia fáctica con el «amor conyugal» medieval). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y si bien se considera que la personalidad femínea, en ese «progreso moral», de alguna manera resultó <i>más libre</i> que en la edad clásica, no debe omitirse que posteriormente los «matrimonios bostonianos» de los siglos XIX y XX resultaron justamente evidencia histórica de cómo acaso ese dialelo corpóreo-viviente empezó a hacer resistencia civil <i>a favor de sí</i>, a partir de la práctica homoerótica (revitalizada incluso mediante la complicación del estilo amatorio; para esto puede verse el trabajo de A. MIRA de 2010 presentado como «<u>Después de Ellen: paradigmas de representación lésbica en las series de televisión actuales</u>» en el <i>Seminario Mujeres</i>, <i>lesbianismo</i>, <i>normalización y estudios Queer</i> del Centro de Estudios Andaluces).</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y lo que entonces se resistió fue la <i>fábula moralista</i> heterosexual, la metafísica gubernamental y literaria de su no-existencia-lésbica, recuperándose, ahora sí, las condiciones reflexivas acerca del «cuerpo varonil», propia de los áticos, de su sociedad democrático-esclavista, aunque desplazándolas, justamente, a una <i>institucionalidad moderna</i>. La antecedencia, a su vez, de la concreción lésbica -nuevamente en el campo literario- puede verse con una cantiga del juglar A. ANES do COTOM identificada como «Maria Mateu, década de 1240» (sin titular); hay que considerar que la mujer <i>deseosa de otras mujeres</i> era ya un objeto literario existente en la época medieval de Occidente. Y resalta entonces como personaje -de la letra mencionada- el caso de la <i>soldadeira</i>. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Pero hay que volver al asunto: ¿por qué esa narratología de lo transaccional, ese mismo tema que fue «el beso no-heterosexual», siendo que ya contaba con antecedencia filmográfica latinoamericana, se convirtió en inconcebible al intentar que se televisara en el Uruguay, como propuesta de campaña del activismo anti-heterosexualista? Porque esa negación de las televisoras, incluso a partir del <i>pretexto esteticista</i>, ni siquiera podría entonces tildarse de medieval; fue un acto simplemente imprudente y falto de razón. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">A manera de conjetura, lo que propongo es que hay una forma premeditada de <i>entretener a las audiencias</i>, como función expositiva de lo necesariamente deliberado, a la que se contrapone una verdadera política de la libertad (puede orientar en este asunto un trabajo desarrollado por I. SÁNCHEZ-ESCRIBANO, realizado entre los años de 2011 y de 2012, titulado «<u>La “belenestebanización” de la sociedad</u>»). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El activismo convirtió esa clase de «beso», objetivando ese tópico, en una <i>señal</i> anti-segregacionista, mostrando un mundo de lo erótico-y-obsceno que había sido inducido a la invisibilidad. Esa producción audiovisual de esos otros «besos» fue un instrumento civil que ahogó el discurso homófobo (o «heterosexista» si se atiende como configuración criminógena, según las disposiciones de Roger Raupp RIOS). Hubo una <i>manipulación poética</i> del sentido (lo refiero a la visión jakobsoniana de las funciones del lenguaje), un decir que resultó convertido en <i>razón pública</i> en vez de encapsularse en el «púdico espanto». </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">¿Y, finalmente, cuál es el criterio de relación por el que una estética comprendida debiese, acaso, acotarse didácticamente al cuidado moral de otros? La exposición activista uruguaya aniquiló (descotidianizó) al moralismo como dispositivo fisgador-y-repulsivo de las formas de afectación mostradas. Logró explicitar, pues, contravalores al heterosexismo discursivo (incluso, a la criminalidad habida en ese <i>sentido común</i> que se envuelve en el heterosexualismo). No se redujo el obrar activista a una <i>espectacularización</i> del acto. Y esa fue la causa, asimismo, por la que se aprobó la <i>restricción</i> del «mensaje», o su no-difusión, mediante operaciones telemáticas, en las condiciones mercantiles propias de lo televisado (aunque igualmente se «divulgó» en la <i>red de información global</i>). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La campaña anti-segregacionista <i>Un beso es un beso</i>, ese fue su título-lema, resultó no obstante envuelta en una inconformidad hermenéutica. Hubo una restrictiva estética-y-moral impuesta <i>a la sociedad</i> por las plataformas empresarias de la comunicación y del espectáculo. Parecería -esa operatoria- casi que como <i>algo necesario</i> para castigar la «falta de inhibición». ¿Es eso posible?</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La Human Rights Watch -HRW- solicitó epistolarmente, durante ese proceso, a la cartera de educación y cultura uruguaya que se interviniese: <i>el gobierno debe garantizar que cualquier decisión de negarse a difundir un aviso destinado a promover el debate en la sociedad acerca de un tema de gran interés social</i>, <i>aun si quien la toma es una entidad privada</i>, <i>no esté fundada en formas de discriminación que están prohibidas por la ley</i>, <i>y que se respete plenamente la libertad de expresión</i> (esto lo publicaba V. PSETIZKI, en marzo de 2009, en la BBC con el título «<u>Un beso, ¿es un beso</u>?»).</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>7.4.1. De la defensa burocrática de la «invisibilidad», según casos.</b> Si de imprudencias se trata, destaco una que manifiesta la propia visión neo-conservadora, incluso prevareliana, de las enseñanzas, donde, a diferencia de lo provocado, debería haber imperado el acervo laicista: «El Consejo de Educación Técnica Profesional resolvió […] separar del cargo a la directora de la Escuela Técnica de San Carlos (…). [El viernes 9 de septiembre de 2011] (…), la directora había realizado comentarios sobre la homosexualidad en el programa Punta Política, emitido por el canal 11 de Punta del Este. […] La docente calificó a la homosexualidad de “enfermedad” y si bien no se opuso a que existan docentes gais, a su juicio las autoridades deberían vigilar su comportamiento en los centros de estudio para evitar que transmitan su condición de vida a los alumnos» (en la prensa nacional, la noticia destacó en el trabajo de M. GALLARDO. y P. BESADA con el título «<u>Cesan a directora de UTU; criticó la homosexualidad</u>» en El País, de fecha de 16 de septiembre de 2011). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Ese resguardo «anti-homosexual» y control de los párvulos, de los adolescentes, de los docentes y de la población en general por parte de la institucionalidad educativa -a la manera de una positividad que especializa la injerencia moral de Estado en las propias <i>disposiciones corpóreas</i>- retrograda el trabajo formativo de aula. Es una operatoria inmersa en la paranoia e inhibe que se conforme una relación docente-discente sustentada en la honorabilidad; debilita la didáctica de los necesarios ejercicios asertivos. Para la crítica de esa composición relacional, SEMPOL afirma: «Trabajar la sexualidad en el aula implica que los/as docentes realicemos permanentemente procesos personales de deconstrucción y desnaturalización, que pasan entre otras cosas por asumir que las identidades sexuales y genéricas y las valoraciones morales que las acompañan son construcciones políticas fruto de pugnas de poder. [...] Además, las aulas no son espacios neutros desde el punto de vista genérico y sexual, sino que están profundamente reguladas por la heteronormatividad, que busca reforzar y legitimar la heterosexualidad y la relación entre sexo e identidad de género» (lo publicaba en el sitio oficial de Ovejas Negras -S.a.- con el título «<u>Visibilidad y espacio educativo</u>»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> en «“<i>Locas</i>”, “<i>travas</i>” <i>y</i> “<i>marimachos</i>”: <i>Identidades políticas</i>, <i>intervención educativa y desafíos para un trabajo con la diversidad sexual en el sistema educativo</i>»). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Omitir esa realidad del segregado, sume a la institucionalidad educativa, ante las propias prácticas jerárquicas heterosexistas, en el indiferentismo como acto burocrático. Parecería desconocerse -respecto de los propios términos que hacen a la «inclusión» discutida por BUTLER en <i>Cuerpos que importan</i>. <i>Sobre los límites materiales y discursivos del</i> «<i>sexo</i>»- que el reconocimiento social <i>forma</i> al sujeto de intercambios, a ese sujeto lógico que resuelve su personalidad en las condiciones del discente. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La intolerancia a la apología del anti-homosexualismo en el aula, implica un comportamiento a su vez <i>antipastoral</i> de aquel pedagogo-que-piensa-y-hace en las condiciones de una dirección formativa orientada hacia la igualdad ética (es solo rememorar lo que ECHAVARREN discute respecto de la Ilustración). Judith HALBERSTAM al igual que Gayle RUBIN insisten en que la jerarquía sustentada en la <i>conducta sexual</i> (donde el acto «heterosexual» es la cúspide de la escala) y la estructura de opresión en que se comprende, una y otra, deben de reconocerse y criticarse en vez de permitir que proliferen. Esto lo discutía HALBERSTAM en su obra <i>Masculinidad femenina</i>. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El docente no debe mantener una actitud negligente (o de humilde aplacamiento) ante las problemáticas <i>de la verdadera vida</i>, indiscutiblemente convergentes en el aula. Y es que la verdadera vida no debe omitirse en el aula. La «homosexualidad» como tema pedagógico, especialmente, la crítica a su estigma, habilita que se discuta de manera generalísima la posibilidad del estar-y-ser como un hecho ético de magnificencia. Una cartografía del ordenamiento que aniquile la estigmatización del otro, se resuelve mediante la regencia de sí mismo que colectivamente contravenga la invisibilidad: «Ser humilde es aceptar que la propia voluntad es mala voluntad», en esto insistirá ECHAVARREN. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Hubo, a partir de tales accidentes instituidos, parcelados, más que hilvanados, una ofensiva política y moral <i>en contra del matrimonio gay</i> -y de sus estilos convergentes- que resultó socialmente manifiesta en un principio, replegada posteriormente, aunque ya específica como <i>asunto civil no resuelto</i>. En esa descripción de siglo XXI ya iniciado, el activismo civil y síndico del Uruguay -en asuntos de <i>heterodoxia política</i>, no necesariamente coincidentes, como lo son el «aborto legal», la «adquisición legal de cannabis», el «matrimonio gay», etc.- ha logrado socavar el indiferentismo y, por tanto, identificar (delimitando) la positividad de rechazo que históricamente se aplicara <i>a las extrañezas del mundo</i>. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La reivindicación micropolítica de los actos «no-heterosexuales» de intercambio, ese enjambre de política y propaganda, se fue manifestando y confirmando no en la ilusoria fijeza moral de la «familia», o en su comprensión hipostasiada, sino en un devenir disperso (a la manera de «relaciones coyunturales» capaces de corresponderse con distintas circunstancias en los mundos de la enseñanza, de la gubernamentalidad, del trabajo, etc.). Esto mismo tiene que permitir analizar como dificultad que los temas de derechos civiles que «tocan» los bordes de una política de moral deben -incluso hallándose aglomerados por el activismo- especializarse como objetos de cuestionamiento teórico. De dos de los ejemplos de borde que mencioné, valga entonces algo especificar (para más o menos aclarar a qué los asocio, cuando los comprendo en <i>el mundo de los temas exóticos</i>, incluso vulgarmente denominados, como justamente también sucede respecto del «matrimonio gay»). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Hice referencia del aborto. La problemática jurídica asociada al <i>nasciturus</i> -que excede las cuestiones de tesis, claro, como tantos otros asuntos oblicuos- comprende, eso considero, las siguientes superfacetaciones: a) no debe reducirse su legislación evidentemente a una mera operación de «plazos» sino a <i>especies de aborto</i> que se legitimen; b) deben resolverse para su acto tratamientos diversos, como el extrapenal (pedagógico), el médico-asistencial (especialmente farmacológico en vez de quirúrgico) y el sanitario (prevencionista); c) no debe reducirse además la «legalización del aborto» a una mera pretensión barbárica que no lo es (como no lo son los sucesivos «Convenios de Ginebra» puesto que no hay una norma internacional que <i>prohíba</i> acaso los conflictos bélicos entre Estados; la necesidad de una normativa <i>para humanizar la guerra</i> no implica -a pesar de la angustia moral que conlleva- corresponderse necesariamente con una apología de las conflagraciones, o del deceso o asesinato de personas, etc.).</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Hice referencia asimismo del cannabis. La cuestión <i>cannabis</i> en el Uruguay se orientó sobremanera a las condiciones propias de un análisis financiero del Derecho, siendo esto más acertado que otros envolvimientos, como podrían serlo a) mediante las inconsistencias metafísicas de una bioética anantrópica (ahogada en <i>síntesis armónicas</i>) o b) a partir del requerimiento salvífico de alguna antropología etnológica (suponiendo algunos comportamientos como «naturales» y por tanto aceptables).</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Menciono casi que propedéuticamente estas dos cuestiones (o cuodlibetos), el <i>aborto</i> y la <i>droga</i>, no solo por la evidente <i>didáctica de su sentido</i>, como asuntos controvertidos, al mezclarlos y disociarlos. Su mención también implica el intento de no vulgarizar ni menospreciar el hallazgo de coordenadas metodológicas que permitan acaso efectivizar una política-y-propaganda acerca de la <i>necesaria libertad</i> intrincada en los distintos productos del intercambio. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Lo corpóreo, entonces, fue asumiendo en el Uruguay alguna notoriedad (si se supone su mundo como condición expresiva también de lo «no-heterosexual»). Incluso a pesar de haber un fijismo <i>maternalista</i> en las propias capas intelectuales uruguayas. Esa concepción «maternalista», además, ha sido discutida por un activismo feminista como el estadounidense (es un tema analizado por Ch. MOUFFE: «<u>Feminismo, ciudadanía y política democrática radical</u>» en Debate feminista Nº VII; México, de fecha de marzo de 1993). Es un maternalismo que funciona como recursividad del aparato intelectual burocrático (especialmente resultante de los actos docente o médico), capaz de especificar en la forma moral lo sexual-orgánico de la persona. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y así, a inicios de siglo XXI se persistió en una enseñanza de la preconcepción sexual de la mujer para que fuese multípara, orientada hacia la heterosexualidad y la procreación. Resultó asociable, de alguna manera, en tanto ordenamiento de Estado, a una «política cultural», digámoslo así, de fecundidad cíclica (este asunto lo especificará LAQUEUR). Es un parámetro clínico mediante el que se intenta, asimismo, argumentar la propia «potencia moral» de esos intercambios sexuales para la reproducción. Igualmente, esto no es nada nuevo. Trata acerca de una <i>conceptuación reproductiva</i> de las afectaciones de la mujer: Aristóteles postulaba y argumentaba fisiológicamente que la <i>intensidad amorosa</i> materna -a causa del hijo- supera otras (fue planteado en «<u>Del beneficio</u>» en <i>Teoría de la amistad</i> – <i>continuación</i>; Libro IX, Cap. VII). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>7.4.2. De lo gay como objeto de trabajo logotécnico.</b> Hay que continuar discutiendo, entonces, cómo la positividad resulta <i>instrumental a esa razón pública</i> con que se resuelven las condiciones de una «imagen moral». Las operatorias logográficas, más modernamente, los «actos de prensa» que podrían comprenderse en el mundo de los <i>vendedores de discursos</i>, así como las tradiciones enunciativas en las que se sustentan, junto con las operaciones propagandistas, entre otras, inconclusas en sus despliegues tecnocráticos, etc., podrían comprenderse en dos planos distintos: a) o por su intento metafísico de «neutralidad» (la que debe distinguirse de la <i>imparcialidad</i> y del principio de <i>presunción de inocencia</i>, propia de quien debe y sabe juzgar), b) o por su intento de «subjetivación» (correspondida sobremanera con la composición perspectiva de un interés, antes que con la disposición metodológicamente acotada y complementaria, por ejemplo como eje autológico, de un estudio objetivo). Es posible hallar, así, a quienes suponen que la verdad se resuelve en la no intromisión en el asunto, solo relatándolo, y a quienes suponen que la verdad es comprendida si se editorializan sus cuestiones, solo opinando. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Evidentemente, las cuestiones de la Gramática y de la Moral emergen de una misma referencia que es lo «Humano». Y las prácticas (humanas) entendidas como realidad, hay que considerarlo, son previas -en su condición concreta- a la reflexión filosófica (habiendo prácticas acerca de las que <i>con posterioridad </i>hay quienes escriben, a la manera de un oficio periodístico). Esto es habitual, es como <i>se toma la noticia</i> para mostrar el mundo de intereses que le «permite» destaque. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y la realidad -su multiplicidad infinita- envuelve en todo caso a las formas del decir que se identifican por sobresalientes. Lo «no-heterosexual», por tanto, aunque empezó a formularse notorio (a la manera de un relato resuelto en la <i>comunicación colectiva</i>), apenas persistió igualmente como apéndice de un «mundo de la normalidad». Incluso así, lo medular es que esas mismas anotaciones periodísticas convergieron -tensionadas entre narraciones o descriptivas o críticas- en una coyuntura de pensamiento que discutió la libertad-y-liberación sexual de la persona. Logró además refluir en la realidad de otros campos técnicos, especialmente en aquellas instituciones que hacen de lo periodístico una referencia habitual para la toma de decisiones políticas. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">¿Qué implicó la expansión del mundo gay como objeto de trabajo periodístico? Hubo un nuevo <i>estado de la cuestión</i> sexual en el Uruguay que resultó finalmente explicitado. Ahora se hablaba del asunto. Esto implicó una nueva delimitación política a la hora de decidir <i>condenar moralmente</i> el ejercicio de los derechos civiles a partir del mundo gay. SEMPOL en la entrevista que me concedió lo relataría: «En la década de 1990 el movimiento social se hallaba desarticulado, la homofobia era notoria, había miedo ante la posibilidad de ser visto; pocas personas entonces asumían el riesgo político y social de <i>hacerse visibles</i>. Fue entonces que se reconoció como a referentes de opinión más que de organizaciones, en aquel momento de 2003, a las mujeres y hombres activistas de entonces. […] La Conferencia Episcopal Uruguaya, en el año 2003, condenó las “uniones concubinarias”. Sin embargo, esa Iglesia Católica ha atenuado su discurso homofóbico. Ese giro católico parecería enmarcarse en la visibilidad lograda de las organizaciones de gais y de lesbianas, y, en la ley 17817 que prohíbe segregar -porque, quien actúa en ese sentido se expone a ser enjuiciado- y en la negociación que lograron conformar con el gobierno de la República para intentar <i>ceder</i> solo en determinados niveles políticos: ante temas de sumo valor para la Iglesia Católica no se concede y en otros sí, para no parecer retrógrados y arriesgarse entonces a perder legitimidad social (esa estrategia la practica el Vaticano). En España, por ejemplo, cuando se trataba el matrimonio lésbico o gay era exactamente esa la estrategia católica: <i>matrimonio no</i> –decían– <i>pero si quieren legalizar “uniones concubinarias” o civiles</i>, <i>entonces</i>, <i>como Iglesia no hay oposición</i>». </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">A su vez, las «restricciones heterosexualistas al discurso» resultaron patentes y se intentaron injertar en el oficio periodístico. En otra de las entrevistas que concretaría, de mayo de 2007, en este caso con Andrés DANZA y Elena RISSO ese asunto también fue tratado: «Lo que se especificó en el título de Búsqueda es algo que Monseñor Cotugno utilizó en la entrevista, tanto que se halla totalmente entrecomillado, puesto por él mismo además como ejemplo. Eso es lo que se <i>transmitió</i>, porque, en definitiva, de lo que se trata es de ser lo más fiel posible con lo que quiso decir el entrevistado. Luego, una vez publicada la entrevista, surgió una discusión considerable, incluso con correspondencia enviada por los lectores, también respecto de frases supuestamente sacadas de contexto, aunque luego en una entrevista televisada Monseñor Cotugno reconoció que <i>dijo lo que tenía que decir</i>». Reitero el título ya mentado de 2003 al inicio de este cuarto dilema, el que formularan los periodistas DANZA y RISSO: «<u>La homosexualidad es como una “enfermedad contagiosa”, por eso es preciso “aislar” a quien tiene esa condición para poder “curarlo”</u>».</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Los periodistas referían como entrevista televisada a lo realizado por Néber ARAÚJO quien se excusó, luego de consultarlo, por no poseer archivo acerca de aquel encuentro que mantuvo -en la televisación privada <i>Teledoce Televisora Color</i>, Uruguay- con Monseñor COTUGNO. Me hizo saber además que no entendía poseer ningún relato relevante para ofrecer como rememoración, dado el lapso transcurrido entre el trabajo noticioso (2003) y mi solicitud (2008).</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El título de prensa del año de 2003 publicado por la revista Búsqueda, acerca de que <i>la homosexualidad es una enfermedad contagiosa</i>, finalmente, esa aserción de la Iglesia de Roma, adversa a todo lo gay e inclinada a una apocatástasis de aquel sujeto moral que se hallara fugado del heterosexualismo, «conmocionó» a las capas político-partidista y legislativa uruguayas (especialmente a la de raigambre laicista, y, hasta cabe agregar incluso a la que era su <i>democracia cristiana</i> representada). Y luego de tales eventos, muy a pesar del mundo ultramontano, empezarían a gestarse, pues, nuevas leyes anti-heterosexualistas. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esos acontecimientos seculares, de todas maneras, no amilanaron la discursividad eclesial de la que el Arzobispo de Montevideo durante el año de 2003 fue una emergencia notoria: la <i>vida civil</i> continuó (re)presentándose como «heterosexual». Sus advertencias morales fueron reasumidas posteriormente en la estructura católica nacional, como era de esperarse puesto que sus postulados respondieron a Roma. Las especulaciones en contra del «matrimonio gay» de ese entonces, pues, no es que se hayan acaso abandonado por la condición jerárquica. El tema reaparece densificado, en vez de personalizado, durante el año de 2007 en su <i>teología institucional</i> (en las esporas de su filosofía administrada). Esa apología de la moral sexual católica -nunca pospuesta- fue una tarea que desarrolló la Conferencia Episcopal en pleno, siendo exclusivamente deferente con la <i>condición heterosexual</i> de la persona humana.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Fue la Conferencia Episcopal que durante el año de 2007 publicó una oposición a las «uniones concubinarias», en su documento de la Florida: «<i>Declaración sobre el proyecto de ley de regulación de la unión concubinaria</i>» (aunque el Estado uruguayo finalmente legitimó tales uniones, al año inmediato siguiente). Se observaba que esas alianzas no debían resultar administrativamente equiparables al instituto del matrimonio: «1. La Constitución uruguaya considera a la familia como base de la sociedad. Por ello apoyamos todo lo que en la legislación favorezca la naturaleza propia de la familia, su identidad, su estabilidad, su bienestar y lo que ampare los derechos de todos sus integrantes. En consecuencia, el proyecto de ley que regula la unión concubinaria nos merece serios reparos. Si bien procuraría proteger algunos derechos de los compatriotas que viven en esta situación o son afectados por ella, no puede aceptarse la equiparación de la unión de hecho con el matrimonio que comporta un conjunto de previsiones que protegen su finalidad, su armonía y su estabilidad, a través de la mutua fidelidad. […] 2. Otra valoración merece la inclusión de las parejas homosexuales en la categoría de uniones concubinarias. De ninguna manera puede aceptarse que la convivencia homosexual, que no reúne las condiciones básicas que definen el matrimonio, se equipare con él. Pensamos que el bien que se pretende a favor de las situaciones que existen desde hace tiempo en nuestro medio no debe afectar negativamente a la institución familiar reconocida por nuestra Constitución y necesitada hoy de todo el cuidado y el estímulo que le debe ofrecer la sociedad en su conjunto. […] 3. No es positivo ni aceptable desdibujar o debilitar la imagen del matrimonio como base de la familia».</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Ya no se especificará, como sí lo formulara el arzobispado durante el año de 2003, la existencia del «enfermo moral» en la resolución de aquellos intercambios desacompasados de las valoraciones del catolicismo acerca de la persona que se debe ser. Y, no obstante, en lo que <i>efectivamente se dice</i>, se implica la descomposición civil de la «igualdad de derechos» como logro moderno de los Estados. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En efecto, se formula <i>reparo</i> a esa libertad civil «no-heterosexual». Y se justificó la observancia moral a partir de una versión maximalista -así como burocrática- de los propios actos sexuales, según la antropología cristiana. Fue una declaratoria -la de los obispos del Uruguay- encerrada en la misma concepción católica de las «relaciones humanas» que imperó como reacción contra los propios postulados de la <i>ilustración europea</i>, reaccionó con el mismo integrismo que otrora intentara imponer la soberanía de Roma por sobre los Estados durante la segunda mitad de siglo XIX. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Aristóteles, en su teoría de la intemperancia y del placer, especifica que son tendencias brutales y feroces determinados <i>gustos depravados</i> como el de hacer abortar a las mujeres para devorar su feto, o la de algunos salvajes de orillas del Ponto que tenían el placer de comer unos la vianda cruda, otros la carne humana, u otros (y menciona a Fálaris) que sirviéndose recíprocamente de sus hijos, en algunos casos, se los comían. Inmediatamente luego, en un parágrafo siguiente, agrega: «Hay gustos de otro género que son igualmente como enfermedades, o que solo nacen de un hábito necio; por ejemplo, arrancarse los cabellos, comerse las uñas, comer carbón o tierra, así como también cohabitar unos hombres con otros» (esto se encuentra en el asunto que trata «<u>De las cosas que son naturalmente agradables y de las que se hacen tales mediante el hábito</u>» en <i>Teoría de la intemperancia y del placer</i>; Libro VII, Cap. V). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Así, según los casos amalgamados, los que no sean comportamientos «brutos», por su <i>intemperancia brutal</i>, serán especificados de «enfermos» al padecer una <i>intemperancia enfermiza</i> (lo que hasta podría comprender a una población entera, «como ciertas razas de bárbaros de países lejanos» <i>que solo viven la vida de los sentidos y que han perdido la razón por el solo efecto de la naturaleza</i>).</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esa positividad -enraizada nada menos que en la filosofía de los áticos- se ha extendido hacia los propios valores técnicos de aquellas disciplinas con que se interviene lo corpóreo del sujeto de sexualidad. Un caso a resaltar lo es el del campo de la justicia penal: la tarea de resolver la «integridad sexual» de la persona implica la conformación de tecnologías de examen y especialmente de la región anatómica anogenital, no exentas a su vez de un influjo ideologicista en su <i>determinación médica</i>. Una de las posiciones físicas aplicadas a estos estudios, para hombres y mujeres en edad adulta, es la genupectoral. Esta <i>medicatura forense</i> ha intentado especificar una «valoración del ano» (sus índices: la forma, el tono, los pliegues perianales, o la presencia o ausencia de lesiones). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y destaca en esta tradición de las observancias la problemática del «tono» del ano que <i>generalmente es normotónico</i> (refiere a un «orificio cerrado» <i>incluso mientras se está ejerciendo una suave separación glútea</i>). Y el «problema teórico» del tono se halla justamente al discutirse uno de sus principales indicadores: el diámetro. El propio sentido de «esfínter» -o músculo anular- trae su origen (vulgarmente) del vocablo griego <i>σφίγγω</i>, siendo que -asociado a lo fisiológico- refiere en general al «apretar», «estrechar», etc.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La medicina legal, asociada a la determinación médica de las revisiones anales, propone declaraciones como la siguiente: «Se mide entre los bordes del ano hipotónico que permite separar lo normal de lo anormal, no hay criterios unificados. Algunos autores mencionan que ante el hallazgo de una dilatación mayor de 0,5 cm. que permanezca así aún después de cesar una separación suave de los glúteos, que por lo menos se haya mantenido durante 30 a 60 segundos, se deben sospechar maniobras sexuales a nivel anal» (esta documentación de 2008 es del Instituto de Medicina Legal <i>Leonidas Avendaño Ureta</i>: «<u>GUÍA DE PROCEDIMIENTOS PARA LA EVALUACIÓN DE LAS VÍCTIMAS POR DELITOS CONTRA LA LIBERTAD SEXUAL</u>»). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Es entendible esa discusión acerca del «orificio anal», al menos en lo concerniente a su discusión jurídica <i>para la protección de las víctimas</i>. Pero hay que considerar que ese acervo académico es estrictamente logogrífico, o por lo menos harto inconcluso. Y no es aceptable -su embrollo o inespecificidad- en condiciones de Teoría. Sus aserciones se envuelven en una hipotética delirante, donde las conclusiones forenses se tiñen de moralejas y moral. Además, es un campo de conocimiento históricamente abocado al control quisquilloso de las prácticas sodomitas porque simplemente <i>no serían de la naturaleza</i>.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">No obstante, hay un correlato a estas «menudencias» de la Naturaleza que proporciona el propio rasgo etológico de la primatología: se ha demostrado la práctica del intercambio sexual-social de hembras con hembras en el caso <i>Pan paniscus</i>, mediante el <i>GG</i>-<i>rubbing</i> (esto se anota en el trabajo <i>Bonobo. The Forgotten Ape</i> de F. WAAL y F. LANTING). Es una cuestión que hasta podría emparentarse -como tema de lo reproductivo- con la revisión <i>queer</i> que ha descompuesto la homologación falaz de la «heterosexualidad», en tanto supuesta <i>identidad sexual natural</i> (es una cuestión investigada por A. MARTÍN CASARES en su trabajo <i>Antropología del género</i>: <i>culturas</i>, <i>mitos y estereotipos sexuales</i>). Igualmente una reducción biosemiótica de las cuestiones atinentes con la «conducta» es algo que excede la tratativa de tesis, siendo además que esto implicaría desplazar al sujeto de construcción de paisajes a mero animal de un ecosistema. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>7.4.3. De lo matrimonial como objeto de trabajo logotécnico.</b> Esto también debe ser considerado y aplicado en el análisis de aquellas «relaciones» asociadas -como problemática de la antropología política- al Matrimonio. Por ejemplo, más allá de la genealogía aplicable a un objeto de trabajo, como estrategia posible de identificación del proceso de valoración en que se envuelve, está el propio problema filosófico de qué implica que el matrimonio <i>se conforme como una relación</i>. En esto hay mucho embrollo metodológico. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esta inquietud, claro, no posee por mi parte nada de originalidad, ni tampoco lo que posteriormente agrego. Es un asunto que ya ha sido discutido por los filósofos materiales de Oviedo, entre quienes destaca de manera sobresaliente G. BUENO: reflexionó acerca de cómo resolver una idea de las Relaciones <i>entre términos</i> en el espacio gnoseológico. Esto, aunque arqueológicamente reniega de comprender en la institución matrimonial las asociaciones «no-heterosexuales» que -afirma- deben resolver su unión, a la que no duda de reconocer como legítima, para tal especie de relación, <i>con otro nombre</i>. Pero nunca reduce igualmente la problemática a cuestión gramatical.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En general, proponen que la «relación matrimonial» es entre términos -lo que antaño se asumía como <i>sustancias aristotélicas</i>- que para el caso refiere a «organismos», y en sentido moral, entonces, a personas humanas. Si la relación matrimonial es entre personas, su «fórmula» es sintácticamente irreducible a un género material primogenérico, o a una condición meramente sexuada, de la que evidentemente emerge. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El matrimonio -cuando se lo conjetura como institución anterior a la Ley, como lo concibe P. SPRIGG del Family Research Council en «<u>PREGUNTAS Y RESPUESTAS: ¿POR QUÉ NO SE DEBE PERMITIR QUE PAREJAS DEL MISMO SEXO CONTRAIGAN MATRIMONIO</u>»- fundamenta su razón de existencia, según la antropología cristiana, en <i>la reproducción y supervivencia de la especie</i> (aunque se hallen casos particulares de matrimonio, de uniones de una hembra con un varón, en los que <i>el don de la concepción</i> no se produzca). No debe omitirse asimismo que esta historia del «contrato sexual» comienza construyéndose en pos de un sujeto operatorio con actitudes conformadas a partir de capacidades masculinas exigidas (es algo que destaca C. PATEMAN en <i>O contrato sexual</i>: «<u>Confusões patriarcais</u>»). Así, el activismo gay debió enfrentarse -a instancias de sofisticar una supervivencia ética- a las técnicas del <i>estereotipismo</i>. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En el lapso transcurrido entre el 28 de junio al 31 de julio del año de 2011, hubo una segunda campaña anti-segregacionista en el Uruguay con piezas audiovisuales del tipo <i>short</i>-<i>shorts</i> (ninguna superaba los doce segundos de exposición). Esa vez se presentó en el sistema estatal de televisación nacional de la <i>TNU</i> y, asimismo, en una segunda estación que fue la de la comuna montevideana <i>TV Ciudad</i>. La defensa implementada de los derechos civiles de lo gay, se denominó <i>Uruguay por el Matrimonio Igualitario</i> y operó sus actos civiles a la manera de una «coordinadora». Esta conjunción de asociaciones fue integrada por Amnistía Internacional, Colectivo Ovejas Negras, Conglomerado Friendly, Cotidiano Mujer, Federación de Estudiantes Universitarios del Uruguay (FEUU), Iglesias de la Comunidad Metropolitana, Mujer y Salud en el Uruguay (MYSU), Mizangas (Grupo de Mujeres Jóvenes Afro-descendientes), Mundo Afro, ONU Mujeres y PIT CNT (central síndica única de trabajadores uruguayos). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y lo que simplemente postuló fue que progrese jurídicamente, verdaderamente, el instituto del matrimonio. La argumentación de entonces fue difundida por Ovejas Negras: «En nuestro ordenamiento jurídico el único instituto que reconoce los derechos de las parejas del mismo sexo es la unión concubinaria regulada por la Ley N° 18246 de 10 de enero de 2008, dejando de esta forma en inferioridad de condiciones a las parejas homosexuales frente a las parejas heterosexuales, que pueden acceder tanto a la unión concubinaria como al matrimonio. [...] Se modifica el instituto del matrimonio cambiando el elemento subjetivo, sustituyendo aquellas expresiones que implican en su interpretación sistemática bajo la luz del principio de no contradicción (Art. 20 del Código Civil) la caracterización del mismo como una unión monógama heterosexual, para convertirse en una unión monógama amplia que permita contraer nupcias a personas heterosexuales, homosexuales, lesbianas y trans [siendo esto posteriormente resuelto por la Ley Nº 19075]».</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En ese mismo año de 2011, un magistrado consideraba «improponible» la demanda de un <i>matrimonio gay</i> contraído en el Reino de España: se denunció la existencia de impedimentos administrativos contra la legitimidad de esa <i>relación entre términos</i> en el Uruguay. Esa resolución se apeló ante el Tribunal de Familia. Y durante el año de 2012, finalmente se falló a favor de los demandantes. La sentencia les reconoció, así, <i>todos los derechos del matrimonio</i>. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Los términos, o los sujetos operatorios que son <i>personas desnaturalizadas</i>, en vez de <i>antinaturales</i>, para establecer una realidad «matrimonial» (monógama u otra, según el análisis estructuralista orientado entre otros por C. LÉVI-STRAUSS), tienen que formar tanto la clase (atendiendo el principio que la rija) como el dominio de esa relación misma en que se asocian (según el contexto en que se determina a los términos). Esto, de forma que en su clase cada término pueda ser sustituido por otro. Esa sustitución puede ocurrir por ejemplo en los divorcios o las separaciones. El término de esa relación (cada una de las personas humanas) es el argumento de la clase antecedente de la relación (casado, respecto de la soltería; divorciado, respecto del matrimonio, etc.) y por tanto también del dominio al que refiera (siendo su <i>ámbito transaccional</i> el de los sujetos de elecciones y sus circunstancias). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esa clase -según la relación de términos- se convierte por inducción en relativamente independiente de otras (por principio la soltería se vive independientemente de la vida matrimonial, etc.). Y la relación a su vez de estas clases se produce por deflagración o reconformación de una posición civil en otra (podría ser el caso en el que dejo de hallarme casado para devenir en la condición de separado o divorciado, sin que se aniquile ni la clase de la que se antecede ni el dominio de referencia que se tuviese, y, siendo que la relación entre términos puede resolverse asimismo en una combinatoria distinta de la propiciada por la monogamia, como en situaciones de poliandria o de poliginia). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Así, la relación matrimonial (como comprensión gnoseológica de su clase) no es una mera <i>entidad de razón</i>. Es sí -la «relación matrimonial»- conveniente a un fundamento que une entre sí realidades autónomas en grado determinado. Si la relación matrimonial no hace a los términos que la conforman sino, por el contrario, son esos términos los que especifican la clase, ¿a qué se debe que la <i>relación de términos</i> se haya especificado estrictamente reproductiva? </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El problema radica en que se ha ontologizado el pensamiento acerca de esas relaciones. Una mera entidad de razón, evidentemente, no suprime las relaciones materiales. En todo caso, las relaciones formales se hallan realizadas por las materiales. Esto se cumple aunque haya quienes nieguen esa materialidad, negando así la relación de términos, y, en consecuencia, negando que esa resultante deflagrada que hace a la clase -de los casados, de los separados, de los divorciados, de los enemistados, etc.- provenga, acaso, de actos no asociados necesariamente a la institucionalidad del acto procreativo. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Respecto del propio «mundo de las formas», parecería no apreciarse que la multiplicidad de soluciones sexuales desborda la sola conformidad del heterosexualismo: los términos relacionados no convergen en el binarismo de lo sexuado. Esto claramente se constata en los casos de «feminidad masculina», o de «masculinidad femenina», entre otros comportamientos posibles de identificar, siendo a su vez que tales formas no refluyen -de manera fija o predeterminada- a partir de una <i>orientación sexual</i> en sí (esto ha sido discutido por HALBERSTAM). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Estas formas del estilo de los términos, incluso, trastocándose, hasta pueden involucrarse en una moral manifiesta, en las propias condiciones del matrimonio que contrarrestan: un caso destacable es el de la «mujer varonil» -o <i>mujer de valor</i>- que ensayara fray Luis de LEÓN en <i>La perfecta casada </i>(teólogo y poeta salamantino que la Inquisición de Valladolid encarceló en el año de 1572; su causa, investigada por C. VOSSLER: tradujo el <i>Cantar de los Cantares</i> a lengua española, labor que realizara a solicitud de la monja Isabel OSORIO). También se halla la actitud propuesta a su vez por san Jerónimo (año de 347 a 419) que supuso la posibilidad de convertirse una hembra en «varón» -luego de procrear a sus hijos- mediante la abstención sexual. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">No obstante, si de antecedencias se trata, en lo referente a contrarrestar toda intromisión del estilo en la salvaguarda moral, el Sínodo de Gangra (del año de 325 a 381), capaz de prevalecer con sus anatemas en el <i>Corpus Iuris Canonici</i> incluso hasta el año de 1917, condenó a las mujeres de la secta de Eustatio (siglo IV): vestían como varones y se motilaban para simbolizar la independencia que conquistaban <i>en el vivir</i>, respecto de sus maridos. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Pero la discusión de la relación entre términos en el Uruguay también debió implicarse en el mundo de la fábula. El pensamiento que cercena la imaginería acerca de la erótica de lo zoomorfo (contrayéndola a una erotofobia, si se atienden los estudios de F. LÓPEZ y A. FUERTES en referencia a la obra <i>Para entender a sexualidade</i>: «<u>Atitude liberal aberta</u>»), como si acaso no pudiese ser tema pedagógico, y que se reconcentra, respecto de la zoofilia, en el <i>bestialismo</i>, cuestiona e inquiere: ¿En qué devendrá el matrimonio que incorpora lo gay? ¿Acaso legitimará el matrimonio de hombres con animales?</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Estos cuestionamientos fueron efectivamente formulados y emanan de uno de los primeros materiales de tesis de 2003 que especificara, siendo las autorías periodísticas de DANZA y de RISSO: «El arzobispo de Montevideo, monseñor Nicolás Cotugno, opinó que la sociedad uruguaya enfrenta “una oleada de antivalores”, a la que contribuyen indirectamente el Parlamento y el Poder Judicial con algunas de sus acciones, y que el país “tiene la tendencia a perder, si no ha perdido ya, referentes éticos y morales incuestionables”. […] Cotugno dijo durante una entrevista con Búsqueda, que el fallo judicial que recientemente indemnizó a un homosexual por la muerte de su pareja es una prueba de esa “oleada” y opinó que esa sentencia puede generar “una reacción en cadena” que culmine con “destrozos” de “valores humanos”, como por ejemplo avalar la unión entre “un hombre y un animal”». </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>7.4.4. De lo aparentemente disparatado como objeto de trabajo logotécnico.</b> Esas aserciones que formulara COTUGNO se comprenden en la anti-zoofilia. Y no son antojadizas, aunque conformen resoluciones morales <i>desproporcionadas</i> en lo político y <i>temerarias</i>, además, en lo jurídico. Esas aserciones poseen, hasta en la conmixtión de su discurso, justificativo histórico. Y es que la zoofilia se revisa incluso -en tanto <i>conducta sodomítica</i>- en campos como el de la sexología forense (H. SILVA SILVA). Hay casos en los que puede ser caracterizado ese intercambio «persona-animal» como un tipo penal de la sodomía (esto lo revisa SILVA SILVA, por ejemplo, respecto de las leyes estadounidenses). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Igualmente lo «sodomita» no es que haya sido permanentemente referido a la <i>historia libidinosa</i> de los habitantes de Sodoma. Podría conjeturarse atendiendo a POSADAS que se resolvió la asociación primera del «pecado de Sodoma» <i>al deleite varón</i>-<i>varón</i> con Filón de Alejandría y no antes. A su vez, fue en el siglo IV que san Dámaso ordena, durante su pontificado, a san Jerónimo la traducción del relato al latín. De todas maneras, no es el propósito -acotado a exponer la cuestión de los <i>tecnicismos</i> en el armado de las fundamentaciones- el de discurrir en el problema ecdótico del arquetipo <i>en las biblias</i> o de otras cuestiones colaterales. Entre la erudición ecuménica (R. LINGS), hay registros filológicos múltiples que tratan detalladamente el problema de las <i>versiones</i> de los textos oscuros, así como el del reconocimiento de los géneros literarios en los textos bíblicos, de la diferencia entre lo litúrgico y lo poético, etc. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Pero prosiguiendo en este intento de reflexionar acerca de los exabruptos de la sexualidad que la moral acota, si se formulara de manera apagógica, por qué habría de reducirse el conflicto finalmente solo al del reino <i>Animalia</i>: ¿por qué no asociarlo a su vez a los elementos inanimados líquidos, gaseosos o sólidos, o a las frutas como el plátano, o a distintos tipos de hortalizas, etc.? En esta condición reflexiva es que podrían incorporarse los casos de actirastia, albutofilia, avisodomia, dendrofilia, formicofilia, etc. (J. C. ROMI se remite al estudio nosográfico de las <i>perturbaciones cualitativas</i> en su artículo «<u>Nomenclatura de las manifestaciones sexuales</u>», en Revista Argentina de Clínica Neuropsiquiátrica de 2004). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Pues bien, hay que discutir, de esta manera, en lo generalísimo del asunto, si las prácticas del placer, para placerse (evidentemente), son <i>verdaderamente buenas</i>. Incluso más: ¿acaso reconocerse en el deleite es un fin necesario? Para oficiar una respuesta, hay que contraponer las nociones foucaultianas a las propias teorías aristotélicas del comportamiento, en especial cuanto se discute acerca de la intemperancia y del placer o más concretamente de aquellas resoluciones que tratan, finalmente, de cómo se compone la «naturaleza del placer». </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Las discusiones acerca del comportamiento, según el esquema conceptual del otrora DSM IV, o del CIE 10, etc., (tal como lo estudia ROMI), tratan acerca de una taxonomía aplicada a las «desviaciones» sexuales donde se exceptúa, en efecto, a aquella heterosexualidad por la que se efectiviza la reproducción. Hay que agregar a esto además que el constitucionalismo que envuelve la sexualidad -su <i>civilización</i>- discute dos nódulos contrarios a la heteronormatividad por ser operatorias sexuales que no se predestinan a la reproducción: a) las relaciones sexuales no-heterosexuales y b) la legalización del aborto (PECHENY y DEHESA atienden estas cuestiones confrontadas en las coordenadas geopolíticas de lo latinoamericano).</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Aunque, igualmente, incluso la «heterosexualidad» padece de manifestaciones encerradas en «cuestionamientos sociales», como la que refiere -en lo que le cabe- a la «gerontofilia» (en sus formas de <i>graofilia</i> o <i>anililagnia</i>): <i>la atracción sexual de un hombre joven por una mujer anciana</i> siguió siendo, para la psiquiatría de siglo XXI, una «perturbación cualitativa». Es así como se posibilita concebir y legitimar -en esquemas como el de las ECS- casos de «sociodistonia». Estos asuntos, claro, en el ingenioso aparataje pedagógico «anti-homosexual», fueron alimentando la concreción de un supuesto <i>cuidado y protección de la infancia</i>. Parecería ignorarse que el amañado «cuestionamiento social» a lo sexual, esa sapiencia estructural idempotente, a la manera de una práctica mundana de apreciación del <i>estado del mundo</i>, <u>es causa</u> de angustia en las relaciones de poder.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Si las composiciones clínicas del comportamiento no atienden críticamente el <i>estado de tutela</i> con que se correspondieron y en el que confluyen «cierres categoriales», habrá como resultante una negación efectista de esa <i>Ausang </i>discutida por ECHAVARREN y que fue en su momento avizorada por KANT (aunque esto no implica desatender críticas como las de PATEMAN por haber sido atraído, también, el idealismo kantiano al esquema de encerramiento moral: entendió el casamiento a la manera de un contrato que solo se completa con la cohabitación conyugal <i>entre personas de sexos diferentes</i>). Fue el «mundo del paciente» que -como tantos otros mundos- se envolvió en una comprensión neumática de los intercambios, históricamente resuelta a su vez en la «servidumbre moral».</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Podría convenir entonces atender la propuesta de A. VÁSQUEZ ROCCA (se interesó en el problema de las catalogaciones en su «<u>Antipsiquiatría; deconstrucción del concepto de enfermedad mental y crítica de la “razón psiquiátrica”</u>» en Revista bimestral Eikasia, de 2011). De su crítica, menciono lo siguiente: «(...) la institución psiquiátrica se nos presenta hoy como una instancia de poderes omnímodos, con aparatos de televigilancia, que apuntan a la constitución de una ya anunciada “policía del pensamiento”, cuya presencia y voz autoritaria se hacen oír con tono perentorio en las instituciones como la educación, el trabajo y demás ámbitos donde lo que está en entredicho es el margen de las libertades civiles; así la clínica ha ido delimitando en el orden civil un límite difícil de discernir entre normalidad y anormalidad, esto con ecos foucaultianos evidentes, en tanto estas categorías se aplican disciplinariamente en los ámbitos educativos, laborales y criminales con una presencia opresora. (...) La “enfermedad mental” se transforma así en el mecanismo social, regulado y determinado por la psiquiatría, para patologizar la heterogeneidad humana, su carácter antinómico y su singularidad». Si fuese así, y si la psiquiatría se acotara en demasía a los pundonores de su época, ¿qué instancias institucionales, especialmente en el orden pedagógico, atenderían el desbordamiento necio de un pensamiento expandido, <i>común y corriente</i>, de las tecnologías clínicas con que se conjetura la sanidad de los intercambios?<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">¿Y acerca de qué trata asimismo el «cuestionamiento social», como cuestión de segundo orden?: si en una comarca se promoviera que <i>una mujer es bruja</i> (porque, quizá, <i>se la ha visto hablar con gansos o asnos</i>, <i>o con una piara de cerdos</i>), entonces <i>es</i> bruja y <i>debe</i> ser finalmente «abrasada con fuego» (siendo que ese daño se le infligiría para su bien). El «cuestionamiento social» puede conllevar un alejamiento compulsivo de quien, mediante la sorpresa, distorsiona, para algún verdadero bien, las habituaciones, las condiciones presupuestas de convivencia: a Jesús, los gadarenos le rogaron que se retirara de su territorio porque <i>estaban atemorizados</i> ante sus actos salvíficos (<i>EL LIBRO DEL PUEBLO DE DIOS</i>: Mt.8.28-34, Mr.5.1-17 y Lc.8.27-37); esa población helena en pleno se lo solicitó. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Parecería que no se discrimina una frontera entre lo «moral» y lo «nosográfico». En las ciencias -y lo menciono acorde a los postulados de R. BLEIER que anota LAQUEUR- se aprecia equivocadamente a las atribuciones del sexo como <i>categorías naturales</i>, para las que terminan resultando apropiadas e incluso necesarias las fundamentaciones biológicas. Y, no obstante, un acto civilizado tendría que densificar el <i>acto sexual</i> en vez de transparentarlo (sus casos no se resuelven descriptivamente; tampoco se agotan en un atributo autotético o en las <i>condiciones ecológicas</i> de la sola «reproducción animal»). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>7.4.5. De la legitimidad del estar-y-ser con el otro.</b> Las objeciones al campo psiquiátrico las mencioné como una crítica a sus productos, aunque no a la <i>lex artis</i> en que se comprende la disciplina científica. La propuesta no consiste en hacer desaparecer la psiquiatría que responde a un desarrollo médico. No es que acaso discuta las finalidades del «acto médico» con que resuelve sus operaciones. Pero me preocupa el conglomerado de diseños no objetuales de identificación de trastornos impuestos -o protocolos de asistencia a tales asuntos- parecería que a partir de una matriz de <i>pruritos catequistas</i> o, en el mejor de los casos, mediante una anacrónica «fisiología de la moral».</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La «readecuación del cuerpo» posee antecedencias: las <i>sombras del placer</i> fueron escrutadas inicialmente por el peripato como problemática ética. Mediante esa antecedencia filosófica fundamental se recreó una legitimidad de sí mismo que se entendió como objeto a disciplinar o a configurar en la Ley. Esto, incluso, mediante <i>cánones estéticos</i>: el disciplinamiento no solo posee la forma de una obediencia a otro, también puede conformarse, por <i>el arte de la sugestión</i>, produciendo un trabajo que se ampare en «rituales de elegancia», también como síntoma de coerción, y no necesariamente en el ascetismo (FOUCAULT analiza esto en «<u>Les corps dociles</u>»). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Se ha supuesto que el correlato del «placer» -en el campo del comportamiento- es el de la «disciplina». Pero su correlato verdadero es el de los fines que envuelven ese obrar en el intercambio (donde el acto del deleite se corresponde con otros actos con que se codetermina, siendo que la responsabilidad no necesariamente se resolverá con operaciones de imposición, puesto que podría ejercerse en cambio en el primado de la persuasión, o, en <i>sentido teológico</i> incluso, no mediante el proselitismo sino por atracción). En el <i>campo de estudio de lo político</i>, la confusión proviene de ambas disposiciones, el «placer» y la «disciplina», siendo que confluyen inevitablemente.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La ciencia política <i>volcada al cuerpo</i>, en la visión del peripato, se constituye por la dominancia de lo que deseamos conseguir (<i>vid</i>. <i>Teoría del bien y de la felicidad</i>), propiamente, mediante la razón de los poderes, asociada a las costumbres, fundamentándose la sistematicidad de la templanza de nosotros mismos, a su vez, en la ausencia orgásmica del placer (<i>vid</i>. <i>Teoría de la intemperancia y del placer</i>). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Es Aristóteles quien especifica la metodología de reconocimiento del asunto: «Cuando se quiere tratar filosóficamente la ciencia política, debe estudiarse a fondo la naturaleza del placer y del dolor, porque el filósofo político es el que señala el fin superior, en vista del cual, y fijando siempre en él nuestras miradas, podemos decir de cada cosa, de una manera absoluta, que es buena o que es mala» (estas cuestiones las trata en «<u>Naturaleza del placer</u>» en <i>Teoría de la intemperancia y del placer</i>). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y para esto, Aristóteles postula: «Bastará recordar que antes hemos dicho cómo los placeres son buenos en general, absolutamente hablando, y cómo no todos los placeres lo son. Precisamente estos últimos [los <i>placeres externos</i>] son los que buscan los niños y los animales. El hombre prudente y sabio busca la ausencia de las penas que causan estos mismos placeres, es decir, que huye siempre de estos placeres, que van acompañados necesariamente del deseo y del dolor; en otros términos, huye de los placeres del cuerpo y huye de todos los excesos de estos placeres a que el incontinente se entrega. El hombre prudente y sobrio huye de estos placeres peligrosos, porque también tiene los que la sabiduría sola puede proporcionar [<i>el placer que viene naturalmente de cada una de nuestras facultades</i>, <i>de la aplicación del espíritu y del estudio</i>]». </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esta conjugación de postulados que discuten el problema de la <i>naturaleza del placer</i> como una cuestión díptica asociada a la evitación del dolor que causa, y que es antecedida, además, por el Filebo de Platón (o las desemejanzas de Venus), trata acerca de un gobierno de sí, de alguna manera, impelido a cierta forma de disciplinamiento del quehacer (el que fue incluso apropiado por la tradición teológica y durante mil años aplicado y adaptado). No obstante, ni Filebo, ni Protarco hijo de Calias, ni tampoco Sócrates, parecerían haber resuelto que el problema no es el Placer en sí, o la Sabiduría, o la Inteligencia, etc., (o si el Placer es el bien o lo es la Sabiduría, o cuál es causa de «felicidad», etc.). El problema es cómo acaso resultan, a causa del estilo (de sus «intervalos» de adjetivación), institucionalmente «orientables» -el placer, la sabiduría, la inteligencia, etc.- al concretarse una personalidad <i>por la vía del acto</i>. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Porque el <i>apropiarse de una alternativa</i> resulta históricamente dependiente de las ortopedias institucionales en que convergen las multiplicadas transaccionalidades. No se trata de «limitar» el Placer <i>para conservarlo</i>, tal como propone Sócrates a Filebo (evidentemente que todo morfismo se codelimita), sino de resolver que <i>no</i>-<i>sea</i> <i>un objetivo vacío</i>. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Hay que recordar que cuando FOUCAULT hace referencia contemporánea del disciplinamiento, es para discutir acerca de la existencia de <i>los cuerpos dóciles</i> (principalmente, respecto de los siglos XVII y XVIII, aunque, asume asimismo que es en la época clásica que se provoca el «aceleramiento» del sujeto de poder, como un fin <i>para sí </i>y, podría entenderse, a su vez, <i>desde sí</i>). Las alternativas múltiples y multiplicadas del intercambio han requerido antropológicamente, a pesar del control y castigo morales, de esos mismos «placeres externos» de los que renegó la ideología ética del peripato. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La cuestión sustantiva es que esos mismos «placeres externos», como objeto sintáctico de los intercambios, no hacen de la persona un sujeto operatorio necesariamente predecible (<i>posible de estereotipar</i>). La reducción de las alternancias, específicamente de las concernientes al acto sexual, ahogó a los cuerpos en la predictibilidad de su «física social»; se los legitimó en la docilidad. Y las técnicas del control se ramificaron, respecto de variadas condiciones de institucionalidad. FOUCAULT las especifica, además: a) las asociadas a registros anatomo-metafísicos, b) o técnico-políticos, mediante reglamentaciones de tipo militar, escolar, hospitalaria, así como las convergentes c) a partir de procedimientos empíricos, para observar y corregir la operatoria del cuerpo. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Algunos investigadores en el campo de la sexología clínica -como G. BOERO o R. CURI- ya han discutido que lo «normal» en la función del sistema sexual (apto, a su vez, para la reproducción), en la categoría médica, hace al envolvimiento de las tres fases con que efectivamente se caracteriza: <i>deseo</i>, <i>excitación</i> y <i>orgasmo</i>. Esa «función normal» no es extensible al sentido social de los intercambios, al hecho moral de cómo y con quién se asocia una persona. Puesto que eso refiere a la libertad material del sujeto operatorio; BOERO lo especifica en «<u>EDUCACIÓN SEXUAL YA!</u>»: «Y es este hecho, <i>el temor a la libertad</i>, relacionado con el vínculo del placer, lo que dificulta la enseñanza sexual [en el Uruguay]». </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Destaco un artículo de Mario VARGAS LLOSA donde, acerca de una <i>idea de homosexualismo</i>, discute que se ha conformado «(…) de una cultura de antigua tradición que presenta al gay y a la lesbiana como enfermos o depravados que deben ser tenidos a una distancia preventiva de los seres normales porque corrompen al cuerpo social sano y lo inducen a pecar y a desintegrarse moral y físicamente (…)». Y agrega: «Esta idea del homosexualismo se enseña en las escuelas, se contagia en el seno de las familias, se predica en los púlpitos, se difunde en los medios de comunicación, aparece en los discursos de políticos, en los programas de radio y televisión y en las comedias teatrales donde el marica y la tortillera son siempre personajes grotescos, anómalos, ridículos y peligrosos, merecedores del desprecio y el rechazo de los seres decentes, normales y corrientes» (su artículo lo toma en el Uruguay El País: «<u>La caza del gay</u>», de fecha de 20 de abril de 2012). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Las restricciones habidas a la proliferación de estilos, se corresponden con la permisividad a lo infra-humanizante de un esquema de moral-sexual que reduce ridículamente los actos de responsabilidad a heterosexualismo. Esa concreción aterrada de las transaccionalidades, es posible reconocerla con una propuesta general también especificada por VARGAS LLOSA en el artículo de su autoría mencionado: «Fuimos educados desde tiempos inmemoriales en la peregrina idea de que hay una ortodoxia sexual de la que sólo se apartan los pervertidos y los locos y enfermos, y hemos venido transmitiendo ese disparate aberrante a nuestros hijos, nietos y bisnietos, ayudados por los dogmas de la religión y los códigos morales y costumbres entronizados. Tenemos miedo al sexo y nos cuesta aceptar que en ese incierto dominio hay opciones diversas y variantes que deben ser aceptadas como manifestaciones de la rica diversidad humana. Y que en este aspecto de la condición de hombres y mujeres también la libertad debe reinar, permitiendo que, en la vida sexual, cada cual elija su conducta y vocación sin otra limitación que el respeto y la aquiescencia del prójimo». </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La persona que se desdobla finalmente de esa ideología heterosexualista <i>de reproducción y de familia</i> resiste el acoso moral deseando su <i>eleuteria</i> (proponiéndose la libertad-y-liberación, como consecuencia de un imprescindible cuidado de sí). Mediante esa actitud, y por su contraconducta, pues, es que se aboca la persona a la discusión exacta del conflicto político: <i>el verdadero mal no es la vida sino que no puede vivir</i> (esto lo tomo del análisis de ECHAVARREN al tratar «<u>El gobierno de sí y de los otros</u>»). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En una sociedad de personas donde lo moral se ejerce en el maximalismo y en el fijismo, no es posible vivir-la-verdadera-vida, porque cohabitar es imposible. La realidad <i>en que se realiza</i> la persona, respecto de la «microfísica del poder» (o de las relaciones tensas habidas entre operaciones estratégicas de uno mismo con otros), no necesariamente coincide con la verdad que institucionalmente se resuelve -por acuerdo o coacción- acerca de sus circunstancias y actos sexuales.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y esto, pues, debería clarificar, en algo, al menos, la «existencia de los conflictos» o del «escándalo moral» en que se envuelve la propia resolución de derechos civiles como <i>modus vivendi</i>: la «otredad» del anti-heterosexualismo, al menos si se discute como asunto de un cierre sociológico (y pienso en BAUMAN) no debe reducirse a una mera <i>residencia irrelevante</i> en el paisaje. La legitimidad del hacerse-ver, resuelto como un «Gay-Pride», por ejemplo, claramente inserto en el activismo civil y síndico uruguayo de siglo XXI, no merece reducirse ni a vergüenza pública ni a mero objeto turismológico.</span><br />
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<b style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; text-align: justify;"><a href="http://prometheuschannel.blogspot.com/search/label/Ensayo%20en%20ciencias%20humanas%20V" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">8. CONCLUSIÓN A LOS CUATRO PROBLEMAS ELECTIVOS ANALIZADOS</a></b></div>
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Pablo Pallashttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02676986163926451532noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8368737022377042313.post-85391408006096017502015-02-24T17:19:00.002-02:002022-07-17T02:49:29.275-03:00Ciencias Humanas: ensayo de maestría<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><a href="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/r3WZAIXJ4PM/maxresdefault.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="450" data-original-width="800" height="225" src="https://i.ytimg.com/vi/r3WZAIXJ4PM/maxresdefault.jpg" width="400" /></a></div><br /><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><br /><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;"><b>Maestría en ciencias humanas: tesis</b></span><br />
<b><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;"><span style="color: #444444;">«</span><span style="color: #444444;">M</span><span style="color: #444444;">undo gay» intrincado en la m</span><span style="color: #444444;">oral sexual</span></span></b><br />
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<b style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></b><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://prometheuschannel.blogspot.com/search/label/Ensayo%20en%20ciencias%20humanas%20IV" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Anterior</a></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>8. CONCLUSIÓN A LOS CUATRO PROBLEMAS ELECTIVOS ANALIZADOS</b></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En estas conjeturas finales, concluyo desbrozando un caso: las declaraciones <i>anti</i>-<i>homosexuales</i> de Mercedes ROVIRA (representante ultramontana de la Universidad de Montevideo, quien posteriormente declinó el ejercicio de su Rectoría). Aunque ramifico su discusión, en cuestiones múltiples y convergentes con una <i>emancipación civil de lo gay</i> habida en el Uruguay en apenas diez años. Esto, mediante la anotación de embrollos teóricos que he ido identificando en este proceso de análisis del «mundo gay», respecto de su necesaria crítica en el plano de la moral sexual. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>8.1. Embrollo metodológico</b></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En la tesis, mediante distintos cuestionamientos, me propuse reflexionar acerca de una lógica institucional que pretendió reducir la «vida moral» a «lenguaje moral» heteronormativo, siendo que algo así, claro, <i>despertó la resistencia civil</i> en una población estadísticamente minoritaria (logrando incluso constituirse materialmente como soberanos, manifestándose pues en la reconformación de una norma política arraigada en el heterosexualismo durante los siglos XIX y XX en el Uruguay).</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La anomalía ensayada en cuatro problemas convergentes como «mundo gay», radica en el aparataje de control moral del heterosexualismo ejercido sobre las múltiples formas de sexualidad. Si se discute el comportamiento como «sitio asignado», hay que afirmar que ya a partir de la modernidad no logró resolverse ese objeto sociológico que es la «libertad de movimiento», siendo una cuestión, además, envuelta en el mismísimo panoptismo que fuera criticado por FOUCAULT. Es que tal operatoria aseguraba el <i>funcionamiento automático</i> en una institución de control penal (su conceptualización también resultó discutida por BAUMAN, retomándolo del utilitarismo hedonista de J. BENTHAM, etc.). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La referencia activista al <i>saber</i>-<i>hacer</i> sexual, para la discusión de su legitimidad, se resolvió a fin de cuentas como una operatoria de resistencia al fijismo moral. Las alternativas de análisis mediante la identificación de la «positividad» y la «interpositividad» -como noción instrumental foucaultiana- implicaron el cotejo de documentos (de lo que emana además el heterosexualismo como ideologismo antecedente, sobretodo en la forma de la moral católica, a lo que considero como una hegemonía <i>en dispersión</i>: dirá E. HOBSBAWM en <i>La era del imperio 1875</i>-<i>1914</i> que <i>la Iglesia católica era ese firme adversario de todo lo que significaba el siglo XIX</i>). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y apliqué ese cotejo para el registro arqueológico o, de alguna manera, a lo propiamente nacional de mis especulaciones (como insumo de <i>razonamientos pedagógicos</i> fundamentalmente). La educación republicana de las personas, reducida a formación de «heterosexuales», no logró convertir en verdadero objeto de interés institucional lo gay, salvo por omisión o degradación en el propio campo de las ciencias humanas.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Este asunto «repercutió» poblacionalmente a nivel de Estado. Hubo regulacionismos de los intercambios de diversa índole, más o menos orientados a las cuestiones <i>de la familia</i>, <i>de la higiene</i>, o <i>de la reproducción</i> (tanto en el Uruguay del <i>varelianismo</i> como en el posdictatorial devenido de un Estado recuperado al <i>fascismo</i>). La multiplicidad de estilos-de-vida que el activismo gay requirió que se legitimasen, mediante un esquema de <i>exigencia constitucional</i>, se desplegaron asimismo en el plano civil como un postulado de «igualdad ética». No se trató de un capricho teleológico (hay que aceptar con BAUMAN que las «soluciones biográficas» no son suficientes para enfrentar las «contradicciones sistemáticas»). Trata acerca del angustioso anhelo de los que han sido injustamente menospreciados: había que convertir el propósito de la convivencia en una <i>realidad efectiva</i>.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El intento activista de aniquilar la compulsa igualitarista del <i>heterosexualismo</i>, confirmada en una conexidad agregacionista, de finales de siglo XX y comienzos de siglo XXI, complicó efectivamente la circularidad de los deberes distributivos, puesto que habrían de intrincarse en la sintáctica colectiva (entendida como norma política). No trato de concluir que acaso sea posible reducir el deber moral o el deber ético, (siendo producciones analógicas, puesto que evidentemente no son unívocas). No son reducibles a meros conglomerados de operaciones técnicas, supeditadas instrumentalmente a un <i>beneficio propio</i> entendido acaso como burdo individualismo. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Está claro que somos mónadas: una convergencia de las preocupaciones individuales, entre unos y otros, afirmará BAUMAN, <i>es una tarea titánica</i>. Lo es, si no nos abocamos solo a la individualidad gay. Porque no trata la defensa de lo gay de una reprensión propagandista de lo religioso (de las personas y sus actos, según las virtudes teologales a las que se remiten), aunque sí implica lo gay como «construcción moral» el aniquilamiento de toda supuesta libertad religiosa de «exorcizar» los derechos civiles como si fuese posible acaso reducirlos a una dialéctica ritual interna (independientemente de las antinomias habidas en el credo y de las que se preocupará la teología).</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La libertad religiosa -tan solicitada a partir de la laicización del Estado- se resuelve en el eufemismo si se ejerce para el imperio de la moralina. Al parecer, todo <i>ministerio religioso</i> debería de sustentarse en algún modo de inmunidad parlamentaria o discursiva. Esto, ante cada bendita oportunidad política de vilipendiar toda sexualidad que desborde la moral sexual heterosexualista. Y parecería además que esa tal libertad religiosa ha de cumplirse y existir en el <i>canon vaticano</i>, sin sujeción ninguna a las condiciones jurídicas de los Estados nacionales. Evidentemente, una posición religiosa así, envuelta en el deontologismo, apenas es un absurdo jurídico; algo elemental es que esa libertad sería improponible si afectara la seguridad del Estado uruguayo, de un Estado que no-es teocrático. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Tomo un caso que fuera presentado por el <i>Observatorio para la libertad religiosa y de conciencia</i>, anunciando que «<u>Atacan al Cardenal Sebastián por hablar sobre la homosexualidad</u>», esto, en Pamplona, durante enero de 2014, y al artículo se accede a través del sitio electrónico cristiano ENRAIZADOS, siendo su título «<u>Apoya al Cardenal Sebastián por hablar claro sobre la homosexualidad</u>». ¿Y qué dijo?, según se destaca: «Con todos los respetos digo que la homosexualidad es una manera deficiente de manifestar la sexualidad, porque ésta tiene una estructura y un fin, que es el de la procreación, una homosexualidad que no puede alcanzar este fin está fallando. (…) Una cosa es manifestar acogida y afecto a una persona homosexual y otra, justificar moralmente el ejercicio de la homosexualidad». ¿Entonces?, por ejemplo: ¿una cosa es manifestar acogida y afecto a una persona célibe y otra justificar moralmente el ejercicio del celibato? ¿El celibato es una <i>manera deficiente</i> de manifestar la sexualidad, dado que se fuga de la estructura y fin resueltos en lo procreativo? </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">¿Libertad religiosa respecto del Estado sería acaso programas de enseñanzas que habilitaran a formar en tales creencias, sin el cotejo con otros juicios dimanados de una educación laica? ¿Qué «libertad religiosa» es aquella que por ejemplo se entroniza en el cristomorfismo del varón? El <i>envanecimiento del varón</i> es un problema político, de política abrahámica, en general, para las religiones monoteístas que reivindican en Occidente, una y otra vez, libertad de conciencia respecto del Estado. Estas cuestiones se discuten como si los múltiples productos institucionales no debiesen necesariamente ejercerse en las condiciones asimétricas de la coerción. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Pienso por ejemplo en los filósofos materiales de Oviedo que han discutido el problema de la Libertad en relación a la tolerancia e intolerancia. Podré creer lo que me plazca, incluso ser necio si me cabe, en la relación habida entre una libertad de conciencia o de culto y los <i>secreta cordis</i> como ejercicio individual y privado de mí mismo, pero efectivamente en mi «acto discursivo» si hubiere daño moral deberé enfrentarlo y eso será en plena vida terrena. Los parámetros para cualificar por tanto deben clarificarse, si se desea resolver un razonamiento moral. Y es con ese razonamiento que debe lograrse no recaer en preconcebir el «anti-heterosexualismo» o la «intolerancia al heterosexismo» o la propia «homosexualidad» como concepción <i>moralmente mala</i>; no ha de serlo si constituye un <i>proceso de valores morales positivos</i>.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Ahora, si bien entonces <i>uno se halla a solas consigo mismo</i> (BAUMAN coincide en esta noción con De TOCQUEVILLE, a quien menciona), lo que el sujeto de alteridad <i>hace</i> -siendo el fin un bien- provoca dialogismo, si hay <i>parresía</i> o un «no-silencio» como actitud ética (ECHAVARREN). Claro que en la operación dialógica misma puede provocarse el «indiferentismo» si la <i>parresía</i> se absolutiza en un decir carente de criterio moral, desatendiendo por completo -<i>ante otros</i>- la necesaria retórica política que se asocia en un discurso a la dilucidación (lógica) de los juicios. Incluso esa posición personal ante el mundo transaccional, a la manera de una actitud prescindente del otro o de un <i>asco voluntario</i>, no queda anclada en el solo para sí, puesto que será «evidencia» de sí mismo ante ese mismo mundo. Refiere a esa realidad efectiva -a ese mundo de consecuencias- que antes o después debe enfrentarse. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">No postulo que todas las formas de sexualidad a su vez sean «iguales»; no lo son (valga mencionar el caso degradante de la violación, referida a la apropiación de personas: no debe ser permitida). Las circunstancias antrópicas del derecho civil, en que se envuelven diferentes formas de sexualidad (de las más razonables o connaturales al común de las personas, a las llanamente exóticas, o paródicas, o evasivas, o incluso las deplorables por desbordarse en la deslealtad, etc.), implican, sí, una antropología política de las relaciones con que se constituyen las personas como sujetos de verdadera libertad, en condiciones histórico-gnoseológicas: el mundo-entorno que se vive tiene cosas con que ser transformado y las reconozco. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Las formas institucionales de sexualidad en el Uruguay de las dos primeras décadas de siglo XXI, se han referido a una juridicidad que aniquiló la progresión del <i>heterosexualismo</i> como canon del ordenamiento social de Estado. El ideal heterosexualista resultó en identidad-e-inmovilidad de las poblaciones. Fue un dispositivo regulador de la higiene moral de los Estados, o capitalistas o socialistas, por la vía de la <i>gubernamentalidad</i> que FOUCAULT trata en «<u>La goubernementalité</u>». Es una gubernamentalidad asociada al <i>biopoder</i> (aplicado a lo individual o colectivamente). Y, habiendo sido conformado ese biopoder en el siglo XVIII, se propagó incluso en el sistema de posmercado, (al menos tal como concibe GALBRAITH <i>el mercado</i> en su condición oligopólica), aunque enfrentándose a los movimientos posporno que criticaron el paternalismo injusto de los aparatajes de control burocráticos que intentaron «adueñarse» por la vía maximalista de los actos del otro, del acto civil o privado que sea condigno a la responsabilidad del sujeto de elecciones. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La propia realidad transexual y travesti (no ya respecto de las «fobias» que la circundaron, sino por la propia patologización de Estado que se ejerció durante el siglo XX para oprimir <i>el sentido de la vida</i> que por sus actos resultara manifiesto), es una problemática posible de reconocer por la vía de esa «gubernamentalidad» que mencionara, analizada además por FOUCAULT. Aplicándola en el Uruguay, el cambio de registro de la identificación civil que progresó no implicó que se ausentase el aparataje burocrático que concibe el dictamen psiquiátrico <i>sobre la vida de la persona</i>. Resta convencer acerca de que la persona transgénero, como cualesquiera otras, concreta sus operaciones antropológicas o estilo de sí. En principio, debe reconocerse que es capaz de alguna valoración ética acerca de sí misma y de <i>probar</i> operatorias del estar-y-ser que construye, sin que «toda elección», de ese dialelo corpóreo-viviente que<i> es</i>, resulte derivada <i>per se</i> a cuestión clínica. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El sujeto de estilo -valga aclararlo- incluso puede hacer colisionar entre sí sus deberes distributivos, <i>como si acaso no le bastara con el propio mundo</i>, porque las operaciones-para-vivir no consisten solo en la concreción de estrategias. Hay que sopesar además el <i>pro</i>-<i>y</i>-<i>el</i>-<i>contra</i> de las elecciones para resolver un fin, aunque no solo se piensan o resuelven psicológicamente las cuestiones (esa sola operación, hasta el propio sujeto pre-lógico <i>sabe</i> conformarla). Se hace necesariamente algo más: se filosofa, claro que mundanamente; hay que objetivarse como persona y se discierne incluso de posturas pretéritas habidas. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Es requisito sintáctico que se «provoquen mecanismos» de alteridad que no solo inhiban <i>el daño al otro</i> sino que ejerciten vías normativas de <i>reparación</i> (respecto de las distintas clases habidas de relación asimétrica). A partir del mito de la felicidad en su versión «heterosexual» <i>se blasfemó</i> contra la emancipación del sujeto de sexualidad y la desanimalización de lo gay: se arguyó que el otorgamiento, a «no-heterosexuales», de derechos civiles disuelve las condiciones del «matrimonio tradicional» y hasta el propio basamento primogenérico de aquella vida conyugal con que se sustenta la procreación (como si acaso, en versión utópica, propiamente apocalíptica, la <i>especie humana</i> «corriera peligro de extinción» a causa de <u>ese</u> deleite). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En el plano de los derechos civiles, la construcción de la libertad de estilos de las personas <i>insertas vivencialmente</i> en la realidad gay resultó converger en una historia de resistencias a la denigración (antes que en meros eventos inmorales). Y es que la «heterosexualidad», o el sentido de su acto de procreación, es finalmente un concepto volátil, si se lo compara con la hegemónica visualización del heterosexualismo como irrefutable canon moral del mundo. El afirmar que la reproducción -como hecho «biológico objetivo»- es heterosexual, resulta falso; verdaderamente trata, si se manipula el asunto a partir del sistema ecológico, de una <i>sexualidad variegada</i> (D. G. HASKELL discutiría esto en el periódico diario The New York Times, de 29 de marzo de 2013, en su artículo «<u>Nature’s Case for Same-Sex Marriage</u>»).</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>8.2. Embrollo ideológico</b></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Una «anomalía», en tanto efecto, existe en el hecho que trata. Todo hecho se corresponde con alguna retrogradación o efecto. Así, en el hecho de la historicidad sexual el efecto o anomalía no trata acerca de una <i>forma sexual </i>en sí sino de la reducción <i>heterosexualista</i> del fenómeno a una cuestión reproductiva (algo inadmisible hasta en el plano biológico más rasero, en el que incluso se admite la necesidad lúdicra del mamífero). La verdadera anomalía a discutir, así, no trata acerca de ninguna disyunción sexual (siendo que habrán de converger evidentemente a criterios de moralidad) sino de la negación del principio de historicidad que las envuelve, al inhibirse lo sexual a la idea de Naturaleza por la vía de una funcionalidad procreativa. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Por eso la cuestión <i>de lo sexual en la Naturaleza</i> con la que ROVIRA orientó la argumentación del heterosexualismo, conviene trasvasarla -aunque más no sea de manera somera- con la <i>idea de institucionalidad</i> en que convergen sus apreciaciones morales, las publicadas al menos en la revista Búsqueda (de fecha 12-18 de julio de 2012, entrevista realizada por G. DRAPER y J. PERALTA, titulada «<u>La homosexualidad es una “anomalía” y es “obvio que juega” al designar docentes, dice la rectora de la Universidad de Montevideo</u>»). Y acompaño sus apreciaciones -al inicio- con algunos motes posibles.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>8.2.1. Maternalismo eufemístico:</b> a) En el plano del maternalismo se postuló lo que bien podría adoptarse como consigna de un libreto de telenovela: «Hay trabajos que tienen que ser para hombres por sus condiciones físicas y hay otros que son más específicos para las mujeres, como el cuidado de niños o enfermos». ¿Esas «condiciones físicas» refieren a una supuesta <i>supremacía física</i>? Ese progreso del razonamiento coincide, en el plano <i>hílico</i>-<i>sárquico</i>, con el paradigma católico y misógino del celibato, continuado durante la Escolástica y Trento, si se considera un análisis rememorado por G. SOTO POSADA: «La mujer es mucho más demoníaca que el hombre. Eva fue la responsable del pecado original, su belleza es diabólicamente tentadora y seductora, en su órgano sexual se halla el infierno (“<i>puerta de Satanás</i>” lo llamó Tertuliano); como a su cuerpo le falta fuerza física, busca para compensarlo la relación con Satanás, satisfaciendo de este modo su concupiscencia brutal». </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>8.2.2. Elitismo fomentado:</b> b) Su lógica discriminativa también abarca administrativamente a una enseñanza que podría adjetivarse de <i>gerentista</i>: «La educación [respecto de la <i>formación técnica</i>] debe enfocarse mucho más a salidas tecnológicas más rápidas, porque al país le hacen falta trabajadores en esas áreas técnicas y además pueden captar a una gran parte del estudiantado de Secundaria». A ese enfoque capacitacionista se le agrega un postulado pre-vareliano que inhibe la conformación colectiva de <i>relaciones con el medio</i>: «Nunca vamos a tener una universidad numerosa. La educación que damos no es masiva. Eso permite mantener un asesoramiento académico personalizado. […] Pero además de nuestro sistema [concentrado en la tasa de crecimiento y en la existencia de docentes a doctorarse], también hay factores que atentan contra la incorporación a la universidad, porque no es solamente llegar a más alumnos sino a qué alumnos». </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>8.2.3. Intolerantismo directriz:</b> c) La moral que propone sustenta un intolerantismo religioso ultramontano a la persona y a las condiciones de su dignidad, como contenido de la sindéresis, además de una desatención a la juridicidad uruguaya que resuelve -según su Derecho Laboral- las <i>relaciones laborales</i> posibles: «La universidad tiene una inspiración cristiana. Aunque no es una universidad católica, como lo es la Universidad Católica, porque los responsables de la institución son una sociedad civil sin fines de lucro. El motivo por el que ha hecho ese convenio [la UM] con la Prelatura del Opus Dei es porque la visión que tiene la universidad y la que quiere transmitir a los alumnos es una visión de la persona con un sentido trascendente. No solo con una visión católica, sino con una visión de que no se acaba todo en esta vida, de que nos proyectamos hacia una vida futura; por lo tanto, en el modo de encarar la vida y de encarar la persona no es aséptico, no es neutro. […] ¿Cómo afecta la relación del Opus Dei como garante de la formación moral y espiritual con relación a la enseñanza? Si los que transmiten la formación moral no tuvieran una visión concreta, una visión coherente con la visión de persona que queremos dar, no estaríamos haciendo lo que decimos que hacemos, que es dar esa inspiración cristiana. El Opus Dei ayuda a que no se pierda eso. Cuando escribimos la misión de la universidad nos inspiramos en el pensamiento de San Josemaría Escrivá. Además, mantenemos esa adhesión a todas las enseñanzas de la Iglesia, que en nuestra universidad siempre se van a respetar. […] Si un profesor tuviera una visión contraria a esa visión, pues no vendría aquí, o cuando se da cuenta que no coincide se tendrá que ir. […] ¿Qué profesores son a los que afectaría más el responder a la visión que tiene la universidad? Bueno, a los profesores de materias como Teología, Ética o Antropología. En esas materias estás transmitiendo una visión más específica de lo que es la persona. Damos Teología para ser coherentes con lo que decimos que vamos a dar». Estas apreciaciones de ROVIRA, además de los <i>rasguños</i> que propongo a discusión de tesis, implicarían críticas metodológicas acerca de lo que efectivamente afirma, las nematologías institucionales en las que fundamenta su concepción administrativa de la operatoria organizacional, la falta de discriminación del conocimiento pedagógico, aplicado a la comprensión <i>β</i>-operatoria de las disciplinas, para su inserción en una cartografía de aula, etc.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Pero, insistiendo en su <i>intolerantismo</i>, por su parte, «(…) el ministro de trabajo, Eduardo Brenta, anunció en la radio “El Espectador” que la UM podría ser sancionada con las “máximas penas” previstas por la ley si se probaba un caso de discriminación cometido por esa institución. […] De hecho, a pedido del fiscal, la jueza Mariana Mota ya envió un oficio a la UM solicitando información. Los magistrados quieren saber, más allá de las declaraciones en la entrevista [realizada a Mercedes ROVIRA], si en esa casa de estudios hubo algún acto concreto de discriminación a un docente por su orientación sexual, por parte de Rovira o de otra jerarquía de la universidad privada» (así se hacía saber en Búsqueda: «<u>La semana en que Rovira pasó de ser la primera rectora a declarar en un juzgado por discriminación</u>», de fecha de 19-25 de julio de 2012). También en el plano activista, F. FRONTÁN observaba este mismo asunto: «“Uruguay firmó acuerdos internacionales de protección laboral, en el seno del Mercosur y de la Organización Internacional del Trabajo y en ese sentido esta mujer [M. ROVIRA] al decir esto públicamente está confesando algo muy grave (...). No sé qué vamos a hacer pero seguramente alguna acción legal vamos a interponer”, concluyó» (periódico diario El Observador: «<u>Para Frontán, los dichos de Rovira son “un agravio muy serio”</u>», de fecha de 12 de julio de 2012).</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>8.2.4. Institucionalismo omitido:</b> d) Respecto de esto, hay que mencionar dos observaciones que especificó el Poder Ejecutivo uruguayo, mediante su cartera de educación en un comunicado de fecha 13 de julio de 2012: i. <i>la selección del cuerpo docente debe seguir los criterios académicos establecidos en el Decreto 308/995 y los estipulados por la propia Universidad de Montevideo al momento de recibir del Poder Ejecutivo la autorización para funcionar como institución universitaria en el año 1995</i>; ii. <i>la Comisión Honoraria contra el Racismo</i>, <i>la Xenofobia y toda otra forma de Discriminación</i>, <i>presidida por la Dirección Nacional de Derechos Humanos del MEC</i>, <i>expresó que las declaraciones de ROVIRA constituyeron una actitud discriminatoria </i>[segregativa] <i>y violatoria del Art. 2 de la Ley 17817</i>, <i>siendo que reconoció como posible hipótesis de exclusión del cuerpo docente la orientación sexual de una persona y eso supone restringirles el acceso a derechos fundamentales</i>. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>8.2.5. Ineficacia teórica:</b> e) Hay además un envolvimiento mítico del discurso (propongo que evidenciado en tres nebulosas ideológicas, las que de manera generalísima tratan i. de una etología general que no resuelve lo humano en su atributo alotético al encerrarlo en una naturaleza hipostasiada, ii. de una verdad fija que omite su conformación gnoseológica según el tipo de verdad posible -o impersonal o normativa- y iii. de una negación material de lo transaccional a causa de la heterorreflexividad que provoca, siendo eso además causa institucional de <i>invisibilidad civil</i> o silencio en el aula): «Ahora, la verdad no se impone, se propone. […] La libertad de cátedra se respeta. Ahora, ¿qué es lo que hay que respetar? Otra vez volvemos a una visión de la persona en la que respetes lo que entendemos que es lo genuino desde el punto de vista de la naturaleza humana, en lo que es la persona. <b>Usted dice que el docente es «modelo» para los alumnos y debe aceptar cierta visión de la vida. ¿Y qué pasa si es homosexual? ¿Eso juega a la hora de designar docentes?</b> [esto consultan los entrevistadores] –Obvio que juega. Porque si estamos diciendo que el docente no solamente tiene que enseñar en el aula, sino que es un referente. ¿Del 100% de nuestros profesores yo pongo las manos en el fuego con que todos son modelos de vida? No, no puedo meterme en las casas de cada uno. […] Quizás haya cosas que no las compartan, si no las comparten tendrán la prudencia de no meterse en lo que disientan. […] El respeto a la persona no va reñido a que consideramos que la verdad es lo que propone la naturaleza humana. La naturaleza humana somos hombres y mujeres, y la diferenciación de sexos es de la naturaleza, biológica y determinante. Que haya anomalías, las hay. También hay tréboles de cuatro hojas. […] Estamos convencidos de que la naturaleza humana es la realidad, la verdad y hacia lo que vamos. Y que la ciencia debe ir en búsqueda de esa verdad que está en la propia naturaleza. Para algunos no estará tan claro (…) que el hombre y la mujer son complementarios, que entre los dos formamos la persona completa en la naturaleza humana». </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Valga aclarar que la <i>concepción de persona</i> que formulara ROVIRA fue rechazada incluso por el sindicalismo uruguayo: «El sindicato de trabajadores de la enseñanza privada es la organización que nos damos para defender la estabilidad laboral, el salario, el cumplimiento de los convenios de la rama [Ministerio de Trabajo y Seguridad Social <span style="font-size: xx-small;">•</span> Consejos de Salarios <span style="font-size: xx-small;">•</span> Grupo 16, <i>Servicios de Enseñanza</i>], la laicidad como búsqueda permanente de la verdad, el derecho a la educación y, en general, la defensa de la dignidad de las personas. Esto implica incluso, sobre la base de los logros del Departamento de Género y Equidad del PIT CNT, exigir el respeto a la personalidad del trabajador al que no se le debe imponer la heterosexualidad, ni ninguna otra condición sexual. El caso de la Universidad de Montevideo, su anti-homosexualidad que luego se revocó, parecería, demuestra la necesidad de un sindicato involucrado con los Derechos Humanos y el compromiso sindical de los trabajadores con su organización» (esto lo declaraba -en entrevista que me concediese a causa del caso- C. TORTEROLO, secretaria de organización del SINTEP, de fecha 21 de julio de 2013).</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La concepción institucional de <i>la persona en el mundo educativo</i> de ROVIRA, se correspondió con una labor evangelizadora anterior (año de 2009) que hizo de la <i>acción comunicativa</i> un especial dispositivo de conversión. Una vez más hay que revisar antecedencias. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">¿La tarea docente debe desempeñarla exclusivamente la persona a partir de una moral sexual heterosexualista?: «Recientemente la Conferencia Episcopal del Uruguay (CEU) elaboró un documento en el que se emiten “orientaciones” a los colegios católicos para elegir el personal docente y administrativo. El documento se refiere a los/las divorciados/as vueltos a casar y a los/las homosexuales a quienes considera una persona “que ha hecho una opción distinta de lo que es el pensamiento de la iglesia (y a quien) hay que mostrarle que no es conveniente que trabaje en esa institución”. […] La UNESCO ha promovido luego de su aprobación por la Asamblea de las Naciones Unidas en 1960, la Convención relativa a la Lucha contra las Discriminaciones en la Esfera de la Enseñanza, ratificada por Uruguay en mayo de 2004, aprobada por la ley 17724, de 24 de diciembre de 2003. Esta norma, además de rechazar cualquier tipo de discriminación y menoscabo de derechos respecto a personas y grupos, determina para los centros de enseñanza privados, que estos establecimientos en ningún caso podrán tener como finalidad “la de lograr la exclusión de cualquier grupo” sino la de “añadir nuevas posibilidades de enseñanza a las que proporciona el poder público”, en un marco de compatibilidad con las normas que valen para todo el sistema público (art. 2.c)», (esta observancia titulada «<u>En repudio al documento “Criterios orientadores para la pastoral educativa en Uruguay” [de la Conferencia Episcopal Uruguaya]</u>», se publicaba en la PIDHDD, de fecha de 07 de septiembre de 2009). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y claro que esta crítica sería reprochada entre las autoridades eclesiales: la nota de repudio, publicada en la PIDHDD (en su comunicado del Capítulo Uruguay), resultó de alguna manera contestada por la CEU mediante la defensa de un catolicismo que <i>desestima</i> la intervención de los «homosexuales» y de los «divorciados en nueva unión» en una obra educativa cristiana -<i>no deberían trabajar como maestros en escuelas católicas</i>, eso se afirmó- y así es si se postula decididamente orientada como «opción profética», hasta podría argüirse que «sodálite», al menos en la generalidad de las coordenadas geopolíticas latinoamericanas, dado el ahínco de ese deontologismo en la población <i>jovial</i> de educandos (hay una respuesta en este sentido, publicada por la ACI Prensa, titulada «<u>Obispos uruguayos piden a detractores no “adivinar” contenido de texto sobre educación católica</u>», de fecha de 10 de septiembre de 2009).</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La postura volitiva de ROVIRA acerca de que <i>la verdad no se impone</i>, <i>se propone</i>, no logra corresponderse con la historicidad de un catolicismo inquisitorio: esa locución causaría hilaridad a COPÉRNICO, a GALILEO, a KEPLER, por solo nombrar a algunos pocos, entre tantos sabios que resultaron víctimas de su deontologismo. No obstante, también resultó especificada epistolarmente con posterioridad por Mariano R. BRITO, en su condición de rector emérito de la Universidad de Montevideo: «Se fomenta la libertad propia de las universidades y el disenso de opiniones y pareceres. Partiendo siempre de una visión cristiana del hombre y de la sociedad, abierta a todas las ideas, a la más amplia pluralidad de pensamiento en la búsqueda de la verdad, todo lo cual es atributo sustantivo “del ser” de la institución universidad. Nunca hemos intentado imponer dicha visión como “única verdad”. Si alguna persona intenta imponer “la Verdad” estaría negándola, porque ella implica esencialmente la libertad» (esto se presentaba en Búsqueda como <i>Cartas al Director</i>: «<u>El caso de la Dra. Mercedes Rovira (I)</u>», de fecha de 26-01 de julio-agosto de 2012). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esa suposición epistolar y otras omiten que en el campo <i>β</i>-operatorio -en que se envuelve la producción del conocimiento institucional- hay «coacción» y hay «acuerdo», y no un mero discurrir dialógico, para resolver las distintas identificaciones necesarias acerca de los actos posibles. Mayoritariamente, los artículos enviados a la sección <i>Cartas al Director</i> de la revista Búsqueda (entre los meses de julio a agosto de 2012, de sus números 1672 y 1673) resultaron concordantes con la apologética vaticana en cuestiones de Moral y por tanto condescendientes con las primeras afirmaciones institucionales de ROVIRA acerca de la UM y respecto de <i>los homosexuales</i>. Aunque posteriormente reconoció la postulante a la Rectoría el <i>daño moral</i> provocado, asumiendo su equívoco, además, y, acompañado esto por un posterior comunicado de Santiago PÉREZ del CASTILLO, rector de esa universidad ultramontana, en el que a ROVIRA, según esa autoridad burocrática, no le asistió la razón. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Ahora, entre tantos amparos a ROVIRA, destaca sobremanera la epístola formulada por Pedro GARI IRURETAGOYENA, también en <i>Cartas al Director</i>, en Búsqueda: «<u>La homosexualidad y la libertad de expresión</u>», de fecha de 19-25 de julio de 2012, en la que remeda de las catilinarias de Cicerón la primera, de una tétrada que improvisara aquel intertextualista ante el Senado, en el templo de Júpiter por ser un emplazamiento no cotidiano del que se valían <i>en los días de alarma</i>, (justamente Catilina era contrario a una institucionalidad política que sí defendió Cicerón hasta su fin y con su propia vida). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">E interviene pues en la polémica, en su condición de docente de la UM, siendo profesor tanto de Derecho del Trabajo y de la Seguridad Social como de Mensaje Social de la Iglesia: «Rovira opinó según su leal saber y entender, en línea con lo que sostiene la Iglesia Católica a la que pertenece y en línea con el ideario de la institución universitaria que hasta hace pocos días estuvo por dirigir. Ideario ese que puede consultarse en www.um.edu.uy, y vale la pena resaltar, fue trazado con mucho amor, entre otros que yo sepa, por el actual rector. Ideario que se procura vivir día a día y que se inspira en las ideas maestras que explicó pacientemente toda su vida, a quien quisiera escucharlo, un hombre santo que se llamó San Josemaría Escrivá de Balaguer. Pero, reitero, se procura vivir, porque de nada sirven los conceptos si alguien no hace uso de ellos. Es la diferencia entre valores y virtudes».</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esta última afirmación de GARI IRURETAGOYENA es logogrífica, o <i>confusa</i> si se quiere, puesto que la «virtud», justamente, partiendo de las virtudes cardinales platónicas, tomadas posteriormente por el catolicismo, ha de referir a un sistema de categoricidad por el que se comprende <i>el ser virtuoso</i> como una necesaria forma de los deberes distributivos y atributivos. Y respecto de la «Justicia», como virtud cardinal, ya los escolásticos afirmaban que es la única que posee valor de alteridad. En este sentido, el fiscal Carlos NEGRO que interrogó a ROVIRA y que es autoridad burocrática de un Estado democrático-republicano y <u>laico</u>, en sede judicial, en el año de 2012, postuló lo siguiente: «“Aquí no estamos juzgando las concepciones, sino si la aplicación de esas concepciones dan lugar a una discriminación”» (su declaración era tomada por Búsqueda: «<u>“Soy un trébol de cuatro hojas”</u>», de fecha de 19-25 de julio de 2012). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Valga especificar, asimismo, en la generalidad del caso tratado, que la construcción de derechos civiles debe sustentarse en una comprensión apodíctica del mundo transaccional y no de meras opiniones entre sí interpuestas o acopladas (a la manera de meros pareceres intercambiados). Y es que el obrar de la Justicia se ejerce, además, no mediante la <i>visión de privados</i>, o de algún perspectivismo de moda, sino, en el dictamen acotado a alguna clase de prueba y doctrinalmente argumentado por su poder determinativo. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>8.3. Embrollo normativo</b></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Por otra parte, en igual proceso de construcción de la verdad normativa, hay que destacar las consideraciones institucionales de C. ÁLVAREZ COZZI para casos en lo civil referentes a uniones esponsalicias en el Uruguay: padecen sus conjeturas una omisión procedimental al discutir acerca del matrimonio como objeto de trabajo jurídico. Esto, así, si se consideran los análisis jurídicos dimanados de la <i>Jornada sobre Matrimonio homosexual y adopción</i> de la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona (año de 2005), tratante del Derecho internacional privado, respecto de sus casos nacionales. El <i>actu signato</i> al que se abocó ÁLVAREZ COZZI desatendió la discusión siguiente: ¿acaso no debe primar una implícita <i>lex loci celebrationis</i> que brinde justa y efectiva respuesta, no a quienes acaso no desean contraer matrimonio, sino, a quienes tuvieron decidida voluntad de contraerlo? (esta cuestión dudosa la tomo de S. ÁLVAREZ GONZÁLEZ que discutió acerca de «<u>El impacto de la admisión del matrimonio entre personas del mismo sexo en el Derecho Español: perspectiva internacional</u>»). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Es posible intentar una respuesta. Se posee antecedencia latinoamericana de juridicidad que aniquila la sola operatoria del <i>matrimonio tradicional</i> y es argentina (año de 2010): «Los conflictos referentes a política sexual se están articulando simultáneamente a nivel local, nacional e internacional» (esto lo planteaban PECHENY y DEHESA al tratar el asunto esponsalicio: «<u>Sexualidades y políticas en América Latina: el matrimonio igualitario</u>»). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Fue ÁLVAREZ COZZI, discutiendo acerca del «<u>Reconocimiento legal de las uniones homosexuales</u>», quien redujo en el Uruguay la problemática matrimonial a una mera cuestión de «capacidad» (a un <i>poder conferido por el sistema</i>, respecto de relaciones jurídicas o posiciones), aunque sin siquiera brindar ninguna hipotética acerca de la necesaria recomposición normativa, siendo algo que efectivamente induce a la rediscusión de la categoría matrimonio, a su redefinición estipulativa, no para ceñirla -al menos, en el Estado laico uruguayo- a la patrología, a una concepción antipelagiana de la carne o de un mundo envuelto en la consecuencia del <i>pecado original</i>, sino para resolverla <i>ecuménicamente</i> y mediante los ejes del espacio gnoseológico que identifiquen acaso la relación entre términos. La libertad-y-liberación como relación de la persona con el aparato burocrático, respecto de las necesarias operaciones de proporcionalidad ética entre tipos, requiere de ortopedias tecnológicas para resolverse materialmente. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En el plano del disciplinamiento, a su vez, considero que estos derechos civiles que se discuten y progresan se imbrican en las propias <i>fórmulas generales de la dominación</i>. No es que acaso la progresión de los derechos civiles disuelva la arquitectura del control; sí remueve el régimen punitivo con que se concatena (según el pensamiento foucaultiano, al tratar «<i><u>Les corps dociles</u></i>», algo se obtiene y es intervenir con más pericia la coherencia táctica de las operaciones y las discusiones entre personas, en tanto cada cual es efectivamente sujeto de derechos). Esto no implica desatender la Ley; los actos se ciñen a las condiciones normativas de las capas de poder, envueltas sintácticamente en la constitución de sus partes formales. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esas ortopedias tecnológicas ensambladas a creencias, técnicas, tradiciones, propósitos, etc., a la manera de una realidad efectiva, permiten atender teóricamente el valor político del «matrimonio igualitario» como reivindicación del activismo gay en el Uruguay (entroncándose en una moral minimalista que aniquila el dirigismo metafísico de una moral maximalista, de un <i>maximalismo normativo</i> que absurdamente pretende comprender a aquellos deberes distributivos con que se resuelve la relación privada). Aunque, claro, nada de esto es sencillo si se intenta una <i>definición teórica</i> que resuelva las implicancias políticas -o de Estado- habidas en un obrar activista que impone la producción de nuevos prototipos de juridicidad. Y especialmente se dificulta si ese obrar activista distorsiona una otrora institucionalidad civil. La <i>experiencia matrimonial</i>, su instituto, deberá discutirse (filosofarse) como un haber conformado a causa del comercio efectivo con <i>las cosas del mundo</i>, del mundo transaccional y de sus relaciones con el mundo jurídico, para, de alguna manera, intentar el anticipo de otra <i>forma nueva</i> que la resuelva rectamente. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El matrimonio -como institución- <i>de siempre</i> implicó la asociación hembra-varón; antes que con los cristianos, la especialización de su categoría ya se hallaba con los egipcios, los babilonios, los heteos, los persas, y así hasta enumerar las distintas <i>sociedades conocidas</i>. El «matrimonio igualitario» por tanto evidencia un <i>desvío antropológico</i>, aunque no debe desatenderse que los concubinatos «no-heterosexuales» resultaron efectivizados durante períodos extensos en los mundos sexuales del Occidente y del Oriente. Aunque esta «desviación» no debe resolverse solo como <i>predestinación</i>, como sí lo avalara la National Organization For Marriage de Washington DC al concluir junto con el Obispo H. JACKSON que el matrimonio se orienta biológicamente (así se afirmaba a instancias de discutirlo ese religioso: «<u>NATIONAL ORGANIZATION FOR MARRIAGE RELEASES STATEMENT BY BISHOP HARRY JACKSON: “Prop 8 Decision Threatens Core Civil Right to Vote for Marriage”</u>», de fecha de 4 de agosto de 2010). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La cuestión lógica, por tanto, remite a cómo acaso se discute la construcción de esa juridicidad matrimonial -a la manera de un <i>functor</i>- y a su validez sintáctica, para que entre las categorías «matrimonio tradicional» y «matrimonio igualitario», de manera razonable, los morfismos y las identidades se preserven (quizá, prescindiéndose en lo posible de automatismos producto de un intercambio resuelto con prototipos de <i>sumisión</i>).</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La cuestión matrimonial, además, se comprende en la problemática de las normas éticas que no necesariamente son compatibles -y no lo son- con las normas políticas puesto que no se constituyen en la idempotencia del sujeto operatorio que <i>desde sí</i> algo decide, sino en los límites de los recursos administrativos habidos efectivamente para resolver una circunstancia general. En el Uruguay, la modificación en el año de 2013 del artículo 187 del Código Civil en la norma matrimonial permitió que la clase del divorcio se resuelva por voluntad de cualesquiera de los cónyuges, en vez de ser un acto inherente solo a la mujer como se indicaba en su legislación precedente. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Se posibilitó a su vez <i>la alteración del orden de los apellidos en los hijos</i>, de cambios en la adopción donde la relación matrimonial hembra-varón ya no resultó requisito y de resoluciones institucionales que desagregaron a la «heterosexualidad» como dispositivo administrador para la concepción mediante operaciones de fecundación <i>in vitro</i>, (fue tratado este asunto en Búsqueda: «<u>Parlamento aprobó casamiento entre personas del mismo sexo, una iniciativa que es respaldada por el 54% de la población, según Cifra</u>», de fecha de 11-17 de abril de 2013). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y esto debe lograrse sin que se componga, a su vez, una sintáctica segregacionista de <i>clases de matrimonio</i> como fuera propuesto en el parlamento uruguayo por algún representante nacional en instancias de aprobarse el matrimonio entre personas de igual sexo. Acaso evitarlo, en lo que resulte posible debe lograrse por la vía de las operaciones civiles de registro. Ahora, una vez comenzada la modernidad (ya antes de la «segunda modernidad» de BAUMAN), hay que advertir que el valor histórico de tal época y de sus renacimientos continuó provocando estupor, un estupor que se expandió hasta el mismísimo siglo XXI en el plano civil de sus progresiones. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">FOUCAULT reconoce -en la historia de la sexualidad que ensayara- dos procesos: a) en el siglo XVII comienzan <i>las grandes prohibiciones</i>, donde se valoriza la sola sexualidad adulta y matrimonial y b) en el siglo XX acontecen inflexiones en su ordenamiento puesto que se instaura una tolerancia relativa con las relaciones prematrimoniales, o con la descalificación de lo «perverso» que se acentúa, etc. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El matrimonio igualitario que el activismo uruguayo no confunde con el anhelo de una panacea jurídica trata acerca de un enfrentamiento efectivamente real (tal como lo aclararía F. GRAÑA en «<u>Se aprobó la ley de Matrimonio Igualitario. Uruguay se transformó en pionero en América Latina en la materia</u>», publicado en el periódico semanario El Popular, de fecha de 12 de abril de 2013). La norma renovada, ya se halla instalada en los anales de la historia nacional de los derechos civiles, cómo acaso no admitirlo, y contra miles de años de documentación antropológica constitutiva de una posterior Idea filosófica de institución de la familia, como categoría del ordenamiento de la relación entre términos y de su resultado de clases con potencia procreativa. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esto, además, fue así orientado dialécticamente, durante centurias. La renovación o enmienda del matrimonio <i>convertido</i> en «matrimonio igualitario», en su sintáctica resuelta, no es que concluya por la sola formulación y promulgación de una ley. En el Uruguay, el matrimonio igualitario se votó parlamentariamente como ley en fecha de 10 de abril de 2013 y se promulgó por el Poder Ejecutivo un 3 de mayo de 2013 (en similares fechas, New Zealand lo aprobó el 17 de abril, Francia también lo hizo el 23 de abril y, en cambio, en Colombia no se aprobó, siendo rechazado el proyecto de ley de matrimonio igualitario el 24 de abril).</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">A la manera de reflexiones futurológicas y por tanto limitadísimas en su especulación, <i>discutir ese matrimonio</i> hasta podría implicar su revocación -sin que eso trate del anhelo reaccionario de abrogarlo- a causa del pensamiento disparatado o improvisado que la historia develara en su contraposición antropológica, o como resultante de una densificación categorial que habilitara acaso a inventar <i>una palabra nueva</i> (adecuada quizá a un estado del mundo que legitime con juridicidad más exacta y resuelta las múltiples asociaciones «no-heterosexuales»), etc. No trataría su ejercicio de <i>denominación</i>, claro, de una mera operación gramática. Esto lo refiere J. L. PARDO en su trabajo titulado «<u>La perversión del lenguaje</u>»: «El peligro comienza, en todo caso, cuando se pretende que el simple cambio de palabra resuelva una situación injusta o, lo que es aún peor, la encubra».</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En ese progreso es que refluye además la realidad del Derecho subjetivo y la Moral, construyéndose en las <i>condiciones propias de la carne</i>. Pero incluso esa «palabra nueva», (continuando con una futurología hipotética de su semántica), también transformará y trastocará esa «institución de la familia» que parecería propuesta, en la Exhortación apostólica pos-sinodal <i>Familiaris Consortio</i> de Ioannes Paulus PP II, como un estadio último (cuando no único). Puesto que una nueva palabra posible ya no será lo que diacrónicamente han sido otras (o cosignificado): una necesidad de vientres fértiles (envuelta en las «artes de la subsistencia», de raigambre económica) con que se orientó además todo criterio tecnológico y terminología. Para el caso, la palabra «matrimonio» -si se asumiese como objeto de trabajo lingüístico- implicaría, a partir de una <i>teoría de los prototipos</i>, un estudio pragmático tanto de su cambio semasiológico como del campo onomasiológico en el que se conforma su concepto (esto, si se atiende el ensayo de D. GEERAERTS: «<u>Vers une onomasiologie diachronique quantitative</u>»). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esta emergencia del «matrimonio homosexual» como disolvente de la verdad normativa del «matrimonio tradicional» también tomó la forma en el Uruguay de «matrimonio igualitario». Estas terminologías, finalmente, deberán progresar jurídicamente a la constitución de un <i>matrimonio entre personas</i>, como una realidad de la relación entre términos y de la conformación de esa clase. Las operatorias lógicas del reconocimiento de la relación matrimonial efectivamente se resuelven -como valoración- por la vía «política» y «negativa» (envueltas así en un sistema de categoricidad del que depende incluso el «etnógrafo»). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Aunque eso no es óbice para que se discuta -tal como lo propuso Pierre BOURDIEU en <i>La dominación masculina</i>- cuáles son los mecanismos históricos coadyuvantes de la <i>deshistorización</i> y de la <i>eternización relativa</i> de las estructuras de división sexual (siendo la «sexualidad» un invento histórico y no un objeto aséptico, además) y de los principios correspondientes con que se rige. El propio activismo gay deberá aniquilar esa «indeterminación», para no ahogarse en una perversión hermenéutica que soslaye el reconocimiento histórico de una personalidad no-heterosexualizada. Es mediante esta consideración incluso que BOURDIEU, previniéndose pues del «voluntarismo subversivo», criticara a FOUCAULT por haber sobreentendido, eso afirma, como «informador neutro» a Platón, en lo atinente con los asuntos de la sexualidad en el período ático, sin considerar, acaso, entre otras variantes documentarias, las antecedencias de los mismísimos protofilósofos (cuando la racionalidad empezaba a disociarse -no siendo un detalle menor- de las meras orientaciones míticas). Aunque le reconoce a FOUCAULT la necesidad de <i>rehistorizar la sexualidad</i> en vez de meramente ahogarla en una <i>naturalización psicoanalítica</i>. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La propia <i>ley matrimonial</i> -para no perderse en formas utópicas- deberá de convertirse en dispositivo de libertad-y-liberación, siendo ese acto, en vez de meramente intertextual, una relación de concretud de los principios de <i>isonomía</i> y de <i>isegoría</i>. La ley de Unión Concubinaria del Uruguay (2008) se envolvió en el problema del «relativo desuso de la legislación»: ciento ochenta (180) parejas demandaron reconocimiento, los juzgados de familia consideraron cuarenta (40) de esas peticiones y reconocieron veinte (20), de las que diez (10) eran del mismo sexo (PECHENY – DEHESA). Ese «desuso», podría argüirse mediante la problemática de la <i>gubernamentalidad</i> foucaultiana como causa; refiere a la no-provocación del acontecimiento, a integrarse por a) la existencia de las operaciones que hacen a lo procesual jurídico y b) al hecho social de ejercicio efectivo de derechos. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Se careció anteriormente de ese acontecimiento, como acto de apropiación del mundo civil. Porque el sujeto de sexualidad -en su relación consigo mismo y atendiendo el análisis del poder que el pensador galo conjeturó en <i>La hermenéutica del sujeto</i> como <i>conjunto de relaciones reversibles</i>- no aprehendía ni articulaba «la cuestión de la política» y «la cuestión de la ética». Y esto, así comprendido, implica que la sola legislación de derechos no resuelve las discriminaciones injustas, puesto que se requiere además de una extensión pedagógica atinente con la hermenéutica (o tematización) de las restricciones de la gubernamentalidad al sujeto de deberes distributivos. Y es que respecto de los derechos civiles, formular una ley implica concomitantemente no ya divulgarla sino «enseñarla»: se dilucida el criterio de relación entre sus partes formales, para indagar finalmente <i>su razón</i>. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Por tanto, mediante coordenadas pedagógicas lo que debe discutirse es que el «matrimonio igualitario», igual que todo otro progreso civil que se constituyó en <i>relación matrimonial</i> a partir de las revoluciones burguesas, incluso con reveses metodológicos preocupantes, no trata acerca de una anomalía o efecto puesto que resulta como hecho de historicidad sexual. El verdadero efecto o «anomalía», respecto de ese hecho, trata acerca de la causa del martirio manifestado sobre los sujetos de sexualidad: la retrogradación aplicada por el neoconservadurismo en cuestiones de «derechos civiles» y de «moral sexual». Y siendo que ese neoconservadurismo -para su reconocimiento- deberá conjeturarse como un objeto de trabajo económico (sin que esto implique un ahogo conceptual en el economismo), mediante coordenadas geopolíticas.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Eso no debe impedir que se reconozca que ese progreso reaccionario se encapsuló en objetos de trabajo propios de una filosofía administrada, verdaderamente sobresalientes y que muchos polemistas parlamentarios en el Uruguay omitieron, o desconocieron, en sus disertaciones. El propio informe en mayoría que recomendó aprobar el entonces <i>proyecto de matrimonio igualitario</i> de la Comisión de Constitución, Códigos, Legislación General y Administración (en fecha de 5 de diciembre de 2012) resultó en apenas un descriptivismo; se remedó de manera ostensiva -casi que anecdóticamente- a Émile DURKHEIM, para definir la «institución», o a Carlos FILGUEIRA, para una sociometría de la «familia», etc. O valiéndome de las observaciones que R. SCAGLIOLA formulara en su artículo de prensa «<u>El día menos pensado</u>» (en el semanario Brecha, de fecha de 12 de abril de 2013), aconteció lo siguiente: «Quienes votaron por la afirmativa [del proyecto de ley de matrimonio igualitario], en general, no pudieron trascender los argumentos acumulados en el debate público y mediático».</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Hay un ejemplo de esa filosofía administrada que parecería se desconoció. Al menos un documento fundamental, el que refirió -siendo J. RATZINGER su Prefecto- la Congregación para la Doctrina de la Fe, en Roma, en el año de 2003 (igual período en el que la Iglesia de COTUGNO defendió con hipérboles a la <i>sociedad heterosexual</i>), siendo su razón las <i>Consideraciones acerca de los proyectos de reconocimiento legal de las uniones entre personas homosexuales</i>. Fue el Estado del Vaticano, junto con sus Dicasterios competentes, el que inició el siglo XXI advirtiendo a sus Obispos que se evite <i>conceder reconocimiento legal a las uniones homosexuales</i>, <i>que</i>, <i>en algunos casos</i>, <i>incluye también la habilitación para la adopción de hijos</i>. La Santa Iglesia Romana se opuso, así, sin nuevos elementos doctrinales y a partir de la ley moral natural, a la legalización de las «uniones homosexuales» con el propósito político de <i>proteger y promover la dignidad del matrimonio</i>, <i>fundamento de la familia y la solidez de la sociedad</i>. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">No obstante, en ese documento de 2003 no se reconoce que la institución de la familia viene descomponiéndose (transformándose) de hace siglos: la modernidad con sus renacimientos es el fenómeno histórico que la trastorna y no el de la legitimación civil de la «homosexualidad». Y de entonces, la temeridad acusatoria y sus estereotipos demoníacos irían perdiendo aceptación académica (algo que sin duda no debe confundirse con la fundamentación teológica de «las cosas»); y ya no lograría retornarse a aquellos dispositivos de representación de los ordenamientos sociales. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>8.4. Embrollo simbólico</b> </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">¿Y qué pasó -entre tanto- con el accidentado discurso ultramontano de ROVIRA? El activismo gay uruguayo logró instaurar en el plano civil operaciones de <i>smart mobs</i> (tal como las concibe H. RHEINGOLD); aquella incipiente inquietud civil se desplegó: «(…) a la convocatoria de Ovejas Negras y, luego de la “chuponeada masiva” en la plaza Seregni, unas 300 [de un total de quinientas personas] marcharon hacia la UM, todas portando tréboles de cuatro hojas y bailando al compás de la música de David Guetta y Lady Gaga» (la revista Búsqueda lo relataría: «<u>La semana en que Rovira pasó de ser la primera rectora a declarar en un juzgado por discriminación</u>», de fecha de 19-25 de julio de 2012). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">ROVIRA había comentado una idea de rareza que implicaba lo homosexual, en ese entonces refirió <i>a los tréboles de cuatro hojas</i>. Y el activismo gay hizo de ese comentario fugaz algo así como un <i>epítome</i> de las reivindicaciones anti-heterosexualistas. La propia construcción del símbolo, de los pensadores áticos en adelante, implicó, especialmente, un ensamblaje o <i>symploké</i> mediante esa forma del pensamiento que es la «comparación» (en el peripato, es la operación lógica que resuelve como imagen la morfología de un <i>objeto de interés</i>). Y una imagen -como resultante de semejanzas complejas resueltas- requiere de algún juicio intervenido por la comparación con las cosas del mundo. Aplico esto al interrogatorio de la magistratura a ROVIRA: «“¿Entonces usted es un trébol de cuatro hojas?”, le preguntó el fiscal Negro, según fuentes que presenciaron la audiencia. […] “Exactamente, soy un trébol de cuatro hojas”, respondió Rovira. […] La jueza Mota le preguntó “por qué” se considera un trébol de cuatro hojas, a lo que Rovira contestó: “Porque notoriamente formo parte de una minoría”» (así destacaba publicado en Búsqueda: «<u>“Soy un trébol de cuatro hojas”</u>», de fecha de 19-25 de julio de 2012). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">De la cuestión simbólica habida, hay que discutir que la <i>reducción al sentido</i> del activismo uruguayo resultó, no obstante, coincidente con la postulación de ROVIRA. El «anti-heterosexualismo» -ahogado en la <i>noticia de prensa</i>- también resaltó la construcción figurativa de «tréboles». Y se coincidió acerca del ser anómalo: «Una vez en la institución, que estaba cerrada y custodiada por dos guardias de seguridad, los manifestantes llenaron el terreno de tréboles y bailaron otro rato, además de besarse bajo el portal de entrada de la UM. Anunciaron además que el trébol de cuatro hojas será utilizado como el símbolo del matrimonio igualitario para “que esta señora [Mercedes ROVIRA] no se olvide nunca más de lo que dijo”» (<i>ídem</i>, de fecha de 19-25 de julio de 2012). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Pero esto bien vale revisarlo, al menos brevemente. Si el trébol «anómalo» refiere pues a aquello de lo que trata que es <i>el martirio del señalado</i> (de lo contrario, al menos en el plano de los juicios que propicia la lógica clásica, no-es «signo» de nada), eso, no se corresponde con la <i>universalización de los derechos civiles</i>. Ese hecho jurídico, el de la universalización doctrinal, etc., es al que refiere el matrimonio igualitario como aniquilación del matrimonio tradicional. Estos intentos de resolver los mundos transaccionales -a escala de la persona humana y no a partir de una verdad natural- se implican, fundamentalmente, en <i>las circunstancias de la vida</i> mediante concordancias institucionales. El «matrimonio igualitario» no referiría <i>simbólicamente</i> pues a los anómalos, o a los raros del mundo, etc., sino a lo común a todos en el mundo civil, en el plano de los emparentados y convivientes. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El «matrimonio igualitario», en su propósito político de integrarse en el fenómeno jurídico de la universalización de derechos civiles, no se enfoca acaso en «una minoría» sino en esa populosa multiplicidad de menospreciados que han requerido en los inicios de siglo XXI el estatuto alotético de persona humana. Así, si el trébol es <i>de los anómalos</i>, pues, en nada se asocia, esa cosa («simbólicamente» especificada para representarlos), al sujeto de sexualidad y a su postulación normativa de requerir la igualdad ética. Porque, justamente, decide obrar resistiéndose a que se lo martirice con artificios sobrenaturales. Retomo a BOURDIEU: si asumo que el «trébol de cuatro hojas» refiere a mí, entonces me reconozco como anómalo (me denomino a partir de ese <i>argot demonológico</i>). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Para el análisis de la simbología de lo gay -internacionalizada en la segunda mitad de siglo XX- hay que considerar que sus raíces se encuentran en una intolerancia pundonorosa neoyorquina, progresiva y exacerbada mediante su ortopedia policíaca. Y que resultó contrarrestada mediante los motines y <i>sit in</i> organizados por los intelectuales de la Greenwich Village, para provocar su <i>visibility action</i>, a finales de la década de 1960 (emplazándose en los «bares» de la Christopher Street). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Luego de esas contraconductas es que irán emergiendo personalidades como la de Harvey MILK en el año de 1973 (en los estertores de la administración presidencial NIXON), en aquella sociedad estadounidense en la que se arrestaba a las personas por simplemente ser «homosexuales». Y siendo que se los registraba, además, como «delincuentes sexuales». Fue continuándose esta <i>problemática del señalamiento</i> incluso hasta finales de la década de 1980. Esto mismo lo revisa D. CRIMP, en su trabajo traducido como <i>Posiciones críticas. Ensayos sobre las políticas de arte y la identidad</i>: «En octubre de 1989 la conferencia anual del Lesbian and Gay Studies Center de Yale se inició con una violenta carga contra los participantes por parte de las fuerzas policiales de Yale y New Haven. Los problemas comenzaron con el arresto de Bill Dobbs, un abogado y miembro de <i>Art Positive</i>, un grupo dentro de <i>AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power</i> (ACT UP) de Nueva York constituido para luchar contra la enmienda de Helms [los proyectos artísticos de temática gay fueron excluidos de la obtención de fondos federales]. Se suponía que Dobbs era responsable de haber colgado en las cercanías del congreso unos carteles que la policía consideraba obscenos». </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Destaca, de entre estos asuntos, un escopo vexilológico como lo es <i>la bandera del arcoíris</i>. Inicialmente fue resuelta por el <i>vexillographer</i> Gilbert BAKER en el año de 1978 y posteriormente se continuó el desarrollo objetual de su diseño textil. De alguna manera, esta construcción ha envuelto otra serie de referencias combinadas cosignificativas, no siempre entre sí conceptualmente congruentes: los triángulos rosa o negro, la letra lambda, los seis anillos, el hacha de doble hoja, la mano púrpura, la bandera de colores magenta, azul y lavanda, las lunas, los símbolos astrológicos de Marte y de Venus modificados o superpuestos, la bandera de colores celeste, rosa y blanco, la mariposa, etc. (en The Center the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual & Transgender Community Center es posible obtener detalle de estas figuraciones objetuales: Archive Number: 86; «<u>86. HERITAGE OF PRIDE RECORDS</u>»). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La generalidad de la construcción simbólica de lo gay en el Uruguay por su parte, al igual que en otras situaciones civiles nacionales, resultará de las formas que adquieran sus <i>actos de resistencia</i> (al influjo de coordenadas sintácticas en un plano destacadamente politosófico). Simplemente menciono lo que publicara GRAÑA en el plano activista (el título, ya anteriormente consignado, refirió a que «<u>Se aprobó la ley de Matrimonio Igualitario. Uruguay se transformó en pionero en América Latina en la materia</u>», en el semanario El Popular, de fecha de 12 de abril de 2013): «Como creemos que es necesario luchar contra todas las discriminaciones, por los derechos humanos, la libertad y la construcción de una sociedad más justa, combatimos el rechazo social y político a lo diferente, combatimos el autoritarismo y la injusticia social que busca garantizar el privilegio de unos pocos. […] Por eso siempre participamos en la lucha contra la impunidad en nuestro país. Por eso participamos en la lucha por la despenalización del aborto. […] Y por eso participamos hoy en el intento de regular y legalizar la marihuana, así como el año que viene [2014] participaremos en la lucha por no a la baja de la edad de imputabilidad». Finalmente, el activismo uruguayo avanzaría en ambos planos normativos, tanto en la regularización del <i>cannabis</i> como en el impedimento a la política de criminalización de la población adolescente.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>8.5. Embrollo antropológico</b></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Hubo un inmenso miedo a aniquilar la popular-y-populosa moral católica en América Latina como positividad de Estado que se especializó en cuestiones de política del comportamiento sexual. En ese sentido, el varelianismo y el batllismo -como amalgama social de finales de siglo XIX e inicios de siglo XX y de transculturamientos con el anarquismo, el comunismo, el socialismo, etc.- concretaron la disolución de un fijismo moral propio de «sociedades precientíficas». No remitió esto a un anti-clericalismo, preocupación que tuvo un parlamentario liberal conservador como lo fuera José Enrique C. RODÓ. Se constituyó en cambio como un republicanismo liberal <i>de bienestar</i> (no exento evidentemente de contradicciones <i>entre ricos o pobres</i> que las asociaciones síndicas nacionales supieron hacer sobresalir). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Los filósofos ultramontanos como ROVIRA redujeron la construcción política de lo sexual a las «condiciones de la naturaleza», por la filogenética-de-lo-vivo, especificándose, así, en las cuestiones etológicas del mundo animal. Y eso enreda el quehacer de la persona en una psicología disminuida a etología. Hay un cientificismo que justifica la «agresividad humana» por la vía de la Naturaleza, como si acaso pudiese reducirse su alcance a la cuestión de las <i>conductas agresivas</i> en los petirrojos, u otras aves paseriformes, etc. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y se ignora por tanto que verdaderamente el problema trata acerca de una <i>idea filosófica</i> de violencia (puesto que si no se restringe antropológicamente el campo de los actos «amigables», «detestables», «violentos», etc., la aplicación del término alcanzaría finalmente a la Naturaleza, pero por la vía de su <i>extensión metonímica</i>: esta querella entre <i>Nature</i> y <i>Nurture</i>, en general, ha sido desarrollada por Iñigo ONGAY). Esa minimización se continuó durante el siglo XX, como búsqueda desquiciada de <i>una causa de la homosexualidad</i> -de su naturaleza, justamente- a partir de hipotéticas delirantes (mediante la teoría psicodinámica con sus operaciones reparativas, o la teoría conductista con su oposición <i>Nature</i>-<i>Nurture</i>, u otros campos que pretendían hallar una <i>causa</i> hormonal, o genética, etc.). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esto estrechó las prácticas de reconocimiento de sí mismo. Es una dificultad institucional que se ha intentado descomponer en el Uruguay, incluso dentro del problemático <i>marco epistemológico</i> (siendo que el propio FOUCAULT lo desatenderá, prefiriendo discutir a partir de «formas aletúrgicas» tal como lo especifica S. P. VIGNALE en «<u>Michel Foucault. El coraje de la verdad: el gobierno de sí y de los otros II. Curso en el Collège de France (1983-1984)</u>»). Y se ensayaría mediante la conformación de un contradictorio a la «terapia reparativa» psicoanalítica: el de la «terapia no-reparativa» (al menos, en los inicios de siglo XXI, al párvulo se lo había continuado orientando o reorientando <i>preferentemente</i> a las condiciones de la «heterosexualidad»). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La terapia no-reparativa fue discutida por el activismo uruguayo, en el coloquio <i>Diversidad sexual e infancia</i>, a partir de la iniciativa de investigadores de la Facultad de Psicología de la Universidad de la República (Festival <i>Llamale H</i> <span style="font-size: xx-small;">•</span> Fundación Triángulo; Centro Reina Sofía/ CCE; Montevideo, de fecha de 14 de septiembre de 2011). El propósito era revertir el sentido de las prácticas de transferencia que se aplicaron en la población infantil mediante el test <i>proyectivo</i>-<i>gráfico</i>. A su vez, habría que discutir si esa alteridad -institucionalmente orientada hacia operaciones morales «higienistas», fundamentalmente para resolver determinaciones pedagógicas y jurídicas- no refluyó acaso, de alguna manera, de las complicaciones del diagnóstico neo-kraepeliniano que atienden análisis como el de V. LUSSETI en su <i>Psicopatologia antropologica</i>, (imbricado en un sistema estandarizado de clasificación psiquiátrica como el del <i>Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders</i>).</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En la lectura clínico-pedagógica del educando «no-heterosexual» se desestimó reconocerlo -respecto de la cuestión de la personalidad- como a un sujeto egosintónico, puesto que no debería compatibilizar los <i>ideales del yo</i> con el concepto que posee de sí mismo. La teoría psicodinámica -aplicada en la pedagogía de siglo XX, si se atienden las formulaciones de PRADA- comprendió el pensamiento freudiano, entendiéndose a los «invertidos» como desviados respecto del objeto sexual (a causa de una no-progresión en una serie de estadios psicosexuales). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">A su vez, al afirmarse que «no-se-siente» conforme la persona con esa sexualidad, la reorientación del sujeto, ahora confirmado como egodistónico, convencido ya de negarse a sí mismo, se fijará en el <i>ideal heterosexualista</i>. Es razonable por tanto que el sujeto «no-heterosexual» que se halla enfrentado <i>a ese mundo</i>, a causa de sistemáticas degradaciones a su personalidad, obligándoselo a la humildad ética, so pena del escándalo, resulte extrañado de sí mismo, <i>alterado en sus habilidades</i>, y se reproduzca así la justificación de su señalamiento social, la antipatía patética a su rareza y exhibición. Y esto no se puede reducir a la mera identificación de costumbrismos que renieguen de lo gay y de cómo acaso se muestre: la propia <i>aversión estética</i> podría corresponderse con la fabulación racista (este razonamiento sociológico ya lo advertía Max WEBER en sus ensayos).</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En el campo jurídico, por otra parte, evadir el valor sintáctico de lo obsceno -si se constituye como objeto de trabajo en lo penal- conlleva confundirlo con actos de dicterio, reduciéndolo, además, solamente a eso. Implica desestimar lo obsceno, específicamente, cuando se constituye como <i>síntoma de resistencia al ideal heterosexualista</i>. Esa especificidad de lo obsceno resulta de reducir la exhibición sexual de sí mismo a vergüenza, a la que se restringe además en sus alternativas de la acción el sujeto de deber moral a causa, justamente, de sus formas de deleite donde el fin no es procreativo sino lúdicro (siendo que lo propiamente «lúdicro» puede implicar una operatoria hedonista, pero no trata acerca del Hedonismo como postulado ético). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El ejercicio de lo obsceno, no obstante, no-significa independientemente de la finalidad en que se envuelven las circunstancias del intercambio. No es un acto deplorable <i>per se</i>; no hay una correspondencia unívoca con el vilipendio, aunque efectivamente deba oprimirse en cuanto se correspondan. Esta incongruencia se formula a manera didascálica. Evidentemente, lo obsceno lo es por su ilegitimidad: un acto obsceno si se legitima, simplemente, deja de ser tal en su morfismo respecto de su <i>relación con el mundo</i>. La acción en su fin que es <i>incrustada</i> en el paisaje -sea por la vía del acuerdo o de la coacción- se instaura, deja de hallarse <i>fuera de lugar</i> (así, podría suponerse que el propio <i>acto obsceno</i> resulta aniquilado con aquella libertad-y-liberación que sea constituyente de su aprobación por parte de la razón pública). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Hay que evitar, pues, el simplismo que conllevan las semejanzas superficiales, discutiendo sin exactitud antropológica acerca de la posibilidad del <i>matrimonio de hombres con animales</i> o respecto de algún otro entimema falaz. El desplazamiento argumentativo de lo «homosexual» a lo «zoofílico» o (reducido incluso a cuestiones de «zooerastia» o de «zoosadismo»), así dado, es una impostura intelectual, o, al menos, en términos lógicos, una <i>falacia de distracción</i>. La casuística implicada requiere de atender y considerar justamente lo peculiar en su condición, por ejemplo, <i>si se trata de la manera narrativa</i>, situar el objeto y su hecho, según sea episódica o sistemática su consecución, en vez de valerse de un mero amalgamamiento de situaciones en el que -confundiéndose con la fábula- se terminan provocando comparaciones antropomorfizantes de los animales para <i>coronarlos de virtudes</i>. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Porque lo que <i>se sanciona</i> -especialmente por la vía legal- no es tanto el daño ecológico a ese animal, operatoriamente argumentado y necesario en su tensión con lo antrópico (como lo es la matanza de ganado bovino u ovino para la explotación productiva de los recursos de especies criadas o domesticadas, o el ejercicio de la acuicultura, la apicultura, la avicultura, la cunicultura, la helicicultura, la piscicultura, u otras maneras de <i>explotación de la naturaleza</i>, o la erradicación de aves como el estornino, el gorrión, o la gaviota por motivos sanitarios o por su menoscabo a la industria alimentaria, etc.), sino la exclusiva «excitación sexual» del propio sujeto lógico. Estas discusiones se desarrollaron por la asociación civil alemana Zoophiles Engagement für Toleranz und Aufklärung o ZETA en su artículo reivindicativo «<u>Novellierung des Tierschutzgesetzes</u>», de fecha de 26 de noviembre de 2012. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Si bien toda desproporción de lo antrópico debe discutirse con criterio moral (como puede serlo el «ontocidio»), en vez de ahogarse sus asuntos en el eidetismo o en el silencio civil, el fundamentalismo moralista no resuelve -en su idealidad- ninguna <i>realidad sexual</i>, como podría serlo el de la zoofilia como situación pedagógica que se institucionaliza además en el aula con la población pre-lógica de discentes, cuando se resuelve la <i>convivencia con mascotas</i> que implicará necesariamente tastar al animal, o cuando se vivencia su muerte, etc.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La consagración de la «igualdad», si se es verdaderamente capaz de clases de relación (como una de las que atañe a la tesis, la clase de los casados respecto de la relación matrimonial), es lo que permite ecualizar a las <i>especies</i> o «no-heterosexual» o «heterosexual» mediante su subsunción en la idea de persona humana. Esto, desatendiendo deliberadamente, claro, otras tantas clasificaciones que apenas tratan de un <i>ilusionismo del estar</i>-<i>y</i>-<i>ser</i> como «bisexual», «trisexual», etc., aunque evidentemente sea ideología con incidencia concreta en la resolución de los intercambios. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Remedando a los pensadores materiales de Oviedo, considero que esa <u>igualdad</u> (específicamente, como <i>conjunto de propiedades</i> que hacen a una categoría de igualdad jurídica, poseída en las relaciones civiles y que es resuelta mediante una idea geometral de «proporcionalidad»), su unidad determinada y su identidad determinada, refiere a un sujeto de elecciones que no puede ser segregado ni neutralizado de sus propias problemáticas transaccionales (o de convergencia). Puesto que además son múltiples; se hallan asociadas además a la protección de su personalidad moral y física, de su identificación civil, o de su matrimonio, (siendo, todos, términos de una <i>relación legal</i> en que refluyen).</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En el Uruguay esa igualdad fue instaurada. Esto habilitó, como hecho político, una personalidad-<i>legalizada</i> que no se encierra en el ideal segregacionista ante el reconocimiento del sujeto que se sexualiza. Lo que se procesó -y en el irrisorio aunque denso lapso de un «arco histórico»: entre los años de 2003 a 2013- resultó un ensamblaje de consolidaciones legislativas acerca de «derechos humanos», en concordancia jusfilosófica además con los <i>Principios de Yogyakarta</i> del año de 2003 (su material jurídico es discutido por M. O’FLAHERTY, de la University of Nottingham Human Rights Law Centre, en un <i>opus</i> conocido como «<u>Jurisprudential Annotations to the Yogyakarta Principles</u>»). </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y en su proceso nacional, subyace un contenido de sindéresis finalmente <i>descubierto</i> (lo múltiplemente sexual, de verdad se legitima): habilita la resolución sintáctica, en un plano de justicia, de una necesaria igualdad ética que el activismo gay, durante el siglo XX, ya había comenzado a requerir y exigir. En el siglo XXI, durante su segunda década, resultó un fenómeno político, el anti-heterosexualismo, al menos en la América del Sur de habla hispana. Finalizaba esta reescritura y en el Chile pospinochetista, en enero de 2015, el parlamento aprobaba la «unión civil» entre personas incluso de igual sexo, desatendiendo la otrora exigencia heterosexista. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Aunque en otros mundos, el «Estado Islámico», ese pretendido califato, en similar fecha -diciembre de 2014- daba a conocer un Código Penal: su <i>al</i>-<i>liwat</i> <i>al</i>-<i>akbar</i> o sodomía entre varones resolvió castigarse con pena de muerte (The Independent lo mencionaba en su artículo «<u>Images emerge of 'gay' man 'thrown from building by Isis militants before he is stoned to death after surviving fall'</u>», de fecha de 3 de febrero de 2015). De los casos identificados por la prensa, en territorios ocupados (iraquí, al norte, y sirio, en la ciudad de Raqqa), el fallo contra los homosexuales se cumplió arrojándolos de torres de edificios, y, si sobrevivían al ser abismados, el acto se finalizaba incluso mediante lapidación. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Evidentemente, el tratamiento de esto último implicaría un nuevo ensayo: ese <i>asesinato de homosexuales</i> -deplorable- se refracta como sectarismo moral. Y ese problema político claro que «vulnera lo gay». Y lo hace siendo causas del <i>conflicto moral</i> sus propias poblaciones. No propondría que el Occidente es su «iniciador» en el mundo musulmán; quizá sí un procaz interventor a partir de su manipulada <i>islamofobia</i>. Distinto de lo que conjetura, por ejemplo, un investigador como J. A. MASSAD en su <i>Desiring Arabs</i>, el padecimiento de ser-gay no se confirma en una mera <i>implantación de derechos humanos</i>, o como crisis exógena, como si lo gay en nada se emparentara a una verdadera historia de la «sexualidad sodomita» resuelta en sus propios territorios. </span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Ese economismo en el análisis, del que intento prevenirme, parecería omitir que <i>aquel otro mundo</i> de moral sexual, claro que intervenido (si se considera una dialéctica de Estados, donde prima la relación de instituciones supraindividuales de diferente potencia), es, no obstante, una construcción propia de sus presupuestos religiosos y de su <i>valoración jurídica</i> del Corán. Refiere a una arqueología de la institucionalidad que remite a una idea </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">sempiterna</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">» </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">de <i>qué es lo bueno</i> en las reciprocidades sexuales.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El imperialismo de siglo XXI, siendo innegablemente existente y padecido, nunca fue un <i>arjé</i> (no-es «causa» de todas las cosas). Lo que no implica desatender su condición económica, evidentemente el asunto refluirá de un «choque de instituciones» (siendo por otra parte quimérico el presuponer que podría acaso prevalecer un <i>único modelo</i>). Pero el deleite sexual de varones entre sí, o de mujeres entre sí, refiere a una realidad antropológica que desborda la sola cuestión de las <i>nacionalidades</i> y, no obstante, en todo caso, es interferida en condiciones geo-antropográficas a partir de multiplicados «registros locales». </span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: xx-small;"><i><b>*** *** ***</b></i></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;"><b>Fuentes de tesis rescrita:</b></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">CLARK, A. 2014, noviembre 20. «Winnie the Pooh banned from Polish playground as an ‘inappropriate hermaphrodite’» en URL: </span><a href="https://www.pressandjournal.co.uk/fp/news/world/408049/winnie-pooh-banned-polish-playground/" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;" target="_blank">https://www.pressandjournal.co.uk/fp/news/world/408049/winnie-pooh-banned-polish-playground/</a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;"> (Acceso 2014, noviembre 21)</span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">COTELO, E. 2014, mayo 19. «Fabiana Goyeneche: La financiación de Open Society a No a la Baja "no va a ser determinante" ni va a dar "un espacio significativo en televisión o en cartelería"» en URL: </span><a href="http://www.espectador.com/politica/291355/fabiana-goyeneche-la-financiacion-de-open-society-a-no-a-la-baja-no-va-a-ser-determinante-ni-va-a-dar-un-espacio-significativo-en-television-o-en-carteleria" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;" target="_blank">http://www.espectador.com/politica/291355/fabiana-goyeneche-la-financiacion-de-open-society-a-no-a-la-baja-no-va-a-ser-determinante-ni-va-a-dar-un-espacio-significativo-en-television-o-en-carteleria</a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;"> (Acceso 2014, octubre 11)</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">EL OBSERVADOR. 2014, NOVIEMBRE 07. «Michelle Suárez: “Es un triste honor ser la primera” trans en el Parlamento. La abogada y militante sobre la diversidad sexual fue electa senadora suplente por el Partido Comunista [del lema Democracia Avanzada]» en URL: <a href="http://www.elobservador.com.uy/noticia/291658/michelle-suarez-es-un-triste-honor-ser-la-primera-trans-en-el-parlamento/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.elobservador.com.uy/noticia/291658/michelle-suarez-es-un-triste-honor-ser-la-primera-trans-en-el-parlamento/</a> </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">(Acceso 2014, noviembre 07)</span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">EL PAÍS. 2014, noviembre 08. «Obispos analizan "posición común" frente a la guía de educación sexual» en URL: </span><a href="http://www.elpais.com.uy/informacion/director-primaria-confirmo-que-codicen.html" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;" target="_blank">http://www.elpais.com.uy/informacion/director-primaria-confirmo-que-codicen.html</a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;"> (Acceso 2014, diciembre 27)</span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">EL PAÍS. 2014, diciembre 22. «Sturla hablará con Vázquez sobre la guía de diversidad y educación sexual» en URL: </span><a href="http://www.elpais.com.uy/informacion/sturla-guia-diversidad-sexual-guia.html" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;" target="_blank">http://www.elpais.com.uy/informacion/sturla-guia-diversidad-sexual-guia.html</a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;"> (Acceso 2014, diciembre 27)</span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">ENRAIZADOS. 2014, enero 22. «Apoya al Cardenal Sebastián por hablar claro sobre la homosexualidad» en URL: </span><a href="http://enraizados.org/2014/01/22/apoya-al-cardenal-sebastian-por-hablar-claro-sobre-la-homosexualidad/" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;" target="_blank">http://enraizados.org/2014/01/22/apoya-al-cardenal-sebastian-por-hablar-claro-sobre-la-homosexualidad/</a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;"> (Acceso 2015, enero 22). </span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">EUGENIO PÉREZ, Guillermo de. 2011. «LA PRESENTACIÓN DE LA PERSONA EN EL ESPACIO SOCIAL A FINALES DEL SIGLO XVIII: MÁSCARAS, DECORO Y COSMÉTICO» en URL: </span><a href="http://e-archivo.uc3m.es/bitstream/handle/10016/12514/tesis_guillermo_de_eugenio.pdf?sequence=1" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;" target="_blank">http://e-archivo.uc3m.es/bitstream/handle/10016/12514/tesis_guillermo_de_eugenio.pdf?sequence=1</a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;"> (Acceso 2014, noviembre 08)</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">HOOTON, Ch. 2014, diciembre 2. «A long list of sex acts just got banned in UK porn» en URL: <a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/a-long-list-of-sex-acts-just-got-banned-in-uk-porn-9897174.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/a-long-list-of-sex-acts-just-got-banned-in-uk-porn-9897174.html</a> (Acceso 2014, diciembre 13)</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;"><b>J</b></span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">JACKMAN, M. 2014, diciembre 4. «The UK's sexist new pornography restrictions aren't just an act of state censorship, but could be the first step towards something even worse» en URL: <a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/voices/comment/the-uks-sexist-new-pornography-restrictions-arent-just-an-act-of-state-censorship-but-could-be-the-first-step-towards-something-even-worse-9903830.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.independent.co.uk/voices/comment/the-uks-sexist-new-pornography-restrictions-arent-just-an-act-of-state-censorship-but-could-be-the-first-step-towards-something-even-worse-9903830.html</a> (Acceso 2014, diciembre 13)</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">La Diaria. 2013, octubre 29. «Ser vos» en URL: <a href="http://ladiaria.com.uy/articulo/2013/10/ser-vos/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://ladiaria.com.uy/articulo/2013/10/ser-vos/</a> (Acceso 2014, mayo 10)</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">MASSAD, J. A.; Desiring Arabs; The University of Chicago Press; USA, 2007</span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">MULLIN, F. 2014, diciembre 1. «British BDSM Enthusiasts, Say Goodbye to Your Favourite Homegrown Porn» en URL: <a href="http://www.vice.com/en_uk/read/the-end-of-uk-bdsm-282" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.vice.com/en_uk/read/the-end-of-uk-bdsm-282</a> (Acceso 2014, diciembre 13)</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">O'CONNOR, Roisin. 2014, diciembre 12. «Porn protest: UK laws banning erotic acts should be annulled, Lib Dem MP says» en URL: <a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/uk-porn-laws-banning-erotic-acts-should-be-annulled-lib-dem-mp-says-9920040.html?origin=internalSearch" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/uk-porn-laws-banning-erotic-acts-should-be-annulled-lib-dem-mp-says-9920040.html?origin=internalSearch</a> (Acceso 2014, diciembre 12) </span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">Ovejas Negras. 2014, octubre 4-5. «La diversidad también es patrimonio» en URL: </span><a href="https://es-es.facebook.com/colectivoovejasnegras/photos/a.220970684626287.55705.220068588049830/785227054867311/?type=1&relevant_count=1" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;" target="_blank">https://es-es.facebook.com/colectivoovejasnegras/photos/a.220970684626287.55705.220068588049830/785227054867311/?type=1&relevant_count=1</a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;"> (Acceso 2014, octubre 11)</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">People's Daily. 2014, diciembre 24. «Los homosexuales podrán donar sangre en Estados Unidos a partir de 2015» en URL: <a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n/2014/1224/c31614-8827218.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/n/2014/1224/c31614-8827218.html</a> (Acceso 2014, diciembre 25)</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">RUSH, J. 2015, febrero 03. «Images emerge of 'gay' man 'thrown from building by Isis militants before he is stoned to death after surviving fall'» en URL: <a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/middle-east/images-emerge-of-gay-man-thrown-from-building-by-isis-militants-before-he-is-stoned-to-death-after-surviving-fall-10019743.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/middle-east/images-emerge-of-gay-man-thrown-from-building-by-isis-militants-before-he-is-stoned-to-death-after-surviving-fall-10019743.html</a> (Acceso 2015, febrero 03)</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">SÍNODO DE LOS OBISPOS. 2013. «III ASAMBLEA GENERAL EXTRAORDINARIA. LOS DESAFÍO PASTORALES SOBRE LA FAMILIA EN EL CONTEXTO DE LA EVANGELIZACIÓN. Documento preparatorio» en URL: <a href="http://www.vatican.va/roman_curia/synod/documents/rc_synod_doc_20131105_iii-assemblea-sinodo-vescovi_sp.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.vatican.va/roman_curia/synod/documents/rc_synod_doc_20131105_iii-assemblea-sinodo-vescovi_sp.html</a> (Acceso 2014, octubre 19)</span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">SÍNODO DE LOS OBISPOS. 2014, junio 26. «III ASAMBLEA GENERAL EXTRAORDINARIA. LOS DESAFÍOS PASTORALES DE LA FAMILIA EN EL CONTEXTO DE LA EVANGELIZACIÓN. <i>INSTRUMENTUM LABORIS</i>» en URL: </span><a href="http://www.vatican.va/roman_curia/synod/documents/rc_synod_doc_20140626_instrumentum-laboris-familia_sp.html#Acerca_de_las_uniones_entre_personas_del_mismo_sexo" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;" target="_blank">http://www.vatican.va/roman_curia/synod/documents/rc_synod_doc_20140626_instrumentum-laboris-familia_sp.html#Acerca_de_las_uniones_entre_personas_del_mismo_sexo</a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;"> (Acceso 2014, octubre 19)</span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">STATUTORY INSTRUMENTS • ELECTRONIC COMMUNICATIONS BROADCASTING/ 2014 No. 2916. 2014, diciembre 1. «The Audiovisual Media Services Regulations 2014» en URL: </span><a href="http://legislation.data.gov.uk/cy/uksi/2014/2916/made/data.htm?wrap=true" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;" target="_blank">http://legislation.data.gov.uk/cy/uksi/2014/2916/made/data.htm?wrap=true</a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;"> (Acceso 2014, diciembre 13)</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;"><b>T</b></span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">TeleSUR (Vídeo), Reporte: SANTOS de los, M. 2014, septiembre 30. «Uruguay: comunidad LGBT marchó a favor de sus derechos» en URL: <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QdAi6Ak1O0g&feature=youtu.be" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QdAi6Ak1O0g&feature=youtu.be</a> (Acceso 2014, octubre 11)</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;"><b>V</b></span><br />
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">VANOLI IMPERIALE, S. (Tutoría de BUELA, Á.). 2014, marzo 27. «El doble asesinato de las identidades transgénero: Un análisis crítico del discurso de la prensa policial en Uruguay» en URL: </span><a href="http://bibliotecas.ort.edu.uy/bibid/78977/file/1203" rel="nofollow" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;" target="_blank">http://bibliotecas.ort.edu.uy/bibid/78977/file/1203</a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;"> (Acceso 2014, octubre 11)</span></div>
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Pablo Pallashttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02676986163926451532noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8368737022377042313.post-58065753726057530952015-01-02T14:41:00.063-02:002023-06-24T18:49:51.657-03:00De la verdad narrada: Caso VI<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;"><b>Semiótica de la verdad narrada</b></span><br />
<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><b><span style="font-size: x-large;">Problemáticas de la valoración </span></b></span><br /><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="405" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/3ONaSx0o0x8" width="487" youtube-src-id="3ONaSx0o0x8"></iframe></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="406" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/VhrWF7QTLBY" width="488" youtube-src-id="VhrWF7QTLBY"></iframe></div><div style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><a href="https://dprktoday.com/" rel="nofollow" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em; text-align: right;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="116" data-original-width="215" height="178" src="https://dprktoday.com/assets/img/logo_site.png" width="329" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-size: xx-small;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://naenara.com.kp/main/index/sp/first" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">NAENARA</a>. 2014, noviembre 28. </span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><span style="font-size: xx-small;">«</span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">Publicada información detallada de Asociación </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">de Estudio de Derechos Humanos de Corea</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><span style="font-size: xx-small;">»</span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;"> en URL: </span><span style="font-size: xx-small; text-align: left;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.naenara.com.kp/sp/news/news_view.php?0+89367" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.naenara.com.kp/sp/news/news_view.php?0+89367</a> (Acceso 2014, diciembre 19).</span></span><br />
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<span style="font-size: xx-small; text-align: left;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>Nota ecdótica:</b> el texto de la declaración de DDHH de Corea -presentado como Caso VI de análisis material- se halla editado con el propósito didáctico de contextualizar sus enunciaciones. La fuente hemerográfica -a su vez- remite a texto y cotexto sin edición docente.</span></span></div>
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<b><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Publicada información detallada de Asociación </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">de Estudio de Derechos Humanos de Corea</span></b><br />
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<b><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;"><a href="https://www.dropbox.com/s/58chu56d6t1ffqx/Informe%20DDHH.pdf?dl=0" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Haz click aquí para leer el Informe de Derechos Humanos de la Asociación de Estudio de Derechos Humanos de la República Popular Democrática de Corea</a></span></b></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La Asociación de Estudio de Derechos Humanos (AEDH) de la <a href="http://www.naenara.com.kp/sp/great/constitution.php?1" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">República Popular Democrática de Corea</a> hizo pública el día 28 la siguiente información detallada:</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En el tercer comité del <a href="http://www.un.org/es/ga/69/agenda/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">69º período de sesiones de la Asamblea General de la ONU</a>, efectuado el 18 de noviembre, se aprobó forzosamente la «</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">resolución de DDHH</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><span style="color: #444444;">»</span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> que <a href="http://www.unmultimedia.org/tv/unifeed/2014/12/un-dprk-15/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">insulta gravemente la dignidad de la República Popular Democrática de Corea.</a></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Las fuerzas hostiles encabezadas por Estados Unidos inventaron la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">resolución</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> con datos falsificados de calumnia acerca de la auténtica política de la RPDC sobre los derechos humanos y la presentaron -hasta la insistencia- para someter el </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">problema de DDHH</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> de la RPDC a la consideración de la <a href="http://www.icc-cpi.int/EN_Menus/Search/Pages/results.aspx?k=North%20Korea" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Corte Penal Internacional</a>.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La adopción forzosa de esta venenosa </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">resolución</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, siendo acto hostil anti-RPDC producida por la <a href="https://search.whitehouse.gov/search?affiliate=wh&form_id=usasearch_box&query=+North+Korea" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">estrategia de EEUU</a> para derrocar el <a href="http://www.naenara.com.kp/sp/great/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">régimen socialista humano-céntrico de la RPDC</a> so pretexto de Derechos Humanos, es la máxima expresión de la política norteamericana de hostilidad a la RPDC.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Tales actos obligan a nuestro ejército y pueblo tomar merecidamente las contramedidas super-intransigentes.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Dado que el problema de DDHH se encuentra en el dilema de la verdadera cooperación o la guerra, la Asociación de Estudio de Derechos Humanos de la RPDC publica la información detallada para revelar la verdad de fabricación de la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">resolución de DDHH</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> anti-RPDC, documento político que no tiene nada que ver con la protección y fomento de derechos humanos y esclarecer la responsabilidad por su consecuencia.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="347" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/49qpNawhxGw" width="418" youtube-src-id="49qpNawhxGw"></iframe></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="347" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/C-vKqTzaK-8" width="418" youtube-src-id="C-vKqTzaK-8"></iframe></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="349" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/BfVuC2PObXA" width="419" youtube-src-id="BfVuC2PObXA"></iframe></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><br /></div><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/r1wGY8VEDjw?start=16" width="419"></iframe></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="//www.youtube.com/embed/No9wBbrlgfk" width="419"></iframe></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="347" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/UKYE73VpDPY" width="418" youtube-src-id="UKYE73VpDPY"></iframe></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="348" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/EP2OlY9BZpU" width="419" youtube-src-id="EP2OlY9BZpU"></iframe></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="349" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/zaxQk6Lb-ww" width="420" youtube-src-id="zaxQk6Lb-ww"></iframe></div><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="349" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/vYjj1L5NazM" width="420" youtube-src-id="vYjj1L5NazM"></iframe></div><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="350" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/bWubmflQsMY" width="421" youtube-src-id="bWubmflQsMY"></iframe></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><b style="color: #444444; text-align: justify;">1. Política y esfuerzos de la RPDC por la cooperación internacional en la rama de DDHH</b></div></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La RPDC mantiene la invariable posición política de hacer incesantes esfuerzos por proteger y fomentar los verdaderos derechos humanos y promover la cooperación internacional en la rama.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://tbinternet.ohchr.org/_layouts/TreatyBodyExternal/countries.aspx?CountryCode=PKR&Lang=SP" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Desde hace mucho tiempo, el gobierno de la RPDC vino fomentando y desarrollando el intercambio y diálogo internacionales en el dominio de DDHH</a>.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">A citar por ejemplos, en abril-mayo de 1991 y 1995 la delegación de la Amnistía Internacional visitó a nuestro país, ocasiones en las cuales se reunió con los funcionarios jurídicos y los reclusos y visitó las cárceles y prevenciones. En una de esas cárceles el ciudadano norteamericano <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aV5yF7TK3YM" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Kenneth Bae</a> hizo la reformación con trabajo desde mayo de 2013 hasta noviembre de 2014.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Desde mayo a junio de 1995, la delegación de la Asociación Internacional contra la Tortura realizó una visita a la RPDC para averiguar la realidad de nuestro país.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En julio del mismo año, la comitiva del informante especial sobre la violación de mujeres del comité de DDHH de la ONU también vino a la RPDC para escuchar las políticas del gobierno de la RPDC contra la violación de mujeres y ver la realidad.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Después de la Cumbre RPDC-UE, celebrada en mayo de 2001, el diálogo político bilateral que se realizaba regularmente empezó a discutir el tema de DDHH.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En septiembre de 2001, la delegación de parlamentarios de diferentes partidos políticos de Francia vio las cárceles en la RPDC y departió con los funcionarios coreanos para hacer conocimiento de la realidad de la RPDC.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Al visitar nuestro país en mayo de 2002, el jefe del Departamento de Asia Oriental del Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores de Alemania y su comitiva se reunieron con los ex-reclusos y se enteraron del sistema jurídico de la RPDC.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Pero, en abril de 2003 cuando marchaban bien las cooperaciones internacionales en el dominio de DDHH, la UE cambió de repente sin razón su posición de diálogo y presentó junto con Japón en la <a href="https://books.google.com.uy/books?id=v87gO4RRx-MC&pg=PA75&lpg=PA75&dq=%2259a+sesi%C3%B3n+de+la+comisi%C3%B3n+de+derechos+humanos+de+Naciones+Unidas%22&source=bl&ots=z5XQa9yjfu&sig=xdsIPIFeYr4sQRKpaxzgEm8eFzw&hl=es-419&sa=X&ei=si6aVJffB5HGsQSu4YH4CQ&ved=0CBwQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=Corea&f=false" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">59ª reunión de la Comisión de DDHH de la ONU</a> el primer proyecto de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">resolución de DDHH</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> anti-RPDC.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">Esto fue un acto hostil político a favor de la administración Bush que revocó el Acuerdo Básico RPDC-EE.UU. y definió a nuestro país como </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">eje del mal</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">.</span></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">De esta manera, fue suspendido el diálogo de DDHH entre la RPDC y la UE y desde entonces no pudimos lograr ninguna cooperación con la UE que cada año presenta repetidamente ante la ONU el proyecto de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">resolución de DDHH</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> anti-RPDC.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">No obstante, el gobierno de la RPDC continuó esforzándose por promover la cooperación multilateral en el dominio de DDHH.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En noviembre de 2003, presentó el segundo informe sobre el cumplimiento del convenio internacional sobre los derechos económicos, sociales y culturales y asistió con sinceridad a su deliberación.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En junio de 2004, presentó el segundo informe sobre el cumplimiento del convenio sobre los derechos de la infancia de la ONU y estuvo presente en su debate.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En julio de 2005 presentó el primer informe sobre el convenio sobre la eliminación de discriminación de mujeres y participó en su discusión.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En enero de 2009, presentó los informes tercero y cuarto sobre el cumplimiento del convenio sobre los derechos de la infancia de la ONU y participó en su análisis.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En diciembre de 2009, estuvo presente en el primer debate ordinario sobre la situación de derechos humanos universales del Consejo de DDHH de la ONU (UPR). Y en mayo de 2014, participó con sinceridad en su segundo debate.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El 3 de julio de 2013 firmó el convenio de la ONU sobre los derechos de discapacitados.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El 9 de septiembre de 2014, firmó el protocolo selectivo sobre la prohibición de tráfico de infantes, prostitución y pornografía del convenio de la ONU sobre los derechos de la infancia y lo aprobó en noviembre.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El gobierno de la RPDC hizo tales esfuerzos en la grave circunstancia en que se extendía constantemente a la esfera de DDHH la política norteamericana de hostilidad a la RPDC.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Por ejemplo, en julio de 2004, EEUU aprobó en el congreso la llamada </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">ley de DDHH del Norte de Corea</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, para legalizar su intento de intervenir en los asuntos internos de la RPDC y derrocar su régimen bajo el rótulo de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">defensa de DDHH</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esta ley pretende, bajo el pretexto de promover los derechos humanos, la democracia y la economía de mercado en la RPDC y provocar el descontento entre los norcoreanos hacia su gobierno. Incluye cláusulas como la emisión radial de doce horas al día en idioma coreano, la introducción masiva de miniradios sintonizados con esa emisión, la incitación a nuestros ciudadanos a la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">fuga del Norte</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> y a la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">emigración</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> y </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">exilio</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> a EEUU, el apoyo financiero y material para este fin, etc.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">EEUU malgasta cada año diez millones de dólares para el cumplimiento de la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">ley de DDHH del Norte de Corea</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> coerciendo a incorporarse, incluso a varias organizaciones internacionales y los países vecinos de la RPDC.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En los últimos tiempos tampoco el gobierno de la RPDC dejó de hacer esfuerzos por el diálogo y cooperación en la rama de DDHH, aunque EEUU y sus satélites </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DPRKcrimesagainsthumanityrevealed.aspx" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">mostraron claramente su intento de presentar ante la Asamblea General de la ONU de 2014 el proyecto de «resolución de DDHH» anti-RPDC</a>.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Dado que se tergiversa de continuo la situación de DDHH de nuestro país, debido a las constantes intrigas de las fuerzas hostiles, la Asociación de Estudio de Derechos Humanos de la RPDC publicó el informe el 13 de septiembre de 2014 con el fin de aclarar la verdad y facilitar el entendimiento internacional.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.pyongyangtimes.com.kp/multimedia?page=photo&num=1" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="651" data-original-width="929" height="341" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiGIY950fmv8ZG-hpd4ydY2rMzmbRAVLfYTXWT6tfGs_x-pPEnOhk-VxHSZ9U7R-IWhuW2F9SfomXRh43roT5y32qCdoIcBu2-ii5l1BtGVGtXaDAReZbYmIRP44BgVDoXli6oUjygIr4HIoG-yA1hXvjy6xCXG-mSe0n-UUDSmwPn2M8OZiC4oU9zETg/w487-h341/PyongyangTimes.jpg" width="487" /></a></div><span style="color: #444444;">El informe explica de manera comprensiva y objetiva la situación de DDHH de la RPDC donde el pueblo se ha hecho dueño del país, razón por la cual fue aplaudido por la sociedad internacional y registrado y distribuido como documento oficial de la Asamblea General, el Consejo de Seguridad y el Consejo de Derechos Humanos, de la ONU.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En septiembre de 2014, el Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores de la RPDC expuso la voluntad de hacer el diálogo de DDHH con Alemania, Gran Bretaña y otros países europeos, y el 17 de septiembre, manifestó oficialmente el deseo de aceptar la cooperación técnica en la rama de DDHH que ofrezca la Oficina de Alto Comisionado de la ONU para los Derechos Humanos.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y el 17 de octubre, invitó oficialmente a nuestro país al delegado plenipotenciario encargado de DDHH de la UE.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El 27 del mismo mes, el embajador itinerante del Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores de la RPDC se reunió por primera vez en Nueva York con el </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">informante especial</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> sobre la situación de DDHH de la RPDC, ocasión en la cual mostró la bondad y magnanimidad de permitir su visita a nuestro país si él tiene interés en la solución del problema de DDHH.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Algunos países de la UE reconocieron y asintieron nuestros magnánimos esfuerzos y demandaron que la UE debe hacer cooperación con nuestro país, pero, por fin, aprobaron la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">resolución</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> anti-RPDC por no poder resistir la presión de EEUU.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">De esta manera, ellos cerraron por sí mismos las puertas de diálogos, inclusive el de DDHH, y de intercambio y cooperación.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><b><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">2. Carácter fraudulento y reaccionario de la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">resolución de DDHH</span></b></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span style="color: #444444;"><b><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"> anti-RPDC</span></b></span><br />
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">La falsedad de la presente </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">resolución</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"> reside en que se basa en el documento intrigante llamado </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><a href="http://www.ohchr.org/SP/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=14255&LangID=S" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">informe de la comisión de investigación</a></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"> sobre la situación de DDHH de la RPDC, inventado recogiendo los </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><a href="http://www.ohchr.org/EN/HRBodies/HRC/CoIDPRK/Pages/ReportoftheCommissionofInquiryDPRK.aspx" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">testimonios</a></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"> fabricados de algunos </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">fugitivos norcoreanos</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"> que fueron raptados o huyeron de la RPDC prófugos de la justicia.</span></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.ohchr.org/EN/HRBodies/HRC/CoIDPRK/Pages/PublicHearings.aspx" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">comisión de investigación</a></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> fue fundada por EEUU instigando a la UE y Japón al cabo de la escalada de presión sobre la RPDC en la última década en las arenas internacionales, incluso la ONU.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El curso de fundación de ese aparato insinúa su carácter político.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En marzo de 2013, en el Consejo de DDHH de la ONU en Ginebra fue aprobada la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.ohchr.org/SP/HRBodies/SP/CountriesMandates/KP/Pages/SRDPRKorea.aspx" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">resolución</a></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> anti-RPDC que estipula la instalación de la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">comisión de investigación</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">. En aquel entonces, se agudizaba más que nunca el enfrentamiento entre la RPDC y EEUU por el lanzamiento exitoso del <a href="http://www.unoosa.org/pdf/reports/regdocs/ser662E.pdf" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">satélite artificial de la RPDC</a> ejecutado el 12 de diciembre de 2012, su <a href="http://spanish.peopledaily.com.cn/31616/8128354.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">tercera prueba nuclear</a> de 12 de febrero de 2013 y la <a href="http://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/view/88390-onu-corea-norte-sanciones-programa-nuclear" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">subsiguiente sanción anticoreana</a> de EEUU.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Percatado de que no podrá derrocar con la sanción el régimen norcoreano, EEUU decidió librar una nueva ofensiva de presión anti-RPDC en el tema de DDHH.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">La </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">comisión de investigación</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"> compuesta por tres personas elaboró en menos de un año su </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">informe</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"> que </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">juzga</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"> y </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">evalúa</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"> generalmente la situación de derechos humanos de un país y adjunta hasta el </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">proyecto de consejo</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">. Esto suscita serias sospechas acerca del carácter científico y la credibilidad de ese documento.</span></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Según el </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">informe</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, los miembros de la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">comisión de investigación</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> se encontraron en varios países con unos trescientos </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">testigos</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, pero entre ellos no hay ni un ciudadano de la RPDC y ningún miembro de la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">comisión</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> ha visitado el país.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Los países visitados por los miembros tienen relaciones hostiles con la RPDC como EEUU y Japón. Y los entrevistados por ellos son ciudadanos de países hostiles o </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">fugitivos norcoreanos</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> controlados por las autoridades surcoreanas.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">comisión de investigación</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> no se atrevió a visitar el país por su carácter anti-RPDC y publicó que la investigación -</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">ya al principio de su operación- </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">se realizará a base de los testimonios de los </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">fugitivos norcoreanos</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> y las fotos tomadas vía satélite.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En una entrevista con la radio australiana, concedida el 7 de mayo de 2013, el presidente de la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">comisión de investigación</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, <a href="http://www.c-span.org/video/?318849-1/human-rights-north-korea" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Michael Kirby</a>, dijo que hay algunos despachos sobre la violación de DDHH en el Norte de Corea, pero hacen falta los fundamentos para confirmarlos.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">El </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">informe</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"> no menciona ni los nombres de la mayoría de los </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">fugitivos norcoreanos</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"> presentados como testigos bajo el pretexto de que sostuvo la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">entrevista a puertas cerradas</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"> para evitar que sean perjudicados sus familiares. Pero, esto es un defecto decisivo para el documento de una organización internacional.</span></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Según ese documento, a base de la declaración del </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">fugitivo norcoreano</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> Sin Tong Hyok </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">testimonió</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> que en la RPDC se hallaría el </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">campo de concentración de presos políticos</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> donde se cometen </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">crímenes de lesa humanidad</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">. Entonces, ¿no se preocupa Sin de su padre que vive actualmente en la RPDC? ¿O será tan inmoral que ya no le importa su progenitor que está </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">muerto</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> al decir de ese mentiroso?</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El nombre falso, la biografía y los testimonios manipulados de Sin Tong Hyok ya fueron publicados en vídeo en la página <a href="http://www.uriminzokkiri.com/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">URIMINZOKKIRI</a>.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Hasta el autor de la novela sobre la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://books.google.com.uy/books?id=VHoeBQAAQBAJ&printsec=frontcover&dq=Shin+Dong-hyuk&hl=es&sa=X&ei=83GkVN6GLpHUgwTGoILgAQ&ved=0CC0Q6AEwAg#v=onepage&q&f=false" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">historia de fuga del Norte</a></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> de Sin reconoció que éste mintió sobre la causa de ejecución de su madre.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Ese relato de una experiencia personal es una novela ficticia que dejó profunda </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">impresión</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> al secretario de Estado norteamericano Kerry y <a href="http://www.europapress.es/internacional/noticia-kerry-pide-onu-cierre-campos-prisioneros-corea-norte-20140923181404.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">le hizo abrigar resentimiento sobre el actual régimen norcoreano</a>. </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Los que visitaron la RPDC, siendo de países occidentales, no son tan ignorantes, como aquéllos, sobre la situación de DDHH de nuestro país.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Un parlamentario italiano, que ha sido testigo presencial de la realidad de la RPDC, dijo en una entrevista con la <a href="http://www.radio24.ilsole24ore.com/programma/america24/2010-12-28/guerre-america-175908.php?idpuntata=gSLATigv&date=2010-12-28" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Radio 24</a> que los dichos de Sin Tong Hyok en la conferencia de prensa son mentiras hechas para ganarse el dinero y sus embustes se compilaron en un libro que se vende ahora a las personas. Y apuntó que él mismo no compra ese libro que tergiversa la verdad.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://thediplomat.com/2014/10/north-korea-defectors-and-their-skeptics/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Un periodista irlandés publicó el 29 de octubre de 2014 un artículo en la revista online The Diplomat</a>.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Según el artículo, a principios de octubre, la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">fugitiva norcoreana</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> llamada <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ei-gGvLWOZI" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Pak Yon Mi</a> de 21 años de edad reveló llorosa la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">horrible situación de DDHH</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> del Norte de Corea en la Cumbre Mundial de Jóvenes efectuada en Dublín (Irlanda).</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Reportaron bajo grandes titulares la intervención de ella en la prensa, como <a href="http://www.bbc.com/news/world-south-asia-29809557" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">BBC</a>, <a href="http://www.aljazeera.com/news/asia-pacific/2014/10/escaping-north-korea-one-refugee-story-20141015154253291240.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Al Jazeera</a> y <a href="http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2798923/north-korean-escapee-yeonmi-park-opens-harrowing-speech-raise-awareness-terrorised-populace-living-brutal-regime.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Daily Mail</a>, pero no pocos comentaristas expresaron las sospechas y afirmaron que esas palabras no están apegadas a la realidad.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El empresario suizo <a href="http://www.a-capitalist-in-north-korea.com/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Felix Abt</a>, que trabajó durante siete años en la RPDC hasta 2009, insistió en que los testimonios de la mayoría de los </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">fugitivos norcoreanos</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> no se han confirmado todavía y han sido exagerados o falsificados sin duda alguna.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Comparando el canal de Dublín con el río en su tierra natal, Pak disparateó que cada mañana, pudo ver cadáveres flotando en las aguas del río. Abt desmintió ese chisme mostrando las fotos de niños norcoreanos jugando felizmente a las riberas de los ríos y afirmando que visitó varias veces al Norte de Corea, pero nunca pudo ver un cadáver.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Abt desafió al disparate del otro </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">fugitivo norcoreano</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> Ri Kwang Chol quien dijo que en el Norte de Corea no existen los discapacitados físicos debido a la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">política infanticida</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">. Y recordó que Pyongyang envió a sus jugadores discapacitados a los <a href="http://www.paralympic.org/news/north-korea-compete-asian-para-games" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Juegos Paralímpicos que tuvieron lugar en Incheon del Sur de Corea</a>.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Michael Bassett, quien sirvió como especialista en asuntos del Norte de Corea para las tropas norteamericanas en la zona desmilitarizada de la Península Coreana, <a href="http://thepeacewager.org/2014/12/27/yeonmi-park-the-defector-who-fooled-the-world/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">también calificó las palabras de Pak Yon Mi de mentiras puras</a>.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">Insistió en que Pak describió la situación de DDHH del Norte de Corea como una </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">masacre</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"> para producir gran sensación y apuntó que detrás de ella están las entidades surcoreanas anti-RPDC como </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">Freedom Factory</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">. Al referirse a que Pak le envió un artículo de refutación a sus críticas, escribió en el tono burlón que ella usaba un inglés demasiado perfecto para ser una extranjera.</span></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En una rueda de prensa con el periódico francés <a href="http://www.la-croix.com/Actualite/Monde/Coree-du-Nord" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">La Croix</a>, concedida el 19 de febrero de 2014, un investigador del <a href="http://www.strato-analyse.org/fr/?lang=fr" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Instituto Internacional para Estudios Estratégicos de Francia</a> calificó el </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">informe de DDHH</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> anti-RPDC de la ONU como un documento parcial y no científico basado en los testimonios de las </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">víctimas</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> del poder norcoreano. Y continuó que no se puede creer en las fotografías satelitales del </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">campo de concentración</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> del Norte de Corea, citando por ejemplo que hace unos años, fue publicada una fotografía satelital sobre la prueba nuclear del Norte de Corea, pero fue confirmada después su falsedad. E insistió en no elaborar el </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">informe</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> parcial basado en los rumores sino un documento más objetivo y científico.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El 19 de febrero de 2014, la vicepresidenta del Partido de Patria Libre de Brasil publicó en el rotativo Hora do Povo la declaración intitulada </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.horadopovo.com.br/2014/02Fev/3226-19-02-2014/P7/pag7e.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Sirviente de Obama inventó el informe nazista contra la RPDC</a></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">. El texto señala que la misión principal de Michael Kirby es conceder la credibilidad a la incesante, caduca y </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">exorbitante</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> falsedad de los medios venales monopolizados, que sirven para los intereses de EEUU mediante la invención de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">pruebas</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> según la demanda de Washington, y decir mentiras sobre la RPDC en función de la cooperación internacional anti-RPDC bajo el control de EEUU. Agregó que Kirby no visitó nunca a Pyongyang ni conversó con los representantes del gobierno de la RPDC, sino repitiendo la teoría nazista sin consideración alguna, fue invitado muchas veces a Seúl que dispone de todas las estructuras para fabricar los </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">testimonios</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> necesarios a elaborar el </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">informe de la ONU</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, documento falsificado de trescientas setenta y dos páginas, a través de entrevista con las personas en Seúl y algunos </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">fugitivos norcoreanos</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El carácter reaccionario de la presente </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">resolución</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> anti-RPDC reside en que este documento persigue el enfrentamiento e instiga la guerra, en lugar de la cooperación y la paz.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La adopción de ella por EEUU y sus satélites persigue el objetivo hostil de describir a la RPDC en los escenarios de la ONU como </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">zona de violación de DDHH</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> y preparar el pretexto de intervención armada.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La historia recuerda frescamente la <a href="http://actualidad.rt.com/actualidad/view/144376-rt-documental-cuba-guerra-yugoslavia-cubavision" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">guerra yugoslava desatada por EEUU en 1999</a> bajo el pretexto de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">defensa de derechos humanos y minorías</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Se va haciendo el peligroso antecedente de politizar e internacionalizar el problema de DDHH de un país y lo malemplea en el derrocamiento de su régimen. He aquí la gravedad de la presente </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">resolución</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>3. </b></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>Independencia</b></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b> apagada de la Unión Europea</b></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En la historia de la ONU no habrá, sin duda, un documento como el </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">informe de la comisión de investigación</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> sobre la situación de los derechos humanos de Corea, inventado torpemente con tanta premura.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La Unión Europea conocerá también que dicho </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">informe</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> tiene muchos defectos y debió ser verificado, aunque en lo mínimo.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Ya dimos la oportunidad de comprobación: se presentaron dos reportes contrarios sobre la misma situación al publicarse el informe de la Asociación de Estudio de Derechos Humanos de la RPDC que refleja realmente la política de DDHH y el régimen de aseguramiento de DDHH de esta y el estado de disfrute de DDHH de su pueblo.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">En ese contexto, dimos consentimiento a la visita a la RPDC del </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">relator especial</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"> de la ONU sobre la situación de DDHH en la RPDC y del representante plenipotenciario encargado de DDHH de la Unión Europea y propusimos con iniciativa la reanudación del diálogo con la UE sobre el mismo tema.</span></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Pero, la UE informó que en lo interno rehúsa el diálogo un país y en lo externo, lo rechazan EEUU y Japón. Y propuso aprobar primero la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">resolución</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">y realizar el diálogo después.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esos países son los que no reconocen la soberanía nacional de la RPDC en que se sintetizan los DDHH del pueblo.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En el contacto con la parte coreana del 27 de octubre de 2014, el </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">relator especial</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> dijo que propondrá a la UE excluir del </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">proyecto de resolución</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> el problema de la Corte Penal Internacional. Unos días después, cambió su posición diciendo que debe someter a dicha Corte el </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">problema de DDHH</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> de la RPDC y realizarse simultáneamente su visita a ésta.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esta opinión da lo mismo que negociar con el país con la pistola pegada en la frente.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Como demuestra toda la trayectoria de tratamiento del problema nuclear de más de 20 años, la RPDC tiene el temperamento de no dialogar nunca bajo la presión, y reconocer y acudir sólo al diálogo imparcial.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La presente postura de la UE nos hace pensar dos veces en la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">independencia</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> de que hablan tanto sus miembros.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Hace unos años, el premier de un país miembro de la UE se ganó el apodo de perro mimado de EEUU, pero hoy causa esa impresión toda la UE.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Entonces, nos cabe la duda de si se realizarán debidamente el diálogo y la cooperación con esa contraparte que no tiene sano juicio y es floja en su criterio.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Viendo la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">independencia</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> apagada de la UE, nos ponemos sospechosos </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">de las negociaciones</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> -de si valdrán la pena o no- con ese bloque.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>4. Extremada [<i>falta de</i>] imparcialidad de la ONU</b></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El proceso de aprobación forzosa de la presente </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">resolución</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> deja conocer claramente que hoy en día, la ONU se convierte en un lugar tumultuoso donde lo todo se decide según la coerción y la arbitrariedad y el dólar de EEUU y se ultraja el destino de los países débiles, lo cual contraviene al principio de igualdad de soberanía estipulado en la <a href="http://www.un.org/es/documents/charter/intro.shtml" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Carta de la ONU</a>.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En vísperas de la Asamblea General de la ONU de 2014, la cancillería coreana tuvo contactos y realizó el diálogo y la negociación con más de ciento cincuenta países miembros de la ONU con el tema de DDHH, excepto a los pocos connotados países hostiles.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La mayoría de los países miembros se mostraron escépticos del mencionado </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">informe</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> y reconocieron que fue politizado este documento. No pocos países confesaron que se verán obligados a abstenerse o ausentarse en la votación de la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">resolución</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> porque EEUU, Japón y otros países les amenazan con cortar la ayuda económica y el préstamo y les ejercen la presión política. Y nos rogaron considerar esos gestos como apoyo y solidaridad con la RPDC.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Tales países hubo muchos en Asia y África.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Durante el período de la Asamblea General de la ONU, se ha revelado fehacientemente quién se opone realmente al diálogo de DDHH.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El 23 de septiembre, EEUU anunció que organizaría en Nueva York la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">reunión de alto nivel sobre los DDHH del Norte de Corea</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, aparte del 69º período de sesiones de la Asamblea General de la ONU.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Partiendo del deseo de corregir la errónea concepción y el prejuicio sobre el </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">problema de DDHH</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> de la RPDC y dar a conocer correctamente su verdad, hemos expresado la voluntad de participar en esa reunión en calidad de parte interesada y eso se informó a la parte norteamericana.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La parte norteamericana nos respondió que daría la respuesta después. Al cabo de mantenerse callada, rechazó nuestra participación describiéndola como </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">inapropiada</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Desde el principio, es una costumbre y procedimiento invitar a la parte interesada en la agenda, a la hora de convocar todas las reuniones internacionales incluyendo las de la ONU.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">EEUU no tuvo el coraje de aceptar la participación de la RPDC, parte interesada directamente, o desde el principio quiso convertir esa reunión en un espacio de conspiración.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">¿Tendrán acaso ese país y sus lacayos la calidad de hablar del diálogo de DDHH?</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="351" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/KTS3XR3z49o" width="422" youtube-src-id="KTS3XR3z49o"></iframe></div><br /></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">No pocos países nos pidieron tomar en consideración que votaron a favor no por el problema de DDHH sino por la amenaza del imperio [estadounidense] y el país isla</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">[Japón] </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">con suspender la ayuda económica, lo cual demuestra a qué extremo han llegado la coerción y la arbitrariedad de EEUU en la ONU.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Como dijo una personalidad del Occidente, la ONU se convierte hoy día en el escenario donde el 99% de los países miembros son víctimas del 1% de los países miembros.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La RPDC no desea el </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">reconocimiento</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> de alguien en el problema de DDHH ni siente la necesidad de dejarse mover por otros.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Lo que prefiere el pueblo y conviene a su demanda e intereses llega a ser nuestra pauta de DDHH.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://dprktoday.com/tenyears" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="178" data-original-width="267" height="325" src="https://dprktoday.com/assets/img/first/first_tenyears.png" width="489" /></a></div><br /><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El complot orquestado esta vez en la ONU es una farsa política encaminada a oprimir la justicia con la injusticia y tapar la verdad con la falsedad. Es además el clímax de la payasada para engañar a todo el mundo con conspiraciones e inventos.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Causan la furia de nuestro pueblo las tentativas de EEUU y sus seguidores de derrocar al régimen socialista centrado en las masas populares, cuna de vida escogida por nuestro pueblo y considerada más valiosa que su vida.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Repercuten por doquier del país las voces que reclaman la venganza y el castigo severo a los que censuraron hasta la máxima dignidad que significa lo todo de su vida para el pueblo coreano.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Haremos todo lo posible para frustrar todas las manifestaciones de la ofensiva de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">DDHH</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> de EEUU y otras fuerzas hostiles y defender nuestro régimen socialista donde las masas populares son dueñas de todo y se garantizan -en el máximo nivel- sus verdaderos derechos humanos.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="190" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/StvF_ywrBlI" width="229" youtube-src-id="StvF_ywrBlI"></iframe><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="190" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/C3taphpVuOY" width="230" youtube-src-id="C3taphpVuOY"></iframe><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="190" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/bCImG4uDfHs" width="229" youtube-src-id="bCImG4uDfHs"></iframe><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="190" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/rlCHC6V-Jfk" width="230" youtube-src-id="rlCHC6V-Jfk"></iframe></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="192" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/GpxOsJYobeA" width="231" youtube-src-id="GpxOsJYobeA"></iframe><iframe allowfullscreen="" class="BLOG_video_class" height="192" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/5GCzyp4NEa8" width="230" youtube-src-id="5GCzyp4NEa8"></iframe></div><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">Por Pablo Pallas</span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi7eYCA34qLg3yuavhxdnu6WAlP9XTrsjbyx-bleFs9MVhDY0Tyx4oE_X2Ym8YE-dQlZosujM_5YaG0GiXvT5wD052YDhgMe4V_bkaQ7u5nhA1rYruxLCvUeqXooIRXS4K4Zy8i8w8Dfrr-/s1600/RPDC+paz.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="200" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi7eYCA34qLg3yuavhxdnu6WAlP9XTrsjbyx-bleFs9MVhDY0Tyx4oE_X2Ym8YE-dQlZosujM_5YaG0GiXvT5wD052YDhgMe4V_bkaQ7u5nhA1rYruxLCvUeqXooIRXS4K4Zy8i8w8Dfrr-/s200/RPDC+paz.jpg" width="140" /></a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>ESCOLIO.</b> La identificación de los «derechos humanos» es un problema de relaciones de primer género institución-institución principalmente. Esto, así, en tanto se asuman sus múltiples asuntos a partir de una dialéctica de Estados en <a href="http://filosofia.org/rev/bas/bas23008.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">codeterminación con otras dialécticas</a>; un ejemplo lo es, anotado <i>ut supra</i>, el Caso VI: la Unión de Naciones, en su informe de Derechos Humanos, refracta inevitablemente las tensiones históricas habidas entre los Estados Unidos de América y la República Popular Democrática de Corea. Es evidente que este objeto de trabajo académico no se reduce solo a tal generalidad (en su forma circular habría también <i>cuestiones psicológicas </i>para resolver lo relacional institución-persona o </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">persona-persona</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, sin desatender además esa otra especificidad de géneros</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">). No obstante, el nódulo de la cuestión es sobremanera el de un «choque de instituciones», especialmente si se lo trata en coordenadas geopolíticas en las que priman las relaciones de primer género entre instituciones supraindividuales de diferente potencia. Esta observación debería tenerse presente, al menos en cuanto los derechos humanos sean escopo de las distintas plataformas propagandistas habidas (asociaciones civiles, departamentos gubernativos, empresas periodísticas, fundaciones, etc.). No implica el supuesto, claro, pretender reducir de manera monista lo institucional a asunto comunicativo, ni los derechos humanos a mero instrumento de propaganda. Es simplemente una alternativa material de inicio de las discusiones <i>para prevenirse del mito</i>: la difusión de los «informes» de derechos humanos, habiendo relación de clases sociales antagónicas, necesariamente predomina <a href="http://www.paulcraigroberts.org/2015/08/03/washingtons-fifth-columns-inside-russia-china-paul-craig-roberts/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">según el <i>poder económico</i> de su fuente</a>. Aunque respecto de esto, una salvedad: LENIN -en ocasión de criticar el economismo de los redactores de la publicación Rabóchaya Mysl- advierte lo falaz de una tesis afirmada y reiterada que tan solo presupone que </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">la política sigue siempre dócilmente a la economía</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">. Este filósofo político material recalcará que <i>hay diferentes clases de política</i> (política socialdemócrata, política tradeunionista, etc.). Por tanto, al hacer referencia del <i>poder económico</i> -evitando con esto el mero economismo- se intenta proponer que la mencionada predominancia refluye -remedando a LENIN- <i><a href="http://www.marxists.org/espanol/lenin/obras/1900s/quehacer/qh2.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">por la sencilla razón de que la ideología burguesa es mucho más antigua por su origen que la ideología socialista, porque su elaboración es más completa y porque posee organismos de difusión incomparablemente mayores</a></i>. </span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.kcna.kp/es/article/q/2015117cdd7fee453256cc54f80f29f8.kcmsf" rel="nofollow" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;" target="_blank"><img border="0" data-original-height="478" data-original-width="900" height="258" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj6cwvxntwP_VTMI0MYNnxMiDg-qrHWU8bJC4-nxckQILQVmY9HAgbzDFa0P5NmrL7Sny6kwkOhLHRyweaVk64LWsvcjku_Ld8hk7B2Dc_9rm6qzg_dbODSHiF0kytijoIa3pdaJOlsQIyF_tedY8ACSXSIusfOupl8hrwQdMFuiZiPIj6nNoWPVQgfqw/w486-h258/Corea%20hogares.jpg" width="486" /></a></div><br /><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y por esto, aparte, para <i>alimento crítico</i> de esa institución, la de Derechos Humanos, se presenta accesoriamente -como injerto envolvente- una consecución de vídeos donde el filósofo material <a href="https://books.google.es/books?id=byNCAwAAQBAJ&pg=PA110&dq=Gustavo+Bueno:+60+visiones+sobre+su+obra&hl=es&sa=X&ei=xhqsVLWMOKO0sASJvIKQAQ&ved=0CCsQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q&f=false" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Gustavo BUENO</a> trata las cuestiones del «Hombre» o del «ser histórico» -como concepto decimonónico- y sus posibles embrollos teóricos. Fue dado a instancias de los </span><a href="http://www.fgbueno.es/encfil.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">XIX Encuentros de Filosofía de Oviedo, de 2014: «El "Reino del Hombre" desde las coordenadas del materialismo filosófico»</span></a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">. Aunque no se especializan esos encuentros en la morfología de los derechos humanos, igualmente se presentan estas piezas de hemeroteca porque refieren al material principal de sus temáticas: nosotros, los que ciertamente somos capaces de emanciparnos de la prehistoria de las Humanidades.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><iframe allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="//www.youtube.com/embed/Qsz7tdo65nA" width="419"></iframe><iframe allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="//www.youtube.com/embed/BFrpNVWbILk" width="419"></iframe><iframe allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="//www.youtube.com/embed/lbk2nw12qtE" width="419"></iframe><iframe allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="//www.youtube.com/embed/NCq7Z4TJtVc" width="419"></iframe></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b><br /></b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b><u>Cuodlibeto propedéutico</u></b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><i>Vid</i>. <a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">CSHRS</a>: FENG, Fei & ZHANG, Fengyang (tr. PAN, Yingzhao). 2022, noviembre 14. «Whose Dignity? How to Enjoy?— An Interpretation of a Concept Based on the Context of Ancient Roma» en URL: <a href="http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/MAGAZINES_1114/19226.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://www.chinahumanrights.org/html/2022/MAGAZINES_1114/19226.html</a> (Acceso 2022, diciembre 04).</span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><i>Vid</i>. ZHANG, Daode. 2022, noviembre 15. «Four Dimensions of Dignity Conception in Marxism» en URL: <a href="http://en.humanrights.cn/html/2022/MAGAZINES_1115/19227.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">http://en.humanrights.cn/html/2022/MAGAZINES_1115/19227.html</a> (Acceso 2022, diciembre 23).</span></div>
Pablo Pallashttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02676986163926451532noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8368737022377042313.post-53426450281679844792014-10-04T12:16:00.024-03:002021-12-08T21:56:22.037-03:00De la verdad narrada: Caso V<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;"><b>Semiótica de la verdad narrada</b></span><br />
<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: x-large;"><b>Problemáticas de la valoración</b></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #3d85c6; font-size: x-small;">¿Cómo aplicar crítica a partir de una macrohabilidad lingüística como lo es el «saber leer», confrontándose al mundo de lo narrado?</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: x-small;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>Fuente:</b> LENIN, V. I. 2000. </span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">El derecho de las naciones a la autodeterminación</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;"> en URL: </span><span style="font-size: x-small; text-align: left;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://www.marxists.org/espanol/lenin/obras/1910s/derech.htm#n9">https://www.marxists.org/espanol/lenin/obras/1910s/derech.htm#n9</a> (Acceso 2014, septiembre 16).</span></span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;"><b>Primera publicación:</b> En los núms. 4, 5 y 6 (abril a junio de 1914) de la <a href="http://dic.academic.ru/dic.nsf/bse/124389/%D0%9F%D1%80%D0%BE%D1%81%D0%B2%D0%B5%D1%89%D0%B5%D0%BD%D0%B8%D0%B5" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">revista Prosveschenie</a>.</span></div>
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<b style="color: #444444; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><a href="https://ebiblioteca.org/lecturas/?/v/31052/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">El derecho de las naciones a la autodeterminación</a></b><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;">Por <a href="http://rusopedia.rt.com/personalidades/politicos/issue_110.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">V. I. </a></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://rusopedia.rt.com/personalidades/politicos/issue_110.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">LENIN</a></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El apartado 9 del programa de los marxistas de Rusia, que trata del derecho de las naciones a la autodeterminación, ha provocado estos últimos tiempos (como ya hemos indicado en Prosveschenie) toda una campaña de los oportunistas. Tanto el liquidacionista ruso Semkovski, en el periódico petersburgués de los liquidadores, como el bundista Libman y el socialnacionalista ucranio Yurkévich en sus órganos de prensa, han arremetido contra dicho apartado, tratándolo en un tono de máximo desprecio. No cabe duda de que esta «</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">invasión de las doce tribus</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> del oportunismo, dirigida contra nuestro programa marxista, guarda estrecha relación con las actuales vacilaciones nacionalistas en general. Por ello nos parece oportuno examinar detenidamente esta cuestión. Observemos tan sólo que ninguno de los oportunistas arriba citados ha aducido ni un solo argumento propio: todos se han limitado a repetir lo dicho por Rosa Luxemburgo en su largo artículo polaco de 1908-1909: <a href="http://www.saludproletarios.com/.cm4all/mediadb/Otros_Doc/luxemburg_cuestion_nacional.pdf" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">La cuestión nacional y la autonomía</a>. Los </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">originales</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> argumentos de esta autora serán los que tendremos en presentes con más frecuencia en nuestra exposición.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>1. ¿QUÉ ES LA AUTODETERMINACIÓN DE LAS NACIONES?</b></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Es natural que esta cuestión se plantee ante todo cuando se intenta examinar de un modo marxista la llamada auodeterminación. ¿Qué debe entenderse por ella? ¿Deberemos buscar la respuesta en definiciones jurídicas, deducidas de toda clase de «</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">conceptos generales</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> de derecho? ¿O bien hay que buscar la respuesta en el estudio histórico-económico de los movimientos nacionales?</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">No es de extrañar que a los señores Semkovski, Libman y Yurkévich no se les haya pasado siquiera por las mientes plantear esta cuestión, saliendo del paso con simples risitas burlonas a costa de la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">falta de claridad</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> del programa marxista y tal vez no sabiendo siquiera, en su simpleza, que de la autodeterminación de las naciones habla no sólo el <a href="http://es.scribd.com/doc/134534683/Programa-Del-Partido-Bolchevique-1903" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">programa ruso de 1903</a>, sino también la decisión del <a href="http://elguanche.info/Ficheros2/autodeterminacionoindependencia.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Congreso Internacional de Londres de 1896</a> (ya hablaremos con detenimiento de ello en su lugar). Mucho más extraño es que Rosa Luxemburgo, quien tantas declamaciones hace sobre el supuesto carácter abstracto y metafísico de dicho apartado, haya incurrido ella misma precisamente en este pecado de lo abstracto y metafísico. Precisamente Rosa Luxemburgo es quien viene a caer a cada paso en disquisiciones generales sobre la autodeterminación (hasta llegar incluso a una lucubración del todo divertida sobre el modo de conocer la voluntad de una nación), sin plantear en parte alguna de un modo claro y preciso si el quid de la cuestión está en las definiciones jurídicas o en la experiencia de los movimientos nacionales del mundo entero.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El plantear con exactitud esta cuestión, inevitable para un marxista, hubiera deshecho en el acto las nueve décimas partes de los argumentos de Rosa Luxemburgo. Ni es la primera vez que surgen movimientos nacionales en Rusia ni le son inherentes a ella sola. La época del triunfo definitivo del capitalismo sobre el feudalismo estuvo ligada en todo el mundo a movimientos nacionales. La base económica de estos movimientos estriba en que, para la victoria completa de la producción mercantil, es necesario que la burguesía conquiste el mercado interior, es necesario que territorios con población de un solo idioma adquieran cohesión estatal, eliminándose cuantos obstáculos se opongan al desarrollo de ese idioma y a su consolidación en la literatura. El idioma es el medio principal de comunicación entre los hombres; la unidad de idioma y el libre desarrollo del mismo es una de las condiciones más importantes de una circulación mercantil realmente libre y amplia, correspondiente al capitalismo moderno, de una agrupación libre y amplia de la población en cada una de las diversas clases; es, por último, la condición de un estrecho nexo del mercado con todo propietario, grande o pequeño, con todo vendedor y comprador.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Por ello, la tendencia de todo movimiento nacional es formar Estados nacionales, que son los que mejor cumplen estas exigencias del capitalismo contemporáneo. Impulsan a ello factores económicos de lo más profundos, y para toda la Europa Occidental, es más, para todo el mundo civilizado, el Estado nacional es por ello lo típico, lo normal en el período capitalista.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Por consiguiente, si queremos entender lo que significa la autodeterminación de las naciones, sin jugar a definiciones jurídicas ni «</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">inventar</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> definiciones abstractas, sino examinando las condiciones históricas y económicas de los movimientos nacionales, llegaremos inevitablemente a la conclusión siguiente: por autodeterminación de las naciones se entiende su separación estatal de las colectividades de otra nación, se entiende la formación de un Estado nacional independiente.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Más abajo veremos aún otras razones por las que sería erróneo entender por derecho a la autodeterminación todo lo que no sea el derecho a una existencia estatal independiente. Pero ahora debemos detenernos a analizar cómo ha intentado Rosa Luxemburgo «</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">deshacerse</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> de la inevitable conclusión sobre las profundas bases económicas en que descansan las tendencias a la formación de Estados nacionales.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">Rosa Luxemburgo conoce perfectamente el folleto de Kautsky: Nacionalidad e internacionalidad (suplemento de Neue Zeit, núm. 1, 1907-1908; traducido al ruso en la revista Naúchnaya Mysl, Riga, 1908). Sabe que Kautsky, después de examinar detalladamente en el apartado 4 del folleto el problema del Estado nacional, llegó a la conclusión de que Otto Bauer </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">subestima la fuerza de la tendencia a la creación de un Estado nacional</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"> (pág. 23 del folleto citado). La propia Rosa Luxemburgo cita las palabras de Kautsky: </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">El Estado nacional es la forma de Estado que mejor corresponde a las condiciones modernas</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"> (es decir, a las condiciones capitalistas civilizadas, progresivas en el aspecto económico, a diferencia de las condiciones medievales, precapitalistas, etc.), </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">es la forma en que el Estado puede cumplir con mayor facilidad sus tareas</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"> (es decir, las tareas de un desarrollo más libre, más amplio y más rápido del capitalismo). A esto hay que añadir, además, la observación final de Kautsky, más exacta aún: los Estados de composición nacional heterogénea (los llamados Estados multinacionales a diferencia de los Estados nacionales) son </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">siempre Estados cuya estructura interna es, por tales a cuales razones, anormal o subdesarrollada</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"> (atrasada). De suyo se entiende que Kautsky habla de anormalidad exclusivamente en el sentido de no corresponder a lo que está más adecuado a las exigencias del capitalismo en desarrollo.</span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">Cabe preguntar ahora cuál ha sido la actitud de Rosa Luxemburgo ante estas conclusiones históricas y económicas de Kautsky. ¿Son atinadas o erróneas? ¿Quién tiene razón: Kautsky, con su teoría histórico-económica, o Bauer, cuya teoría es, en el fondo, psicológica? ¿Qué relación guarda el indudable </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">oportunismo nacional</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"> de Bauer, su defensa de una autonomía nacional cultural, sus apasionamientos nacionalistas (</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">la acentuación del factor nacional en ciertos puntos</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">, como ha dicho Kautsky), su </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">enorme exageración del factor nacional y su completo olvido del factor internacional</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"> (Kautsky), con su subestimación de la fuerza que entraña la tendencia a crear un Estado nacional?</span></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Rosa Luxemburgo no ha planteado siquiera este problema. No ha notado esta relación. No ha reflexionado sobre el conjunto de las concepciones teóricas de Bauer. Ni siquiera ha opuesto en el problema nacional la teoría histórico-económica a la psicológica. Se ha limitado a las siguientes observaciones contra Kautsky:</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">...Ese Estado nacional "más perfecto" no es sino una abstracción, fácilmente susceptible de ser desarrollada y defendida teóricamente, pero que no corresponde a la realidad</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> (Przéglad Socjaldemokratyczny, 1908, núm. 6, pág. 499).</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y para confirmar esta declaración categórica, sigue razonando: el desarrollo de las grandes potencias capitalistas y el imperialismo hacen ilusorio el </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">derecho a la autodeterminación</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> de los pequeños pueblos. </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">¿Puede acaso hablarse en serio -exclama Rosa Luxemburgo- de la "autodeterminación" de los montenegrinos, búlgaros, rumanos, servios, griegos, y, en parte, incluso, de los suizos, pueblos todos que gozan de independencia formal, producto ésta de la lucha política y del juego diplomático del "concierto europeo"?</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> (!) (pág. 500). Lo que mejor responde a las condiciones </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">no es el Estado nacional, como supone Kautsky, sino el Estado de rapiña</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">. Inserta unas cuantas decenas de cifras sobre las proporciones de las colonias que pertenecen a Inglaterra, a Francia, etc.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">¡Leyendo semejantes razonamientos no puede uno menos de asombrarse de la capacidad de la autora para no distinguir las cosas! Enseñar a Kautsky, dándose importancia, que los Estados pequeños dependen de los grandes en lo económico; que los Estados burgueses luchan entre sí por el sometimiento rapaz de otras naciones; que existen el imperialismo y las colonias: todo esto son lucubraciones ridículas, infantiles, porque no tiene nada que ver con el asunto. No sólo los pequeños Estados, sino también Rusia, por ejemplo, dependen por entero, en el aspecto económico, del poderío del capital financiero imperialista de los países burgueses </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">ricos</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">. No sólo los Estados balcánicos, Estados en miniatura, sino también la América del siglo XIX ha sido, en el aspecto económico, una colonia de Europa, según dejó ya dicho Marx en El Capital </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">[<a href="http://books.google.com.uy/books?id=LxOWAwAAQBAJ&printsec=frontcover&dq=El+Capital+MARX+tomo+I&hl=es&sa=X&ei=5N0gVOH0G8uKyATS-4HADw&ved=0CCEQ6AEwAQ#v=onepage&q=El%20Capital%20MARX%20tomo%20I&f=false" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Tomo I</a>; <a href="http://books.google.com.uy/books?id=wxOWAwAAQBAJ&pg=PT407&dq=El+Capital+MARX+tomo+II&hl=es&sa=X&ei=Zd4gVOORD4aqyASFxIGACw&ved=0CCQQ6AEwAg#v=onepage&q=El%20Capital%20MARX%20tomo%20II&f=false" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Tomo II</a>; <a href="http://books.google.com.uy/books?id=DRSWAwAAQBAJ&pg=PT9&dq=El+Capital+MARX+tomo+III&hl=es&sa=X&ei=uN4gVO_xJsOVyASLq4CYDg&ved=0CCcQ6AEwAg#v=onepage&q=El%20Capital%20MARX%20tomo%20III&f=false" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Tomo III</a>]</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">. Todo esto lo sabe de sobra Kautsky, como cualquier marxista, pero nada de ello viene a cuento con relación a los movimientos nacionales y al Estado nacional.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Rosa Luxemburgo sustituye el problema de la autodeterminación política de las naciones en la sociedad burguesa, de su independencia estatal, con el de su autodeterminación e independencia económicas. Esto es tan inteligente como exponer una persona, al tratar de la reivindicación programática que exige la supremacia del parlamento, es decir, de la asamblea de representantes populares, en el Estado burgués, su convicción, plenamente justa, de que, en un país burgués, el gran capital tiene la supremacía bajo cualquier régimen.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">No cabe duda de que la mayor parte de Asia, el continente más poblado del mundo, se halla en la situación de colonias de las «grandes potencias</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"> o de Estados dependientes en grado sumo y oprimidos en el sentido nacional. Pero ¿acaso esta circunstancia de todos conocida altera en lo más mínimo el hecho indiscutible de que, en la misma Asia, sólo en el Japón, es decir, sólo en un Estado nacional independiente, se han creado condiciones para el desarrollo más completo de la producción mercantil, para el crecimiento más libre, amplio y rápido del capitalismo?</span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> Este Estado es burgués y, por ello, ha empezado a oprimir él mismo a otras naciones y sojuzgar a colonias; no sabemos si, antes de la bancarrota del capitalismo, Asia tendrá tiempo de estructurarse en un sistema de Estados nacionales independientes, a semejanza de Europa. Pero queda como un hecho indiscutible que el capitalismo, tras despertar a Asia, ha provocado también allí en todas partes movimientos nacionales, que estos movimientos tienden a crear en Asia Estados nacionales y que precisamente tales Estados son los que aseguran las condiciones más favorables para el desrrollo del capitalismo: El ejemplo de Asia habla a favor de Kautsky, contra Rosa Luxemburgo.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El ejemplo de los Estados balcánicos habla también contra ella, porque cualquiera puede ver ahora que precisamente a medida que se crean en esa península Estados nacionales independientes se va dando las condiciones más favorables para el desarrollo del capitalismo en ella.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Por consiguiente, el ejemplo de toda la humanidad civilizada de vanguardia, el ejemplo de los Balcanes y el ejemplo de Asia demuestran, a pesar de Rosa Luxemburgo, la absoluta justedad de la tesis de Kautsky: el Estado nacional es regla y «</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">norma</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> del capitalismo, el Estado de composición nacional heterogénea es atraso o excepción. Desde el punto de vista de las relaciones nacionales, el Estado nacional es el que ofrece, sin duda alguna, las condiciones más favorables para el desarrollo del capitalismo. Lo cual no quiere decir, naturalmente, que semejante Estado, erigido sobre las relaciones burguesas, pueda excluir la explotación y la opresión de las naciones. Quiere decir tan solo que los marxistas no pueden perder de vista los poderosos factores económicos que originan las tendencias a crear Estados nacionales. Quiere decir que </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">la autodeterminación de las naciones</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, en el programa de los marxistas, no puede tener, desde el punto de vista histórico-económico, otra significación que la autodeterminación política, la independencia estatal, la formación de un Estado nacional.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Más abajo hablaremos detalladamente de las condiciones que se exigen, desde el punto de vista marxista, es decir, desde el punto de vista proletario de clase, para apoyar la reivindicación democrática burguesa del «</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Estado nacional</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">. Ahora nos limitamos a definir el concepto de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">autodeterminación</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, y sólo debemos señalar que Rosa Luxemburgo conoce el contenido de este concepto (</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Estado nacional</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">), mientras que sus partidarios oportunistas, los Libman, los Semkovski, los Yurkévich ¡no saben ni eso!</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://64.media.tumblr.com/7bf4881eede6a34e527e2187b8ab25c2/tumblr_o4wm4nCGJN1ukmr5jo1_640.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="350" data-original-width="630" height="135" src="https://64.media.tumblr.com/7bf4881eede6a34e527e2187b8ab25c2/tumblr_o4wm4nCGJN1ukmr5jo1_640.jpg" width="243" /></a></div>2. PLANTEAMIENTO HISTÓRICO CONCRETO DE LA CUESTIÓN</b></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La teoría marxista exige de un modo absoluto que, para analizar cualquier problema social, se le encuadre en un marco histórico determinado, y después, si se trata de un solo país (por ejemplo, de un programa nacional para un país determinado), que se tenga en cuenta las particularidades concretas que distinguen a este país de los otros en una misma época histórica.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">¿Qué implica este requisito absoluto del marxismo aplicado a nuestro problema?</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Ante todo, que es necesario distinguir estrictamente dos épocas del capitalismo diferentes por completo desde el punto de vista de los movimientos nacionales. Por una parte, es la época de la bancarrota del feudalismo y del absolutismo, la época en que se constituyen la sociedad democrática burguesa y su Estado, la época en que los movimientos nacionales adquieren por vez primera el carácter de movimientos de masas, incorporando de uno u otro modo a todas las clases de la población a la política por medio de la prensa, de su participación en instituciones representativas, etc. Por otra parte, presenciamos una época en que los Estados capitalistas tienen ya su estructura acabada, un régimen constitucional hace mucho tiempo establecido y un antagonismo muy desarrollado entre el proletariado y la burguesía; presenciamos una época que puede llamarse víspera del hundimiento del capitalismo.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Lo típico de la primera época es el despertar de los movimientos nacionales y la incorporación a ellos de los campesinos, que son el sector de la población más numeroso y más «</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">difícil de mover</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> para la lucha por la libertad política en general y por los derechos de la nación en particular. Lo típico de la segunda es la ausencia de movimientos democráticos burgueses de masas, cuando el capitalismo desarrollado, al aproximar y amalgamar cada día más las naciones, ya plenamente incorporadas al intercambio comercial, pone en primer plano el antagonismo entre el capital fundido a escala internacional y el movimiento obrero internacional.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Claro que ni la una ni la otra época están separadas entre sí por una muralla, sino ligadas por numerosos eslabones de transición; además, los diversos países se distinguen por la rapidez del desarrollo nacional, por la composición nacional de su población, por su distribución etc., etc. No puede ni hablarse de que los marxistas de un país determinado procedan a elaborar el programa nacional sin tener en cuenta todas las condiciones históricas generales y estatales concretas.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Aquí es justamente donde tropezamos con el punto más débil de los razonamientos de Rosa Luxemburgo. Rosa Luxemburgo engalana con brío extraordinario su artículo de una retahíla de palabrejas «</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">fuertes</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> contra el apartado 9 de nuestro programa, declarándolo </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">demasiado general</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">clisé</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">frase metafísica</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, etc., etc. Era natural esperar que una autora que condena de manera tan excelente la metafísica (en sentido marxista, es decir, la antidialéctica) y las abstracciones vacías, nos diera ejemplo de un análisis concreto del problema encuadrado en la historia. Se trata del programa nacional de los marxistas de un país determinado, Rusia, en una época determinada, a comienzos del siglo XX. Era de suponer que Rosa Luxemburgo hablase de la época histórica por la que atraviesa Rusia, de cuáles son las particularidades concretas del problema nacional y de los movimientos nacionales del país dado y en la época dada.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">¡Absolutamente nada dice sobre ello Rosa Luxemburgo! ¡No se encontrará en ella ni sombra de análisis de cómo se plantea el problema nacional en Rusia en la época histórica presente, de cuáles son las particularidades de Rusia en ese sentido!</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Se nos dice que el problema nacional se plantea en los Balcanes de un modo distinto que en Irlanda; que Marx conceptuaba así y asá los movimientos nacionales polaco y checo en las condiciones concretas de 1848 (una página de citas de Marx); que Engels emitía tal y cual juicio sobre la lucha de los cantones forestales de Suiza contra Austria y la batalla de Morgarten, que se riñó en 1315 (una página de citas de Engels con el correspondiente comentario de Kautsky); que Lassalle consideraba reaccionaria la guerra campesina del siglo XVI en Alemania, etc.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">No puede afirmarse que estas observaciones y estas citas brillen por su novedad, pero, en todo caso, al lector le resulta interesante volver a recordar una y otra vez cómo precisamente abordaban Marx, Engels y Lasalle el análisis de problemas históricos concretos de diversos países. Y, al releer las instructivas citas de Marx y de Engels, se ve con singular evidencia la ridícula situación en que se ha colocado a sí misma Rosa Luxemburgo. Predica con gravedad y elocuencia que es necesario hacer un análisis concreto del problema nacional encuadrado en la historia de épocas diferentes de distintos países, y ella misma no hace el mínimo intento de determinar cuál es la fase histórica de desarrollo del capitalismo, por la que atraviesa Rusia en los comienzos del siglo XX, cuáles son las peculiaridades del problema nacional en este país. Rosa Luxemburgo aduce ejemplos de cómo otros han analizado al modo marxista el problema, como subrayando así deliberadamente cuán a menudo está el camino del infierno empedrado de buenas intenciones y se encubre con buenos consejos el no querer o no saber utilizarlos en la práctica.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">He aquí una de las instructivas confrontaciones. Alzándose contra la consigna de independencia de Polonia, Rosa Luxemburgo se refiere a un trabajo suyo de 1898 que demostraba el rápido «</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">desarrollo industrial de Polonia</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> con la salida de los productos manufacturados a Rusia. Ni que decir tiene que de esto no se deduce absolutamente nada sobre el problema del derecho a la autodeterminación, que esto sólo demuestra que ha desaparecido la vieja Polonia señorial, etc. Pero Rosa Luxemburgo pasa de manera imperceptible y sin cesar a la conclusión de que, entre los factores que ligan a Rusia con Polonia, predominan ya en la actualidad los factores económicos escuetos de las relaciones capitalistas modernas.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Pero he aquí que nuestra Rosa pasa al problema de la autonomía y -aunque su artículo se titula «</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El problema nacional y la autonomía</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> en general-, comienza por demostrar que el reino de Polonia tiene un derecho exclusivo a la autonomía (véase sobre este punto Prosveschenie, 1913, núm. 12). Para corroborar el derecho de Polonia a la autonomía, Rosa Luxemburgo caracteriza el régimen estatal de Rusia por indicios evidentemente económicos, políticos, etnológicos y sociológicos, por un conjunto de rasgos que, en suma, dan el concepto de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">despotismo asiático</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> (núm. 12 de Przeglad, pág. 137).</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">De todos es sabido que semejante régimen estatal tiene una solidez muy grande cuando, en la economía del país de que se trate, predominan rasgos absolutamente patriarcales, precapitalistas, y un desarrollo insignificante de la economía mercantil y de la disociación de las clases. Pero si en un país, cuyo régimen estatal se distingue por presentar un carácter acusadamente precapitalista, existe una región nacional delimitada que lleva un rápido desarrollo del capitalismo, resulta que cuanto más rápido sea ese desarrollo capitalista tanto más fuerte será la contradicción entre este desarrollo y el régimen estatal precapitalista, tanto más probable será que la región avanzada se separe del resto del país, al que no la ligan los lazos de «</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">capitalismo moderno</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">, sino los de un </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">despotismo asiático</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">.</span></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Así pues, Rosa Luxemburgo no ha atado en absoluto cabos, ni siquiera en lo que se refiere a la estructura social del poder en Rusia con relación a la Polonia burguesa; y en cuanto a las peculiaridades históricas concretas de los movimientos nacionales en Rusia, ni siquiera las plantea.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En eso es en lo que debemos detenernos.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcTGJpjZQQJ5_xBfx6tBL2XWcRHhn2VroZWj6YcIqcERu2I8T5sG3HJ4kBDfjLu229QqB9o&usqp=CAU" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="264" data-original-width="191" height="264" src="https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcTGJpjZQQJ5_xBfx6tBL2XWcRHhn2VroZWj6YcIqcERu2I8T5sG3HJ4kBDfjLu229QqB9o&usqp=CAU" width="191" /></a></div>3. LAS PECULIARIDADES CONCRETAS DEL PROBLEMA NACIONAL EN RUSIA Y LA TRANSFORMACIÓN DEMOCRÁTICA BURGUESA DE ESTA</b></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«...A pesar de lo elástico que es el principio del "derecho de las naciones a la autodeterminación", que es el más puro de los lugares comunes, ya que, evidentemente, se puede aplicar por igual no sólo a los pueblos que habitan Rusia, sino también a las naciones que viven en Alemania y en Austria, en Suiza y en Suecia, en América y en Australia, no lo encontramos ni en un solo programa de los partidos socialistas contemporáneos...</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> (núm. 6 de Przeglad, pág. 483).</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Así escribe Rosa Luxemburgo en el comienzo de su cruzada contra el apartado 9 del programa marxista. Atribuyéndonos a nosotros la interpretación de que este apartado del programa es </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">el más puro de los lugares comunes</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, Rosa Luxemburgo misma incurre precisamente en este pecado, al declarar con divertida osadía que, </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">evidentemente, este principio se puede aplicar por igual</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> a Rusia, Alemania, etc.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Lo evidente -contestaremos nosotros- es que Rosa Luxemburgo ha decidido ofrecer en su artículo una colección de errores lógicos que servirían como ejercicios para los estudiantes de bachillerato. Porque la parrafada de Rosa Luxemburgo es un completo absurdo y una mofa del planteamiento histórico concreto de la cuestión.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">Si el programa marxista no se interpreta de manera pueril, sino marxista, no cuesta ningún trabajo percatarse de que se refiere a los movimientos nacionales democráticos burgueses. Siendo así -y es así, sin duda alguna-, se deduce evidentemente que ese programa concierne «</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">en general</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">, como </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">lugar común</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">, etc., a todos los casos de movimientos nacionales democráticos burgueses. No menos evidente sería también para Rosa Luxemburgo, de haberlo pensado lo más mínimo, la conclusión de que nuestro programa se refiere tan sólo a los casos en que existe tal movimiento.</span></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Si Rosa Luxemburgo hubiera reflexionado sobre estas consideraciones evidentes, habría visto sin esfuerzos particulares qué absurdo ha dicho. Al acusarnos a nosotros de haber propuesto un «</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">lugar común</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, aduce contra nosotros el argumento de que no se habla de autodeterminación de las naciones en el programa de los países donde no hay movimientos nacionales democráticos burgueses. ¡Un argumento muy inteligente!</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La comparación del desarrollo político y económico de distintos países, así como de sus programas marxistas, tiene inmensa importancia desde el punto de vista del marxismo, pues son indudables tanto la naturaleza común capitalista de los Estados contemporáneos como la ley general de su desarrollo. Pero hay que saber hacer semejante comparación. La condición elemental para ello es poner en claro si son comparables las épocas históricas del desarrollo de los países de que se trate. Por ejemplo, sólo perfectos ignorantes (como el príncipe E. Trubetskói en Rússkaya Mysl) pueden «</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">comparar</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> el programa agrario de los marxistas de Rusia con los de Europa Occidental, pues nuestro programa da una solución al problema de la transformación agraria democrática burguesa, de la cual ni siquiera se habla en los países de Occidente.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Lo mismo puede afirmarse del problema nacional. En la mayoría de los países occidentales hace ya mucho tiempo que está resuelto. Es ridículo buscar en los programas de Occidente solución a problemas que no existen. Rosa Luxemburgo ha perdido de vista aquí precisamente lo que tiene más importancia: la diferencia entre los países que hace tiempo han terminado las transformaciones democráticas burguesas y los países que no las han terminado.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Todo el quid está en esa diferencia. La desestimación completa de esa diferencia es lo que convierte el larguísimo artículo de Rosa Luxemburgo en un fárrago de lugares comunes vacíos que no dicen nada.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En la Europa continental, de Occidente, la época de las revoluciones democráticas burguesas abarca un lapso bastante determinado, aproximadamente de 1789 a 1871. Esta fue precisamente la época de los movimientos nacionales y de la creación de los Estados nacionales. Terminada esta época, Europa Occidental había cristalizado en un sistema de Estados burgueses que, además, eran, como norma, Estados unidos en el aspecto nacional. Por eso, buscar ahora el derecho de autodeterminación en los programas de los socialistas de Europa Occidental significa no comprender el abecé del marxismo.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En Europa Oriental y en Asia, la época de las revoluciones democráticas burguesas no comenzó hasta 1905. Las revoluciones de Rusia, Persia, Turquía y China, las guerras en los Balcanes: tal es la cadena de los acontecimientos mundiales ocurridos en nuestra época en nuestro «</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Oriente</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">. Y en esta cadena de acontecimientos sólo un ciego puede no ver el despertar de toda una serie de movimientos nacionales democráticos burgueses, de tendencias a crear Estados independientes y unidos en el aspecto nacional. Precisa y exclusivamente porque Rusia y los países vecinos suyos atraviesan por esa época necesitamos nosotros en nuestro programa un apartado sobre el derecho de las naciones a la autodeterminación.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Pero veamos unos cuantos renglones más del pasaje antes citado del artículo de Rosa Luxemburgo:</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«...En particular -dice-, el programa de un partido que actúa en un Estado de composición nacional extraordinariamente heterogénea y para el que el problema nacional desempeña un papel de primer orden -el programa de la socialdemocracia austríaca- no contiene el principio del derecho de las naciones a la autodeterminación</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">. (Lugar cit.).</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">De modo que se quiere persuadir al lector «</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">en particular</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> con el ejemplo de Austria. Veamos, desde el punto de vista histórico concreto, si hay mucho de razonable en este ejemplo.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Primero, hacemos la pregunta fundamental de si se ha llevado a término la revolución democrática burguesa. En Austria empezó en 1848 y terminó en 1867. Desde entonces hace casi medio siglo que rige allí una Constitución, en suma, burguesa, que permite actuar en la legalidad a un partido obrero legal.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Por eso, en las condiciones interiores del desarrollo de Austria (es decir, desde el punto de vista del desarrollo del capitalismo en Austria, en general, y en sus diversas naciones, en particular) no hay factores que den lugar a saltos, uno de cuyos efectos concomitantes puede ser la formación de Estados nacionales independientes. Al suponer con su comparación que Rusia se encuentra, sobre este punto, en condiciones análogas, Rosa Luxemburgo no sólo admite una hipótesis falsa por completo, antihistórica, sino que se desliza sin querer hacia el liquidacionismo.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Segundo, tiene una importancia de singular magnitud la proporción entre las naciones, totalmente diferente en Austria y en Rusia respecto al problema que nos ocupa. No sólo ha sido Austria, durante largo tiempo, un Estado en que predominaban los alemanes, sino que los alemanes de Austria pretendían la hegemonía en la nación alemana en general. Esta «</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">pretensión</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, como quizá tenga a bien recordar Rosa Luxemburgo (que tanta aversión parece sentir contra los lugares comunes, los clisés, las abstracciones...), la deshizo la guerra de 1866. La nación dominante en Austria, la alemana, quedó fuera de los confines del Estado alemán independiente, definitivamente formado hacia 1871. De otro lado, el intento de los húngaros de crear un Estado nacional independiente había fracasado ya en 1849 bajo los golpes del ejército feudal ruso.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Así pues, se ha creado una situación peculiar en grado sumo: ¡los húngaros, y tras ellos los checos, no tienden a separarse de Austria, sino a mantener la integridad de Austria, precisamente en beneficio de la independencia nacional, que podría ser aplastada del todo por vecinos más rapaces y más fuertes! En virtud de esa situación peculiar, Austria ha tomado la estructura de Estado bicéntrico (dual) y ahora se está convirtiendo en tricéntrico (tríplice:alemanes, húngaros y eslavos).</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">¿Sucede en Rusia algo parecido? ¿Aspiran en Rusia los «</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">alógenos</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> a unirse con los rusos bajo la amenaza de una opresión nacional peor?</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Basta hacer esta pregunta para ver cuán absurda, rutinaria y propia de ignorantes resulta la comparación entre Rusia y Austria en cuanto a la autodeterminación de las naciones.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Las condiciones peculiares de Rusia, en lo que toca a la cuestión nacional, son precisamente lo contrario de lo que hemos visto en Austria. Rusia es un Estado con un centro nacional único, ruso. Los rusos ocupan un gigantesco territorio compacto, y su número asciende aproximadamente a 70 millones. La peculiaridad de este Estado nacional reside, primero, en que los «</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">alógenos</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> (que en conjunto constituyen la mayoría de la población, el 57%) pueblan precisamente la periferia; segundo, en el hecho de que la opresión de estos alógenos es mucho más fuerte que en los países vecinos (incluso no tan sólo en los europeos); tercero, en que hay toda una serie de casos en que los pueblos oprimidos que viven en la periferia tienen compatriotas al otro lado de la frontera, y estos últimos gozan de mayor independencia nacional (basta recordar, aunque sólo sea en las fronteras occidental y meridional del Estado, a finlandeses, suecos, polacos, ucranios y rumanos); cuarto, en que el desarrollo del capitalismo y el nivel general de cultura son con frecuencia más altos en la periferia alógena que en el centro del Estado. Por último, precisamente en los Estados asiáticos vecinos presenciamos el comienzo de un período de revoluciones burguesas y de movimientos nacionales que comprenden en parte a los pueblos afines dentro de las fronteras de Rusia.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Así pues, son precisamente las peculiaridades históricas concretas del problema nacional en Rusia las que hacen entre nosotros urgente en especial el reconocimiento del derecho de las naciones a la autodeterminación en la época que atravesamos.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Por lo demás, incluso vista en el sentido del hecho escueto, es errónea la afirmación de Rosa Luxemburgo de que en el programa de los socialdemócratas austríacos no figura el reconocimiento del derecho de las naciones a la autodeterminación. Basta abrir las actas del <a href="http://www.vientosur.info/spip.php?article1578" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Congreso de Brünn</a>, en el que se aprobó el programa nacional, para ver allí las declaraciones del socialdemócrata ruteno Gankévich, en nombre de toda la delegación ucrania (rutena) (pág. 85 de las actas), y del socialdemócrata polaco Reger, en nombre de toda la delegación polaca (pág. 108), diciendo que los socialdemócratas austríacos de las dos naciones indicadas incluían entre sus aspiraciones la de la unificación nacional, de la libertad e independencia de sus pueblos. Por consiguiente, la socialdemocracia austríaca, sin propugnar directamente en su programa el derecho de las naciones a la autodeterminación, transige plenamente, al mismo tiempo, con que ciertos sectores del partido presenten reivindicaciones de independencia nacional. ¡De hecho, esto justamente significa, como es natural, reconocer el derecho de las naciones a la autodeterminación! De modo que la apelación de Rosa Luxemburgo a Austria habla en todos los sentidos contra ella.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"><b><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://rusmania.com/perch/resources/lenin-selfy.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="536" data-original-width="800" height="162" src="https://rusmania.com/perch/resources/lenin-selfy.jpg" width="242" /></a></div>4. EL «</b></span><b style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">PRACTICISMO</b><b style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">»</b><b style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"> EN EL PROBLEMA NACIONAL</b></span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">Los oportunistas han hecho suyo con celo singular el argumento de Rosa Luxemburgo de que el apartado 9 de nuestro programa no contiene nada </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">práctico</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">. Rosa Luxemburgo está tan entusiasmada con este argumento que encontramos en algunas ocasiones ocho veces repetida esa </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">consigna</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"> en una misma página de su artículo.</span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">El apartado 9 </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">no da -dice ella- ninguna indicación práctica para la política cotidiana del proletariado, ninguna solución práctica de los problemas nacionales</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">.</span></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Analicemos este argumento, que también se formula de manera que el apartado 9 o no expresa absolutamente nada u obliga a apoyar todas las aspiraciones nacionales.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">¿Qué significa la reivindicación de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">practicismo</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"> en el problema nacional?</span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">O un apoyo a todas las aspiraciones nacionales, o el </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">sí o no</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"> a la disyuntiva de separación de cada nación o, en general, la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">posibilidad de satisfacción</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"> inmediata de las reivindicaciones nacionales.</span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">Examinemos estas tres interpretaciones posibles de las reivindicación de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">practicismo</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">.</span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">La burguesía, que actúa, como es natural, en los comienzos de todo movimiento nacional como fuerza hegemónica (dirigente) del mismo, llama labor práctica al apoyo a todas las aspiraciones nacionales. Pero la política del proletariado en el problema nacional (como en los demás problemas) sólo apoya a la burguesía en una dirección determinada, pero nunca coincide con su política. La clase obrera sólo apoya a la burguesía en aras de las paz nacional (que la burguesía no puede dar plenamente y es viable sólo si hay una completa democratización), en beneficio de la igualdad de derechos, en beneficio de la situación más favorable posible para la lucha de clases. Por eso, precisamente contra el practicismo de la burguesía, los proletarios propugnan una política de principios en el problema nacional, prestando a la burguesía siempre un apoyo sólo condicional. En el problema nacional, toda burguesía desea o privilegios para su nación o ventajas exclusivas para ésta; precisamente eso es lo que se llama </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">práctico</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">. El proletariado está en contra de toda clase de privilegios, en contra de todo exclusivismo. Exigirle </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">practicismo</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"> significa ir a remolque de la burguesía, caer en el oportunismo.</span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">¿Contestar </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">sí o no</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"> en lo que se refiere a la separación de cada nación? Parece una reivindicación sumamente </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">práctica</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">. Pero, en realidad, es absurda, metafísica en teoría y conducente a subordinar el proletariado a la política de la burguesía en la práctica. La burguesía plantea siempre en primer plano sus reivindicaciones nacionales. Y las plantea de un modo incondicional. El proletariado las subordina a los intereses de la lucha de clases. Teóricamente no puede garantizarse de antemano que la separación de una nación determinada o su igualdad de derechos con otra nación ponga término a la revolución democrática burguesa. Al proletariado le importa, en ambos casos, garantizar el desarrollo de su clase; a la burguesía le importa dificultar este desarrollo, supeditando las tareas de dicho desarrollo a las tareas de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">su</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif"> nación. Por eso el proletariado se limita a la reivindicación negativa, por así decir, de reconocer el derecho a la autodeterminación, sin garantizar nada a ninguna nación ni comprometerse a dar nada a expensas de otra nación.</span></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Eso no será </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">práctico</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, pero es de hecho lo que garantiza con mayor seguridad la más democrática de las soluciones posibles; el proletariado necesita tan sólo estas garantías, mientras que la burguesía de cada nación necesita garantías de sus ventajas, sin tener en cuenta la situación (las posibles desventajas) de otras naciones.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Lo que más interesa a la burguesía es la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">posibilidad de satisfacción</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> de la reivindicación dada; de aquí la eterna política de transacciones con la burguesía de otras naciones en detrimento del proletariado. En cambio, al proletariado le importa fortalecer su clase contra la burguesía, educar a las masas en el espíritu de la democracia consecuente y del socialismo.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Eso no será </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">práctico</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> para los oportunistas, pero es la única garantía real, la garantía de la máxima igualdad y paz nacionales, a despecho tanto de los feudales como de la burguesía nacionalista.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Toda la misión de los proletarios en la cuestión nacional </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">no es práctica</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, desde el punto de vista de la burguesía nacionalista de cada nación, pues los proletarios, enemigos de todo nacionalismo, exigen la igualdad </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">abstracta</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, la ausencia del mínimo privilegio en principio. Al no comprenderlo y ensalzar de un modo poco razonable el practicismo, Rosa Luxemburgo ha abierto las puertas de par en par precisamente a los oportunistas, en particular a las concesiones del oportunismo al nacionalismo ruso.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">¿Por qué al ruso? Porque los rusos son en Rusia la nación opresora, y en el aspecto nacional, naturalmente, el oportunismo tendrá una expresión entre las naciones oprimidas y otra, distinta, entre las opresoras.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En aras del </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">practicismo</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> de sus reivindicaciones, la burguesía de las naciones oprimidas llamará al proletariado a apoyar incondicionalmente sus aspiraciones. ¡Lo más práctico es decir un </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">sí</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> categórico a la separación de tal o cual nación, y no al derecho de todas las naciones, cualesquiera que sean, a la separación!</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El proletariado se opone a semejante practicismo: al reconocer la igualdad de derechos y el derecho igual a formar un Estado nacional, aprecia y coloca por encima de todo la unión de los proletarios de todas las naciones, evalúa toda reivindicación nacional y toda separación nacional con la mira puesta en la lucha de clase de los obreros. La consigna de practicismo no es, en realidad, sino la de adoptar sin crítica las aspiraciones burguesas.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Se nos dice: apoyando el derecho a la separación, apoyáis el nacionalismo burgués de las naciones oprimidas. ¡Esto es lo que dice Rosa Luxemburgo y lo que tras ella repite el oportunista Semkovski, único representante, por cierto, de las ideas de los liquidadores sobre este problema en el periódico de los liquidadores!</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Nosotros contestamos: no, precisamente a la burguesía es a quien le importa aquí una solución </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">práctica</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, mientras que a los obreros les importa la separación en principio de dos tendencias. Por cuanto la burguesía de una nación oprimida lucha contra la opresora, nosotros estamos siempre, en todos los casos y con más decisión que nadie, a favor, ya que somos los enemigos más intrépidos y consecuentes de la opresión. Por cuanto la burguesía de la nación oprimida está a favor de su nacionalismo burgués, nosotros estamos en contra. Lucha contra los privilegios y violencias de la nación opresora y ninguna tolerancia con el afán de privilegios de la nación oprimida.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Si no lanzamos ni propugnamos en la agitación la consigna del derecho a la separación, favorecemos no sólo a la burguesía, sino a los feudales y el absolutismo de la nación opresora. Hace tiempo que Kautsky empleó este argumento contra Rosa Luxemburgo, y el argumento es irrefutable. En su temor de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">ayudar</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> a la burguesía nacionalista de Polonia, Rosa Luxemburgo niega el derecho a la separación en el programa de los marxistas de Rusia, y a quien ayuda, en realidad, es a los rusos ultrarreaccionarios. Ayuda, en realidad, al conformismo oportunista con los privilegios (y con cosas peores que los privilegios) de los rusos.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Llevada de la lucha contra el nacionalismo en Polonia, Rosa Luxemburgo ha olvidado el nacionalismo de los rusos, aunque precisamente este nacionalismo es ahora el más temible; es precisamente un nacionalismo menos burgués, pero más feudal; es precisamente el mayor freno para la democracia y la lucha proletaria. En todo nacionalismo burgués de una nación oprimida hay un contenido democrático general contra la opresión, y a este contenido le prestamos un apoyo incondicional, apartando rigurosamente la tendencia al exclusivismo nacional, luchando contra la tendencia del burgués polaco a oprimir al hebreo, etc., etc.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esto </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">no es práctico</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, desde el punto de vista del burgués y del filisteo. Pero es la única política práctica y adicta a los principios en el problema nacional, la única que ayuda de verdad a la democracia, a la libertad y a la unión proletaria.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Reconocer el derecho a la separación para todos; apreciar cada cuestión concreta sobre la separación desde un punto de vista que elimine toda desigualdad de derechos, todo privilegio, todo exclusivismo.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Tomemos la posición de la nación opresora. ¿Puede acaso ser libre un pueblo que oprime a otros pueblos? No. Los intereses de la libertad de la población<span style="font-size: xx-small;">[1] </span>rusa exigen que se luche contra tal opresión. La larga historia, la secular historia de represión de los movimientos de las naciones oprimidas, la propaganda sistemática de esta represión por parte de las </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">altas</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> clases han creado enormes obstáculos a la causa de la libertad del mismo pueblo ruso en sus prejuicios, etc.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Los ultrarreaccionarios rusos apoyan conscientemente estos prejuicios y los atizan. La burguesía rusa transige con ellos o se amolda a ellos. El proletariado ruso no puede alcanzar sus fines, no puede desbrozar para sí el camino hacia la libertad sin luchar sistemáticamente contra estos prejuicios.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Formar un Estado nacional autónomo e independiente sigue siendo por ahora, en Rusia, tan sólo privilegio de la nación rusa. Nosotros, los proletarios rusos, no defendemos privilegios de ningún género y tampoco defendemos este privilegio. Luchamos sobre el terreno de un Estado determinado, unificamos a los obreros de todas las naciones de este Estado, no podemos garantizar tal o cual vía de desarrollo nacional, vamos a nuestro objetivo de clase por todas las vías posibles.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Pero no se puede ir hacia este objetivo sin luchar contra todos los nacionalismos y sin propugnar la igualdad de todas las naciones. <a href="http://prometheuschannel.blogspot.com/2014/05/de-la-verdad-narrada-caso-iv.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Así, por ejemplo, depende de mil factores, desconocidos de antemano, si a Ucrania le cabrá en suerte formar un Estado independiente</a>. Y, como no queremos hacer </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">conjeturas</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> vanas, estamos firmemente por lo que es indudable: el derecho de Ucrania a semejante Estado. Respetamos este derecho, no apoyamos los privilegios del ruso sobre los ucranios, educamos a las masas en el espíritu del reconocimiento de este derecho, en el espíritu de la negación de los privilegios estatales de cualquier nación.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En los saltos por los que han atravesado todos los países en la época de las revoluciones burguesas son posibles y probables los choques y la lucha por el derecho a un Estado nacional. Nosotros, proletarios, nos declaramos de antemano adversarios de los privilegios de los rusos, y en esta dirección desarrollamos toda nuestra propaganda y nuestra agitación.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En el afán de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">practicismo</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, Rosa Luxemburgo ha perdido de vista la tarea práctica principal, tanto del proletariado ruso como del proletariado de toda otra nación: la tarea de la agitación y propaganda cotidianas contra toda clase de privilegios nacionales de tipo estatal, por el derecho, derecho igual de todas las naciones, a tener su Estado nacional; esta tarea es (ahora) nuestra principal tarea en el problema nacional, porque sólo así defendemos los intereses de la democracia y de la unión, basada en la igualdad de derechos de todos los proletarios de todas las naciones.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Poco importa que esta propaganda </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">no sea práctica</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> tanto desde el punto de vista de los opresores rusos como desde el punto de vista de la burguesía de las naciones oprimidas (unos y otros exigen un sí o no determinado, acusando a los socialdemócratas de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">vaguedad</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span style="vertical-align: super;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">[en algunas traducciones el término es «inconcreción»]</span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">); en realidad, precisamente esta propaganda, y sólo ella, asegura una educación de las masas verdaderamente democrática y verdaderamente socialista. Sólo una propaganda tal garantiza también las mayores probabilidades de paz nacional en </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Rusia, si sigue siendo un Estado abigarrado desde el punto de vista nacional, y la división más pacifica (e innocua para la lucha de clase proletaria) en diversos Estados nacionales, si surge el problema de semejante división.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Para explicar de un modo más concreto esta política, la única proletaria en el problema nacional, analicemos la actitud del liberalismo ruso ante la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">autodeterminación de las naciones</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> y el ejemplo de la separación de Noruega de Suecia.</span></div>
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<a href="http://www.knowledgehi.com/thumbnails/detail/20121021/money%20soviet%20lenin%20ruble%20russians%201920x1200%20wallpaper_www.knowledgehi.com_50.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="123" src="http://www.knowledgehi.com/thumbnails/detail/20121021/money%20soviet%20lenin%20ruble%20russians%201920x1200%20wallpaper_www.knowledgehi.com_50.jpg" width="200" /></a></div>
<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>5. LA BURGUESÍA LIBERAL Y LOS OPORTUNISTAS SOCIALISTAS EN EL PROBLEMA NACIONAL</b></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Hemos visto que Rosa Luxemburgo tiene por uno de sus principales </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">triunfos</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, en la lucha contra el programa de los marxistas de Rusia, el argumento siguente: reconocer el derecho a la autodeterminación equivale a apoyar el nacionalismo burgués de las naciones oprimidas. Por otra parte, dice Rosa Luxemburgo, si por tal derecho se entiende únicamente la lucha contra cualquier violencia en lo que se refiere a las naciones, no hace falta un punto especial en el programa, porque la socialdemocracia en general se opone a toda violencia nacional y a toda desigualdad de derechos nacionales.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El primer argumento, según demostró de un modo irrefutable Kautsky hace ya casi veinte años, hace pagar la culpa del nacionalismo a justos por pecadores porque ¡resulta que, temiendo el nacionalismo de la burguesía de las naciones oprimidas, Rosa Luxemburgo favorece, en realidad, el nacionalismo ultrarreaccionario de los rusos! El segundo argumento es, en el fondo, un temeroso esquivar el problema: reconocer la igualdad nacional, ¿supone o no reconocer el derecho a la separación? Si lo supone, Rosa Luxemburgo admite que es justo por principio el apartado 9 de nuestro programa. Si no lo supone, no reconoce la igualdad nacional. ¡Nada puede hacerse en este caso con subterfugios y evasivas!</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Pero la mejor manera de comprobar los argumentos arriba indicados, así como todos los argumentos de esta índole, consiste en estudiar la actitud de las diferentes clases de la sociedad ante el problema. Para un marxista, semejante comprobación es obligatoria. Hay que partir de lo objetivo, hay que tomar las relaciones recíprocas de las diversas clases en el punto de que se trata. Al no hacerlo, Rosa Luxemburgo incurre precisamente en el pecado de lo metafísico, de lo abstracto, del lugar común, de las generalidades, etc., del que en vano trata de acusar a sus adversarios.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Se trata del programa de los marxistas de Rusia, es decir, de los marxistas de todas las naciones de Rusia. ¿No convendría echar una ojeada a <a href="http://www.gramsci.org.ar/12/gruppi_heg_en_gramsci.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">la posición de las clases dominantes de Rusia</a>?</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Es conocida de todos la pos</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">ición de la «</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://www.nodo50.org/cubasigloXXI/congreso08/conf4_aguirrel.pdf" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">burocracia</a></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> (perdónesenos este término inexacto) y de los terratenientes f</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">eudales del tipo de la nobleza unificada. Negación absoluta tanto de la igualdad de derechos de las naciones como del derecho a la autodeterminación. La vieja consigna, tomada de los tiempos del régimen de servidumbre: autocracia, religión ortodoxa, nación, con la particularidad de que por esta última tan sólo se entiende la nación rusa. Incluso los ucranios son declarados </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">alógenos</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, incluso su lengua materna es perseguida.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Veamos a la burguesía de Rusia, </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">llamada</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> a tomar parte -una parte muy modesta, es verdad, pero, al fin y al cabo, parte- en el poder, en el sistema legislativo y administrativo </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">del 3 de junio</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">. No se necesitan muchas palabras para demostrar que en este problema los octubristas siguen, en realidad, a las derechas. Es de lamentar que algunos marxistas concedan mucha menos atención a la posición de la burguesía liberal rusa, de los progresistas y demócratas constitucionalistas. Y, sin embargo, quien no estudie esta posición y no reflexione sobre ella incurrirá inevitablemente en el pecado de lo abstracto y de lo vacío al analizar el derecho de las naciones a la autodeterminación.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El año pasado, la polémica entre Pravda y Riech obligó a este órgano principal del Partido Demócrata Constitucionalista, tan hábil en la evasiva diplomática ante la contestación franca a preguntas </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">desagradables</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, a hacer, sin embargo, algunas confesiones valiosas. Se armó el barullo en torno al Congreso estudiantil de toda Ucrania, celebrado en Lvov en el verano de 1913. El jurado </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">perito en cuestiones de Ucrania</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> o colaborador ucranio de Riech, señor Moguilianski, publicó un artículo en el que cubría de las más selectas injurias (</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">delirio</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">aventurerismo</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, etc.) la idea de la separación de Ucrania, idea propugnada por el socialnacionalista Dontsov y aprobada por el mencionado congreso.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El periódico Rabóchaya Pravda, sin solidarizarse para nada con el señor Dontsov e indicando claramente que este señor era un socialnacionalista y que muchos marxistas ucranios discrepaban de él, declaró, sin embargo, que el tono de Riech, o mejor dicho: el planteamiento en principio de la cuestión por Riech es absolutamente indecoroso, inadmisible en un demócrata ruso o en una persona que quiere pasar por demócrata. Que Riech refute directamente a los señores Dontsov, pero, en principio, es inadmisible que el órgano ruso de una pretendida democracia olvide la libertad de separación, el derecho a la separación.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Unos meses más tarde publicó el señor Moguilianski en el número 331 de Riech unas </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">explicaciones</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, enterado, por el periódico ucranio Shliaji, de Lvov, de las objeciones del señor Dontsov, quien, por cierto, observó que </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">sólo la prensa socialdemócrata rusa había manchado (¿estigmatizado?) en forma debida la diatriba patriotera de Riech</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">. Las </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">explicaciones</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> del señor Mogulianski consistieron en repetir por tres veces: </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">la crítica de las recetas del señor Dontsov</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">no tiene nada de común con la negación del derecho de las naciones a la autodeterminación</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Hay que decir -escribía el señor Moguilianski- que tampoco "el derecho de las naciones a la autodeterminación" es una especie de fetiche (¡¡escuchen!!) que no admite ninguna crítica: condiciones de vida malsanas en una nación pueden engendrar tendencias malsanas en la autodeterminación nacional, y poner al descubierto estas últimas no significa aún negar el derecho de las naciones a la autodeterminación</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Como ven, las frases de un liberal sobre lo del </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">fetiche</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> estaban plenamente a tono con las frases de Rosa Luxemburgo. Era evidente que el señor Moguilinski deseaba rehuir el dar una respuesta directa a la pregunta: ¿reconoce o no el derecho a la autodeterminación política, es decir, a la separación?</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y Proletárskaya Pravda (núm. 4 del 11 de diciembre de 1913) hizo a boca de jarro esta pregunta tanto al señor Moguilianski como al Partido Demócrata Constitucionalista.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El periódico Riech publicó entonces (núm. 340) una declaración sin firma, es decir, una declaración oficial de la redacción, que daba una respuesta a esa pregunta. Esta contestación se resume en tres puntos:</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">1) En el apartado 11 del programa del Partido Demócrata Constitucionalista se habla en forma directa, clara y precisa del </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">derecho</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> de las naciones a una </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">libre autedeterminación cultural</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">2) Proletárskaya Pravda, según la afirmación de Riech, </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">confunde irreparablemente</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> la autodeterminación con el separatismo, con la separación de esta o la otra nación.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">3) </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En efecto, los demócratas constitucionalistas no han pensado nunca en defender el derecho de "separación de las naciones" del Estado ruso</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> (véase el artículo: El nacional liberalismo y el derecho de las naciones a la autodeterminación, en Proletárskaya Pravda, núm. 12, del 20 de diciembre de 1913).</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Fijémonos ante todo en el segundo punto de la declaración de Riech. ¡Cuán claramente demuestra a los señores Semkovski, Libman, Yurkévich y demás oportunistas que sus gritos y habladurías sobre una pretendida </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">falta de claridad</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> o </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">vaguedad</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> en cuanto a la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">autodeterminación</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> no son en la práctica, es decir, en la correlación objetiva de las clases y de la lucha de las clases en Rusia, sino una simple repetición de los discursos de la burguesía monárquica liberal!</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Cuando Proletárskaya Pravda hizo a los instruidos señores </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">demócratas constitucionalistas</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> de Riech tres preguntas: 1) Si negaban que en toda la historia de la democracia internacional, y especialmente a partir de la segunda mitad del siglo XIX, se entiende por autodeterminación de las naciones precisamente la autodeterminación política, el derecho a constituir un Estado nacional independiente; 2) si negaban que el mismo sentido tenía la conocida decisión del congreso socialista internacional celebrado en Londres en 1896, y 3) que Plejánov, el cual escribía ya en 1902 sobre la autodeterminación, entendía por tal precisamente la autodeterminación política; cuando Proletárskaya Pravda hizo estas tres preguntas, ¡¡los señores demócratas constitucionalistas guardaron silencio!!</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">No contestaron ni una palabra, porque nada tenían que contestar. Tuvieron que reconocer en silencio que Proletárskaya Pravda tenía sin duda razón.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Los gritos de los liberales a propósito de la falta de claridad del concepto de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">autodeterminación</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, de su </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">irreparable confusión</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> con el separatismo entre los socialdemócratas no son sino una tendencia a embrollar la cuestión, rehuir el reconocimiento de un principio general de la democracia. Si los señores Semkovski, LIbman y Yurkévich no fueran tan ignorantes, les hubiera dado vergüenza hablar ante los obreros en tono liberal.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Pero sigamos. Proletárskaya Pravda obligó a Riech a reconocer que las palabras sobre la autodeterminación </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">cultural</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> tienen en el programa demócrata constitucionalista precisamente el sentido de una negación de la autodeterminación política.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En efecto, los demócratas constitucionalistas no han pensado nunca en defender el derecho de "separación de las naciones" del Estado ruso</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">: éstas son las palabras de Riech que no en vano recomendó Proletárskaya Pravda a Nóvoie Vremia y Zémschina como muestra de la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">lealtad</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> de nuestros demócratas constitucionalistas. Sin dejar, naturalmente, de aprovechar la ocasión para mencionar a los </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">semitas</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> y decir toda clase de mordacidades a los demócratas constitucionalistas, Nóvoie Vremia declaraba, sin embargo, en su número 13563:</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Lo que constituye para los socialdemócratas un axioma de sabiduría política</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> (es decir, el reconocimiento del derecho de las naciones a la autodeterminación, a la separación), </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">empieza en nuestros días a provocar divergencias incluso entre los demócratas constitucionalistas</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Los demócratas constitucionalistas adoptaron una posición de principios absolutamente idéntica a la de Nóvoie Vremia, declarando que </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">no habían pensado nunca en defender el derecho de separación de las naciones del Estado ruso</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">. En esto consiste una de las bases del nacional-liberalismo de los demócratas constitucionalistas, de su afinidad con los Purishkévich, de su dependencia de estos últimos en el terreno político-ideólogico y político-práctico. </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Los señores demócratas constitucionalistas han estudiado historia -decía Proletárskaya Pravda-, y saben muy bien a qué actos "pogromoides", expresándonos con suavidad, ha llevado muchas veces en la práctica la aplicación del tradicional derecho de los Purishkévich a "agarrar y no dejar escapar"</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">. Sabiendo perfectamente que la omnipotencia de los Purishkévich tiene origen y carácter feudal, los demócratas constitucionalistas se colocan, sin embargo, por entero en el terreno de las relaciones y fronteras establecidas precisamente por esta clase. Sabiendo perfectamente cuántos elementos no europeos, antieuropeos (asiáticos, diríamos nosotros, si esta palabra no pudiera sonar a inmerecido desprecio para japoneses y chinos) hay en las relaciones y fronteras creadas o fijadas por esa clase, los señores demócratas constitucionalistas los consideran límite del que no se puede pasar.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esto es precisamente adaptación a los Purishkévich, servilismo ante ellos, miedo de hacer vacilar su posición, esto es defenderlos contra el movimiento popular, contra la democracia. </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esto significa en la práctica -decía Proletárskaya Pravda- adaptarse a los intereses de los feudales y a los peores prejuicios nacionalistas de la nación dominante en vez de luchar constantemente contra esos prejuicios</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Como personas conocedoras de la historia y con pretensiones de democracia, los demócratas constitucionalistas ni siquiera intentan afirmar que el movimiento democrático, que en nuestros días es típico tanto de Europa Oriental como de Asia y que tiende a transformar una y otra, de acuerdo con el modelo de los países civilizados, capitalistas, que este movimiento deba indefectiblemente dejar intactas las fronteras fijadas en la época feudal, en la época de omnipotencia de los Purishkévich y de la falta de derechos de extensos sectores de la burguesía y de la pequeña burguesía.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La última conferencia del Partido Demócrata Constitucionalista, celebrada del 23 al 25 de marzo de 1914, ha demostrado, por cierto, que el problema planteado por la polémica de Proletárskaya Pravda con Riech no era, en modo alguno, tan sólo un problema literario, sino que revestía la mayor actualidad política. En la reseña oficial de Riech (núm. 83, del 26 de marzo de 1914) sobre esta conferencia leemos:</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«Se trataron también en forma especialmente animada los problemas nacionales. Los diputados de Kíev, a los que se unieron N. V. Nekrásov y A. M. Koliubakin, indicaron que el problema nacional es un factor importante que está madurando y que es imprescindible afrontar con más energía que hasta ahora. F. F. Kokoshkin indicó, sin embargo</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> (éste es el </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">sin embargo</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> que corresponde al </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">pero</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> de Schedrín: </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">de puntillas no se es más alto, no, no se es más alto</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">), </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">que tanto el programa como la anterior experiencia política exigen que se proceda con la mayor prudencia en lo que se refiere a las "fórmulas elásticas" "de la autodeterminación política de las naciones"</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Este razonamiento de la conferencia demócrata constitucionalista, de todo punto notable, merece la mayor atención de todos los marxistas y de todos los demócratas. (Hagamos notar entre paréntesis que Kíevskaya Mysl, periódico, por lo visto, enteradísimo y, sin duda, fiel transmisor de los pensamientos del señor Kokoshkin, añadía que este señor, claro que como advertencia a sus contrincantes, aducía de un modo especial el argumento del peligro de la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">disgregación</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> del Estado).</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La reseña oficial de Riech está redactada con maestría diplomática, para levantar lo menos posible el telón y disimular lo más posible. Pero, de todos modos, queda claro, en sus rasgos fundamentales, lo que ocurrió en la conferencia de los demócratas constitucionalistas. Los delegados burgueses liberales, que conocían la situación en Ucrania, y los demócratas constitucionalistas </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">de izquierda</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> plantearon precisamente la cuestión de la autodeterminación política de las naciones. De lo contrario, el señor Kokoshkin no habría tenido por qué aconsejar que se procediera </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">con prudencia</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> en lo que se refiere a esta </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">fórmula</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En el programa de los demócratas constitucionalistas que, naturalmente, conocían los delegados de la conferencia demócratas constitucionalista, figura precisamente la autodeterminación </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">cultural</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, y no la autodeterminación política. Por tanto, el señor Kokoshkin defendía el programa contra los delegados de Ucrania, contra los demócratas constitucionalistas de izquierda, defendía la autodeterminación </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">cultural</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> contra la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">política</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">. Es de todo punto evidente que, al alzarse contra la autodeterminación </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">política</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, al esgrimir la amenaza de la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">disgregación del Estado</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, diciendo que la fórmula de la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">autodeterminación política</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> es </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">elástica</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> (¡completamente a tono con Rosa Luxemburgo!), el señor Kokoshkin defendía el nacional-liberalismo ruso contra elementos más </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">izquierdistas</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> o más demócraticos del Partido Demócrata Constitucionalista y contra la burguesía ucrania.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El señor Kokoshkin venció en la conferencia demócrata constitucionalista, como puede verse por la traidora palabreja </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">sin embargo</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> en la reseña de Riech. El nacional-liberalismo ruso triunfó entre los demócratas constitucionalistas. ¿No contribuirá esta victoria a que se aclaren las mentes de los elementos poco razonables que, entre los marxistas de Rusia, han comenzado también a temer, tras los demócratas constitucionalistas, </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">las fórmulas elásticas de la autodeterminación política de las naciones</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">?</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Veamos, </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">sin embargo</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, cuál es, en el fondo, el curso que siguen los pensamientos del señor Kokoshkin. Invocando la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">anterior experiencia política</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> (es decir, evidentemente, la experiencia de 1905, en que la burguesía rusa se asustó, temiendo por sus privilegios nacionales, y contagió su miedo al Partido Demócrata Constitucionalista), hablando de la amenaza de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">disgregación del Estado</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, el señor Kokoshkin ha demostrado comprender perfectamente que la autodeterminación política no puede significar otra cosa que el derecho a la separación y a la formación de un Estado nacional independiente. Se pregunta. ¿cómo hay que conceptuar estos temores del señor Kokoshkin, desde el punto de vista de la democracia, en general, así como desde el punto de vista de la lucha de clase proletaria, en particular?</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">El señor Kokoshkin quiere convencernos de que el reconocimiento del derecho a la separación aumenta el peligro de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">disgregación del Estado</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">. Este es el punto de vista del polizonte Mymretsov con su lema de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">agarrar y no dejar escapar</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">. Desde el punto de vista de la democracia en general, es precisamente al contrario: el reconocimiento del derecho a la separación reduce el peligro de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">disgregación del Estado</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">.</span></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El señor Kokoshkin razona absolutamente en el espíritu de los nacionalistas. En su último congreso atacaron furiosamente a los ucranios </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">mazepistas</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">. El movimiento ucranio -exclamaban el señor Sávenko y Cía.- amenaza con debilitar los lazos que unen a Ucrania con Rusia, ¡¡porque Austria, con la ucraniofilia, estrecha los lazos de los ucranios con Austria!! Lo que no se comprendía era por qué no puede Rusia intentar </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">estrechar</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> los lazos de los ucranios con Rusia por el mismo método que los señores Sávenko echan en cara a Austria, es decir, concediendo a los ucranios el libre uso de su lengua materna, la autodeterminación administrativa, una Dieta autónoma, etc.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Los razonamientos de los señores Sávenko y de los señores Kokoshkin son absolutamente del mismo género e igualmente ridículos y absurdos, desde un punto de vista puramente lógico. ¿No está claro que, cuanto mayor sea la libertad de que goce la nación ucrania en uno u otro país, tanto más estrecha será la ligazón de esa nación con el país de que se trate? Parece que no se puede discutir contra esta verdad elemental de no romper resueltamente con todos los postulados de la democracia. ¿Y puede haber, para una nación como tal, mayor libertad que la de separación, la libertad de formar un Estado nacional independiente? </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Para que esta cuestión, embrollada por los liberales (y por quienes, sin comprender, les hacen coro), quede más clara aún, pondremos el más sencillo de los ejemplos: Tomemos el divorcio. Rosa Luxemburgo dice en su artículo que un Estado democrático centralizado, al transigir por completo con la autonomía de diversas de sus partes, debe dejar a la jurisdicción del Parlamento central todas las esferas legislativas de mayor importancia, y entre ellas, la del divorcio. Es perfectamente comprensible esta preocupación por que el poder central del Estado democrático asegure la libertad de divorcio. Los reaccionarios están en contra de la libertad de divorcio, aconsejan que se proceda </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">con prudencia</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> en lo relativo a dicha libertad y gritan que eso significa la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">disgregación de la familia</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">. Pero la democracia considera que los reaccionarios son unos hipócritas, pues, en realidad, defienden la omnipotencia de la policía y de la burocracia, los privilegios de un sexo y la peor opresión de la mujer; considera que, en realidad, la libertad de divorcio no significa la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">disgregación</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> de los vínculos familiares, sino, por el contrario, su fortalecimiento sobre los únicos cimientos democráticos que son posibles y estables en una sociedad civilizada.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Acusar a los partidarios de la libertad de autodeterminación, es decir, de la libertad de separación, de que fomentan el separatismo es tan necio e hipócrita como acusar a los partidarios de la libertad de divorcio de que fomentan el desmoronamiento de los vínculos familiares. Del mismo modo que en la sociedad burguesa impugnan la libertad de divorcio los defensores de los privilegios y de la venalidad, en los que se funda el matrimonio burgués, negar en el Estado capitalista la libertad de autodeterminación, es decir, de separación de las naciones no significa otra cosa que defender los privilegios de la nación dominante y los procedimientos policíacos de administración en detrimento de los democráticos.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">No cabe duda de que la politiquería engendrada por todas las relaciones de la sociedad capitalista da a veces lugar a charlatanería en extremo frívola y hasta sencillamente absurda de parlamentarios o publicistas sobre la separación de tal o cual nación. Pero sólo los reaccionarios pueden dejarse asustar (o fingir que se asustan) por semejante charlatanería. Quien sustente el punto de vista de la democracia, es decir, de la solución de los problemas estatales por la masa de la población, sabe perfectamente que hay </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">un gran trecho</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> entre la charlatanería de los politicastros y la decisión de las masas. Las masas de la población saben perfectamente, por la experiencia cotidiana, lo que significan los lazos geográficos y económicos, las ventajas de un gran mercado y de un gran Estado y sólo se decidirán a la separación cuando la opresión nacional y los roces nacionales hagan la vida en común absolutamente insoportable, frenando las relaciones económicas de todo género. Y en este caso, los intereses del desarrollo capitalista y de la libertad de lucha de clase estarán precisamente del lado de quienes se separen.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Así pues, se aborden los razonamientos del señor Kokoshkin del lado que se quiera, resultan el colmo del absurdo y del escarnio a los principios de la democracia. Pero en estos razonamientos hay cierta lógica: la lógica de los intereses de clase de la burguesía rusa. El señor Kokoshkin, como la mayoría del Partido Demócrata Constitucionalista, es lacayo de la bolsa de oro de esa burguesía. Defiende sus privilegios en general, sus privilegios estatales en particular, los defiende con Purishkévich, al lado de éste, con la única diferencia de que Purishkévich tiene más fe en el garrote feudal, mientras que Kokoshkin y Cía. ven que el garrote resultó muy quebrantado en el año 1905 y confían más en los procedimientos burgueses de embaucamiento de las masas, por ejemplo, en asustar a los pequeños burgueses y a los campesinos con el fantasma de la </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">disgregación del Estado</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, de engañarles con frases sobre la unión de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">la libertad popular</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> con los pilares históricos, etc.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La significación real de clase de la hostilidad liberal al principio de autodeterminación política de las naciones es una, y sólo una: nacional-liberalismo, salvaguardia de los privilegios estatales de la burguesía rusa. Y todos estos oportunistas que hay entre los marxistas de Rusia, que precisamente ahora, en la época del sistema del 3 de junio, han arremetido contra el derecho de las naciones a la autodeterminación: el liquidador Semkovski, el bundista Libman, el pequeñoburgués ucranio Yurkévich, en realidad van sencillamente a la zaga del nacional-liberalismo, corrompen a la clase obrera con las ideas nacional-liberales.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Los intereses de la clase obrera y de su lucha contra el capitalismo exigen una completa solidaridad y la más estrecha unión de los obreros de todas las naciones, exigen que se rechace la política nacionalista de la burguesía de cualquier nación. Por ello sería apartarse de las tareas de la política proletaria y someter a los obreros a la política de la burguesía, tanto el que los socialdemócratas se pusieran a negar el derecho a la autodeterminación, es decir, el derecho de las naciones oprimidas a separarse, como el que se pusieran a apoyar todas las reivindicaciones nacionales de la burguesía de las naciones oprimidas. Al obrero asalariado tanto le da que su principal explotador sea la burguesía rusa más que la alógena, como la burguesía polaca más que la hebrea, etc. Al obrero asalariado que haya adquirido conciencia de los intereses de su clase le son indiferentes tanto los privilegios estatales de los capitalistas rusos como las promesas de los capitalistas polacos o ucranios de instaurar el paraíso en la tierra cuando ellos gocen de privilegios estatales. El desarrollo del capitalismo prosigue y proseguirá, de uno u otro modo, tanto en un Estado heterogéneo unido como en Estados nacionales separados.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En todo caso, el obrero asalariado seguirá siendo objeto de explotación, y para luchar con éxito contra ella se exige que el proletariado sea independiente del nacionalismo, que los proletarios mantengan una posición de completa neutralidad, por así decir, en la lucha de la burguesía de la diversas naciones por la supremacía. En cuanto el proletariado de una nación cualquiera apoye en lo más mínimo los privilegios de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">su</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> burguesía nacional, este apoyo provocará inevitablemente la desconfianza del proletariado de la otra nación, debilitará la solidaridad internacional de clase de los obreros, los desunirá para regocijo de la burguesía. Y el negar el derecho a la autodeterminación, o a la separación, significa indefectiblemente, en la práctica, apoyar los privilegios de la nación dominante.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Nos convenceremos de ello con mayor evidencia aún si tomamos el ejemplo concreto de la separación de Noruega de Suecia.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.biography.com/.image/ar_8:10%2Cc_fill%2Ccs_srgb%2Cfl_progressive%2Cg_faces:center%2Cq_auto:good%2Cw_620/MTQ1NDY1ODI5OTMxMDk5NzAz/vladimir-lenin---full-episode.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="775" data-original-width="620" height="273" src="https://www.biography.com/.image/ar_8:10%2Cc_fill%2Ccs_srgb%2Cfl_progressive%2Cg_faces:center%2Cq_auto:good%2Cw_620/MTQ1NDY1ODI5OTMxMDk5NzAz/vladimir-lenin---full-episode.jpg" width="218" /></a></div>6. LA SEPARACIÓN DE NORUEGA DE SUECIA</b></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Rosa Luxemburgo toma precisamente este ejemplo y razona sobre él del modo siguiente:</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«El último acontecimiento que se ha producido en la historia de las relaciones federativas, la separación de Noruega de Suecia -que en su tiempo se apresuró a comentar social patriotera polaca (véase Naprzód de Cracovia) como una reconfortante manifestación de la fuerza y del carácter progresivo de las aspiraciones a la separación estatal-, se ha convertido inmediatamente en prueba fulminante de que el federalismo y la separación estatal que de él resulta en modo alguno son expresión de progreso ni democracia. Después de la llamada "revolución" noruega, que consistió en destronar y hacer de salir de Noruega al rey de Suecia, los noruegos eligieron tranquilamente otro rey, tras de haber rechazado formalmente, por plebiscito popular, el proyecto de instauración de la República. Lo que los adoradores superficiales de toda clase de movimientos nacionales y de todo lo que se asemeja a independencia proclamaron como "revolución" era una simple manifestación del particularismo campesino y pequeñoburgués, un deseo de tener por su dinero un rey "propio", en lugar del rey impuesto por la aristocracia sueca; era, por tanto, un movimiento que no tenía absolutamente nada de común con el espíritu revolucionario. Al mismo tiempo, esta historia de la ruptura de la unión sueco-noruega ha vuelto a demostrar hasta qué punto, también en este caso, la federación que había exisitido hasta aquel momento no era sino la expresión de intereses puramente dinásticos y, por tanto, una forma de monarquismo y de reacción</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">. (Przeglad).</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">¡¡Esto es literalmente todo lo que dice Rosa Luxemburgo sobre este punto!! Y preciso es reconocer que será difícil poner de manifiesto la impotencia de su posición con más relieve que lo ha hecho Rosa Luxemburgo en el ejemplo aducido. </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La cuestión consistía y consiste en si la socialdemocracia necesita, en un Estado de composición nacional heterogénea, un programa que reconozca el derecho a la autodeterminación o a la separación. </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">¿Qué nos dice sobre esto el ejemplo de Noruega, escogido por la misma Rosa Luxemburgo? </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Nuestra autora da rodeos y hace esguinces, ironiza y clama contra Naprzód, ¡¡pero no responde a la cuestión!! Rosa Luxemburgo habla de lo que se quiera, ¡¡con tal de no decir ni una palabra del fondo de la cuestión!! </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Es indudable que los pequeños burgueses de Noruega, que han querido tener rey propio por su dinero y han hecho fracasar en plebiscito popular el proyecto de instauración de la República, han puesto de manifiesto cualidades pequeñoburguesas bastante malas. Es indudable que si Naprzód no lo ha notado, ha mostrado cualidades igualmente malas e igualmente pequeñoburguesas.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Pero ¿a qué viene todo esto?</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">¡Porque de lo que se trataba era del derecho de las naciones a la autodeterminación y de la actitud del proletariado socialista ante ese derecho! ¿Por qué, pues, Rosa Luxemburgo no responde a la cuestión, sino que da vueltas y más vueltas en torno a ella? </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Dicen que para el ratón no hay fiera más temible que el gato. Para Rosa Luxemburgo, por lo visto, no hay fiera más temible que los «fraquistas</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">. </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Fraquista</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> es el nombre que se da en lenguaje popular al Partido Socialista Polaco, a la llamada fracción revolucionaria, y el periodiquillo de Cracovia Naprzód comparte las ideas de esta </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">fracción</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">. La lucha de Rosa Luxemburgo contra el nacionalismo de esa </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">fracción</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> ha cegado hasta tal punto a nuestra autora, que todo desaparece de su horizonte a excepción de Naprzód. </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Si Naprzód dice: </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">sí</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, Rosa Luxemburgo se considera en el sagrado deber de proclamar inmediatamente: «no</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, sin pensar en lo más mínimo que, con semejante procedimiento, lo que demuestra no es su independencia de Naprzód, sino precisamente todo lo contrario, su divertida dependencia de los </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">fraquistas</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, su incapacidad de ver las cosas desde un punto de visto algo más amplio y profundo que el del hormiguero de Cracovia. Naprzód, desde luego, es un órgano muy malo y no es en absoluto un órgano marxista, pero eso no debe impedirnos analizar a fondo el ejemplo de Noruega, toda vez que lo hemos aducido.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Para analizar este ejemplo a lo marxista, no debemos pararnos en las malas cualidades de los muy temibles </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">fraquistas</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, sino, primero, en las particularidades históricas concretas de la separación de Noruega de Suecia, y, segundo, ver cuáles fueron las tareas del proletariado de ambos países durante esta separación</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Noruega está ligada a Suecia por lazos geográficos, económicos y lingüísticos no menos estrechos que los lazos que unen a muchas naciones eslavas no rusas a los rusos. Pero la unión de Noruega a Suecia no era voluntaria, de modo que Rosa Luxemburgo habla de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">federación</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> completamente en vano, sencillamente porque no sabe qué decir. Noruega fue entregada a Suecia por los monarcas durante las guerras napoleónicas, contra la voluntad de los noruegos, y los suecos hubieron de llevar a Noruega tropas para someterla.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Después de eso hubo durante largos decenios, a pesar de la autonomía de extraordinaria amplitud de que gozaba Noruega (Dieta propia, etc.), constantes roces entre Noruega y Suecia, y los noruegos procuraron con todas las fuerzas sacudirse el yugo de la aristocracia sueca. En agosto de 1905 se lo sacudieron por fin: la Dieta noruega decidió que el rey de Suecia dejara de ser rey de Noruega, y el referéndum del pueblo noruego, celebrado más tarde, dio una aplastante mayoría de votos (cerca de doscientos mil, contra algunos centenares) a favor de la completa separación de Suecia. Los suecos, después de algunas vacilaciones, se resignaron con la separación.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Este ejemplo nos muestra en qué terrenos son posibles y se producen casos de separación de naciones, manteniéndose las relaciones económicas y políticas contemporáneas, y qué forma toma a veces la separación en un ambiente de libertad política y democracia.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Ni un solo socialdemócrata, si no se decide a declarar que le son indiferentes la libertad política y la democracia (y en tal caso, naturalmente, dejaría de ser socialdemócrata), podrá negar que este ejemplo demuestra de hecho que los obreros conscientes tienen la obligación de desarrollar una labor constante de propaganda y preparación a fin de que los posibles choques motivados por la separación de naciones se ventilen sólo como se ventilaron en 1905 entre Noruega y Suecia y no «al modo ruso</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">. Esto es precisamente lo que expresa la reivindicación programática de reconocer el derecho de las naciones a la autodeterminación. Y Rosa Luxemburgo, ante un hecho desagradable para su teoría, ha tenido que escudarse con temibles invectivas a la mentalidad de los pequeños burgueses noruegos y al Naprzód de Cracovia, porque comprendía perfectamente hasta qué punto desmiente de un modo irrevocable ese hecho histórico sus frases, según las cuales el derecho a la autodeterminación de las naciones es una </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">utopía</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, equivale al derecho </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">a comer en plato de oro</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, etc. Semejantes frases sólo expresan una fe oportunista de lamentable presunción en la inmutabilidad de la correlación de fuerzas dada entre las naciones de Europa Oriental.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Prosigamos. En el problema de la autodeterminación de las naciones, lo mismo que en cualquier otro, nos interesa, ante todo y sobre todo, la autodeterminación del proletariado en el seno de las naciones. Rosa Luxemburgo ha dejado modestamente a un lado también este problema, comprendiendo cuán desagradable resulta para su </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">teoría</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> examinarlo en el aducido ejemplo de Noruega.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">¿Cuál fue y debió ser la posición del proletariado noruego y sueco en el conflicto motivado por la separación? Los obreros conscientes de Noruega, desde luego, hubieran votado después de la separación por la República<span style="font-size: xx-small;">[2]</span>, y si hubo socialistas que votaron de otro modo, eso no demuestra sino que hay a veces mucho oportunismo obtuso, pequeñoburgués, en el socialismo europeo. Sobre esto no puede haber dos criterios, y sólo nos referimos a este punto porque Rosa Luxemburgo intenta velar el fondo de la cuestión con disquisiciones que no vienen al caso. No sabemos si, en lo que se refiere a la separación, el programa socialista noruego obligaba a los socialdemócratas noruegos a atenerse a un criterio determinado. Supongamos que no, que los socialistas noruegos dejaron en suspenso la cuestión de hasta qué punto era suficiente para la libre lucha de clase la autonomía de Noruega y hasta qué punto frenaban la libertad de su vida económica los eternos roces y conflictos con la aristocracia sueca. Pero es indiscutible que el proletariado noruego debía haber ido contra esa aristocracia, por una democracia campesina noruega (aun con toda la estrechez de miras pequeñoburguesas de esta última).</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">¿Y el proletariado sueco? Sabido es que los terratenientes suecos, apoyados por el clero sueco, predicaban la guerra contra Noruega; y como Noruega es mucho más débil que Suecia, como ya había sufrido una invasión sueca, como la aristocracia sueca tiene un peso muy considerable en su país, esta prédica era una amenaza muy seria. Puede asegurarse que los Kokoshkin suecos corrompieron larga y empeñadamente a las masas suecas, exhortándolas a «</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">proceder con prudencia</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">» en lo referente a las «fórmulas elásticas de la autodeterminación política de las naciones</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, pintándoles los peligros de «disgregación del Estado</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">» </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">y asegurándoles que la «libertad popular</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> es compatible con los principios de la aristocracia sueca. No cabe la menor duda de que la socialdemocracia sueca habría hecho traición a la causa del socialismo y a la causa de la democracia si no hubiera luchado con todas sus fuerzas contra la ideología y contra la política tanto de los terratenientes como de los Kokoshkin, si no hubiera propugnado, además de la igualdad de las naciones en general (igualdad que también reconocen los Kokoshkin), el derecho de las naciones a la autodeterminación, la libertad de separación de Noruega.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La estrecha unión de los obreros noruegos y suecos y su plena solidaridad de camaradas de clase ganaban, al reconocer de este modo los obreros suecos el derecho de los noruegos a la separación. Porque los obreros noruegos se convencían de que los obreros suecos no estaban contagiados de nacionalismo sueco, de que la fraternidad con los proletarios noruegos estaba, para ellos, por encima de los privilegios de la burguesía y de la aristocracia suecas. La ruptura de los lazos impuestos a Noruega por los monarcas europeos y los aristócratas suecos fortaleció los lazos entre los obreros noruegos y suecos. Los obreros suecos han demostrado que, a través de todas las vicisitudes de la política burguesa -¡bajo las relaciones burguesas es perfectamente posible que renazca la sumisión de los noruegos a los suecos por la fuerza!-, sabrán mantener y defender la completa igualdad de derechos y la solidaridad de clase de los obreros de ambas naciones en la lucha tanto contra la burguesía sueca como contra la noruega.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">De ahí se infiere, entre otras cosas, cuán infundadas e incluso sencillamente poco serias son las tentativas que a veces hacen los «fraquistas</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> de </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">aprovechar</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> nuestras divergencias con Rosa Luxemburgo en contra de la socialdemocracia polaca. Los </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">fraquistas</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> no constituyen un partido proletario, socialista, sino un partido nacionalista pequeñoburgués, una especie de social-revolucionarios polacos. Nunca se ha hablado ni pudo hablarse de ninguna unidad de los socialdemócratas de Rusia con este partido. En cambio, ni un solo socialdemócrata de Rusia </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">se ha arrepentido</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> nunca de acercarse y unirse a los socialdemócratas polacos. A la socialdemocracia polaca le corresponde el gran mérito histórico de haber creado por primera vez en Polonia un partido marxista de verdad, proletario de verdad, en una Polonia impregnada hasta la médula de aspiraciones y apasionamientos nacionalistas. Pero este mérito de los socialdemócratas polacos es un gran mérito no porque Rosa Luxemburgo haya dicho toda clase de absurdos contra el apartado 9 del programa marxista de Rusia, sino a pesar de esa lamentable circunstancia.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Para los socialdemócratas polacos, naturalmente, el «derecho a la autodeterminación</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> no tiene una importancia tan grande como para los rusos. Es perfectamente comprensible que la lucha contra la pequeña burguesía de Polonia, cegada por el nacionalismo, haya obligado a los socialdemócratas polacos a «»forzar la nota" con particular empeño (a veces quizá un poco exagerado). Ni un solo marxista de Rusia ha pensado nunca en acusar a los socialdemócratas polacos de estar en contra de la separación de Polonia. Estos socialdemócratas se equivocan sólo cuando, a semejanza de Rosa Luxemburgo, intentan negar la necesidad de que en el programa de los marxistas de Rusia se reconozca el derecho a la autodeterminación.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En el fondo, eso significa trasladar relaciones, comprensibles desde el punto de vista del horizonte de Cracovia, a la escala de todos los pueblos y naciones de Rusia, incluidos los rusos. Eso significa ser «nacionalistas polacos al revés</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">, y no socialdemócratas de Rusia, internacionalistas.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Porque la socialdemocracia internacional está precisamente en pro de reconocer el derecho de las naciones a la autodeterminación. De lo cual pasamos a ocuparnos.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://i.guim.co.uk/img/media/1d672105f549efdd5650f7c04cc07b736160603b/0_0_2703_1622/master/2703.jpg?width=445&quality=45&auto=format&fit=max&dpr=2&s=e3172ca429ff1d69909955cad562dbc5" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="480" data-original-width="800" height="145" src="https://i.guim.co.uk/img/media/1d672105f549efdd5650f7c04cc07b736160603b/0_0_2703_1622/master/2703.jpg?width=445&quality=45&auto=format&fit=max&dpr=2&s=e3172ca429ff1d69909955cad562dbc5" width="241" /></a></div>7. EL ACUERDO DEL CONGRESO INTERNACIONAL DE LONDRES CELEBRADO EN 1896</b></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El acuerdo dice:</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«El congreso declara que está a favor del derecho completo a la autodeterminación (Selbstbestimmungsrecht) de todas las naciones y expresa sus simpatías a los obreros de todo país que sufra actualmente bajo el yugo de un absolutismo militar, nacional o de otro género; el congreso exhorta a los obreros de todos estos países a ingresar en las filas de los obreros conscientes (Klassenbewusste= de los que tienen conciencia de los intereses de su clase) de todo el mundo, a fin de luchar al lado de ellos para vencer al capitalismo internacional y alcanzar los objetivos de la socialdemocracia internacional</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">Como ya hemos señalado, nuestros oportunistas, los señores Semkovski, Libman y Yurkévich, desconocen sencillamente este acuerdo. Pero Rosa Luxemburgo lo conoce y cita su texto íntegro, en el que figura la misma expresión que en nuestro programa: «autodeterminación</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">.</span></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Cabe preguntar: ¿cómo elimina Rosa Luxemburgo este obstáculo del camino de su </span><span style="color: #444444;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">«</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">original</span><i style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">»</i></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> teoría?</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">¡Oh, muy sencillo!: ...el centro de gravedad está aquí en la segunda parte de la resolución... su carácter declarativo... ¡¡sólo por confusión puede apelarse a ella!!</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El desamparo y la desorientación de nuestra autora son sencillamente asombrosos. Por lo general, los oportunistas son los únicos que aluden al carácter declarativo de los puntos consecuentemente democráticos y socialistas en los programas, rehuyendo cobardemente la polémica franca contra ellos. A lo que se ve, no sin motivo se ha encontrado esta vez Rosa Luxemburgo en la triste compañía de los señores Semkovski, Libman y Yurkévich. Rosa Luxemburgo no se atreve a confesar con sinceridad si estima certera o errónea la citada resolución. Se zafa y se esconde, como si esperase tener un lector tan poco atento y tan ignorante que olvide la primera parte de la resolución al llegar a la segunda o que nunca haya oído hablar de los debates que hubo en la prensa socialista antes del congreso de Londres.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Pero Rosa Luxemburgo está muy equivocada si se imagina que logrará pisotear con tanta facilidad ante los obreros conscientes de Rusia una resolución de la Internacional sobre una importante cuestión de principios, sin haberse dignado siquiera analizarla con criterio crítico.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En los debates que precedieron al Congreso de Londres -principalmente en las columnas de la revista de los marxistas alemanes Die Neue Zeit- se expresó el punto de vista de Rosa Luxemburgo, ¡y ese punto de vista, en el fondo, sufrió una derrota ante la Internacional! Este es el fondo del asunto, y debe tenerlo en cuenta sobre todo el lector ruso.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Los debates giraron en tono a la cuestión de independencia de Polonia. Se expresaron tres puntos de vista:</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">1) El punto de vista de los «fraquistas», en cuyo nombre habló Haecker. Querían que la Internacional reconociera en su programa la reivindicación de la independencia de Polonia. La propuesta no fue aceptada. Este punto de vista sufrió una derrota ante la Internacional.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">2) El punto de vista de Rosa Luxemburgo: los socialistas polacos no deben exigir la independencia de Polonia. Desde este punto de vista, ni hablar se podía de proclamar el derecho de las naciones a la autodeterminación. Este criterio fue también derrotado ante la Internacional.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">3) El punto de vista que entonces desarrolló del modo más minucioso C. Kautsky, al tomar la palabra contra Rosa Luxemburgo y demostrar la extrema «unilateralidad» del materialismo de ella. Desde este punto de vista, la Internacional no puede incluir hoy en su programa la independencia de Polonia, pero los socialistas polacos -dijo Kautsky- pueden plenamente propugnar semejante reivindicación. Desde el punto de vista de los socialistas es absolutamente erróneo desentenderse de las tareas de la liberación nacional en un ambiente de opresión nacional.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La resolución de la Internacional reproduce precisamente las tesis más esenciales, fundamentales de este punto de vista: por una parte, se reconoce, sin el menor rodeo ni dejar lugar a la tergiversación alguna, el pleno derecho de todas las naciones a la autodeterminación; por otra parte, se exhorta de forma no menos explícita a los obreros a concertar la unidad internacional de su lucha de clase.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Nosotros estimamos que esta resolución es acertada por completo y que, para los países de Europa Oriental y de Asia de comienzos del siglo XX, es precisamente ella y justamente en la conexión indisoluble de sus dos partes lo que constituye la única directriz acertada de política proletaria de clase en el problema nacional.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Explayémonos con algún detenimiento mayor en los tres puntos de vista mencionados.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Sabido es que C. Marx y F. Engels consideraban que toda la democracia de Europa Occidental, y más aún la socialdemocracia, estaban absolutamente obligados a apoyar con energía la reivindicación de independencia de Polonia. Para las décadas del 40 y del 60 del siglo pasado</span><sup><span style="font-size: xx-small;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; line-height: 115%;">[siglo XIX</span>]</span></sup><sup><span face=""verdana" , "sans-serif"" style="color: #444444; font-size: 13.5pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></sup><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">burguesa en Austria y Alemania, época de «reforma campesina» en Rusia, este punto de vista era certero por completo y el único consecuentemente democrático y proletario. Mientras las masas populares de Rusia y de la mayoría de los países eslavos estaban aún sumidas en profundo sueño, mientras no había en estos países movimientos democráticos independientes, de masas, el movimiento liberador aristocrático en Polonia adquiría un valor primordial, gigantesco, desde el punto de vista no sólo de la democracia de toda Rusia, no sólo de la democracia de todos los países eslavos, sino de la democracia de toda Europa</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: xx-small;">[3]</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Pero si este punto de vista de Marx era acertado por completo para el segundo tercio o para el tercer cuarto del siglo XIX, ha dejado de serlo para el siglo XX. En la mayoría de los países eslavos, e incluso en uno de los países eslavos más atrasados, en Rusia, han surgido movimientos democráticos independientes e incluso un movimiento proletario independiente. Ha desaparecido la Polonia aristocrática, dando paso a la Polonia capitalista. En tales circunstancias, Polonia no podía menos de perder su excepcional trascendencia revolucionaria.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Cuando el PSP (Partido Socialista Polaco, los «fraquistas» actuales) intentó en 1896 «perpetuar» el punto de vista de Marx de otra época, eso significaba ya utilizar la letra del marxismo contra el espíritu del marxismo. De ahí que tuvieran completa razón los socialdemócratas polacos cuando se declararon en contra de los entusiasmos nacionalistas de la pequeña burguesía polaca, cuando indicaron que el problema nacional tenía una importancia secundaria para los obreros polacos, cuando crearon por primera vez en Polonia un partido puramente proletario, cuando proclamaron el principio de la unión más estrecha entre el obrero polaco y el ruso en su lucha de clase, principio de inmensa importancia.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Pero ¿significaba esto, sin embargo, que, a comienzos del siglo XX, la Internacional podía considerar superfluo para Europa Oriental y Asia el principio de autodeterminación política de las naciones, su derecho a la separación? Esto sería el mayor de los absurdos y equivaldría (teóricamente) a considerar terminada la transformación democrática burguesa de los Estados de Turquía, Rusia y China; sería (prácticamente) oportunismo respecto al absolutismo.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">No. Para Europa Oriental y para Asia, en una época en que se han iniciado revoluciones democráticas burguesas, en una época en que han surgido y se han exacerbado movimientos nacionales, en una época en que han aparecido partidos proletarios independientes, la tarea de estos partidos en política nacional debe ser una tarea doble: reconocer el derecho de todas las naciones a la autodeterminación, porque aún no está terminada la transformación democrática burguesa, porque la democracia obrera propugna con seriedad, franqueza y consecuencia, no al modo liberal, no al modo de los Kokoshkin, la igualdad de derechos de las naciones y la alianza más estrecha, indisoluble, de la lucha de clase de los proletarios de todas las naciones de un Estado determinado, para toda índole de peripecias de su historia, con todo género de modificaciones que la burguesía introduzca en las fronteras de los diversos Estados.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esta doble tarea del proletariado es precisamente la que formula la resolución de la Internacional en 1896. Idéntica precisamente es, por los principios en que se basa, la resolución adoptada por los marxistas de Rusia en su Conferencia del Verano de 1913. Hay gentes a quienes les parece «contradictorio» que esta resolución, al reconocer en su punto cuarto el derecho a la autodeterminación, a la separación, parece «conceder» el máximo al nacionalismo (en realidad, en el reconocimiento del derecho a la autodeterminación de todas las naciones hay un máximo de democracia y un mínimo de nacionalismo), y en el punto quinto previene a los obreros contra las consignas nacionalistas de cualquier burguesía y exige la unidad y la fusión de los obreros de todas las naciones en organizaciones proletarias internacionales únicas. Pero sólo inteligencias absolutamente obtusas pueden ver aquí una «contradicción», pues son incapaces de comprender, por ejemplo, por qué han ganado la unidad y la solidaridad de clase del proletariado sueco y noruego, cuando los obreros suecos han defendido para Noruega la libertad de separarse y constituir un Estado independiente.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.marxist.com/images/stories/history/2020_April/Lenin_1921_Image_public_domain.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="521" data-original-width="417" height="267" src="https://www.marxist.com/images/stories/history/2020_April/Lenin_1921_Image_public_domain.jpg" width="214" /></a></div>8. CARLOS MARX, EL UTOPISTA, Y ROSA LUXEMBURGO, LA PRÁCTICA</b></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Declarando «utopía» la independencia de Polonia y repitiéndolo hasta dar náuseas, Rosa Luxemburgo exclama con ironía: ¿por qué no exigir la independencia de Irlanda?</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Evidentemente, la «práctica» Rosa Luxemburgo desconoce la actitud de C. Marx ante la independencia de Irlanda. Vale la pena detenerse en este punto para dar un ejemplo analítico de una reivindicación concreta de independencia nacional desde el punto de vista verdaderamente marxista, y no oportunista.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Marx tenía la costumbre de «tantear», como él decía, a los socialistas que él conocía, comprobando su conciencia y la firmeza de su convicción. Cuando conoció a Lopatin, Marx escribió a Engels el 5 de julio de 1870 un juicio muy encomiástico sobre el joven socialista ruso, pero añadía:</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«...El punto débil: Polonia. Sobre este punto Lopatin dice exactamente lo mismo que un inglés -por ejemplo, un cartista inglés de la vieja escuela- sobre Irlanda».</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Marx interroga a un socialista que pertenece a una nación opresora lo que piensa de una nación oprimida y descubre en el acto el defecto común de los socialistas de las naciones dominantes (inglesa y rusa): la incompresión de su deber socialista para con las naciones oprimidas, el rumiar prejuicios tomados de la burguesía de la «nación grande».</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Antes de pasar a las declaraciones positivas de Marx sobre Irlanda, hay que hacer la salvedad de que Marx y Engels guardaban en general una actitud rigurosamente crítica frente al problema nacional, apreciando su valor histórico relativo. Así, Engels escribe a Marx el 23 de mayo de 1851 que el estudio de la historia le lleva a conclusiones pesimistas respecto a Polonia, que la importancia de Polonia es temporal, sólo hasta la revolución agraria en Rusia. El papel de los polacos en la historia es el de «tonterías atrevidas». «Ni por un momento puede suponerse que Polonia, incluso comparada con Rusia solamente, represente con éxito el progreso o tenga cierto valor histórico». En Rusia hay más elementos de civilización, de instrucción, de industria, de burguesía que en la «aletargada Polonia de los terratenientes nobles». «¡Qué significan Varsovia y Cracovia comparadas con San Petersburgo, Moscú y Odesa!» Engels no cree en el éxito de las insurrecciones de la nobleza polaca.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Pero todas estas ideas, que tanto tienen de perspicacia genial, en modo alguno impidieron a Marx y Engels doce años más tarde, cuando Rusia seguía aún aletargada, y Polonia, en cambio, hervía, adoptar la actitud de la más cálida y profunda simpatía por el movimiento polaco.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En 1864, al redactar el mensaje de la Internacional, Marx escribe a Engels (4 de noviembre de 1864) que es preciso luchar contra el nacionalismo de Mazzini. «Cuando en el mensaje se habla de política internacional, me refiero a países, no a naciones, y denuncio a Rusia, y no a Estados de menor importancia», escribe Marx. Para Marx no ofrece dudas la subordinación del problema nacional a la «cuestión obrera». Pero su teoría está tan lejos del propósito de pasar por alto los movimientos nacionales como el cielo de la tierra.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Llega el año 1866. Marx escribe a Engels sobre la «camarilla proudhoniana» de París, que «declara que las naciones son un absurdo y ataca a Bismarck y a Garibaldi. Como polémica contra el chovinismo, su táctica es útil y explicable. Pero cuando quienes creen en Proudhon (y entre ellos figuran dos buenos amigos míos de aquí, Lafargue y Longuet) piensan que toda Europa puede y debe permanecer quieta, sentada tranquilamente a sus anchas hasta que los señores acaben con la miseria y la ignorancia en Francia... resultan ridículos» (carta del 7 de junio de 1866).</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«Ayer -escribe Marx el 20 de junio de 1866- hubo en el Consejo de la Internacional un debate sobre la guerra actual... Como era de esperar, la discusión giró en torno al problema de las "naciones" y a nuestra actitud ante él... Los representantes de la "joven Francia" (no obreros) defendieron el punto de vista de que todo grupo étnico y la misma nación son prejuicios anticuados. Stirnerianismo proudhoniano... Todo el mundo debe esperar que los franceses maduren para la revolución social... Los ingleses se rieron mucho cuando yo comencé mi discurso diciendo que nuestro amigo Lafargue y otros, que han suprimido las naciones, nos hablaban en francés, es decir, en una lengua incomprensible para las 9/10 partes de la reunión. Luego di a entender que Lafargue, sin darse él mismo cuenta de ello, entendía por negación de las naciones, al parecer, su absorción por la ejemplar nación francesa».</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La deducción que resulta de todas estas observaciones críticas de Marx es clara: la clase obrera es la que menos puede hacer un fetiche del problema nacional, porque el desarrollo del capitalismo no despierta necesariamente a todas las naciones a una vida independiente. Pero, una vez surgidos los movimientos nacionales de masas, desentenderse de ellos, negarse a apoyar lo que en ellos hay de progresivo significa caer, en realidad, bajo la influencia de prejuicios nacionalistas, es decir: considerar a «su propia» nación como «nación ejemplar» (o, añadiremos nosotros, como nación dotada del privilegio exclusivo de organizarse en Estado)<span style="font-size: xx-small;">[4]</span>.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Pero volvamos al problema de Irlanda.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La posición de Marx en este problema la expresan, con especial claridad, los siguientes fragmentos de sus cartas:</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«He tratado por todos los medios de promover en los obreros ingleses una manifestación de simpatía por la lucha de los fenianos... Antes creía imposible la separación de Irlanda de Inglaterra. Ahora la creo inevitable, aunque después de la separación se pueda llegar a una federación». Esto es lo que decía Marx a Engels en la carta del 2 de noviembre de 1867.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y en otra carta, del 30 de noviembre del mismo año, añadía:</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«¿Qué consejo debemos dar nosotros a los obreros ingleses? A juicio mío, deben hacer de la Repeal (ruptura) de la unión» (de Irlanda con Inglaterra, es decir, de la separación de Irlanda de Inglaterra) «un punto de su declaración, en pocas palabras, el asunto de 1783, pero democratizado y adaptado a las condiciones del momento. Esta el única forma legal y, por consiguiente, la única posible de emancipación de los irlandeses que puede entrar en el programa de un partido inglés. La experiencia habrá de mostrar más tarde si la simple unión personal puede seguir existiendo entre los dos países...</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«... Lo que necesitan los irlandeses es:</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">"1) Autonomía e independencia con respecto a Inglaterra.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">"2) Una revolución agraria..."»</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Como Marx concedía inmensa importancia al problema de Irlanda, daba conferencias de hora y media sobre este tema en la Unión Obrera alemana (carta del 17 de diciembre de 1867).</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En una carta del 20 de noviembre de 1868, Engels señala «el odio que existe entre los obreros ingleses a los irlandeses», y al cabo de un año, poco más o menos (24 de octubre de 1869), volviendo a este tema, escribe:</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«De Irlanda a Rusia <i>il n`y a qu`un pas</i> (no hay más que un paso)... Por el ejemplo de la historia irlandesa puede verse qué desgracia es para un pueblo haber sojuzgado a otro. Todas las infamias inglesas tienen su origen en la esfera irlandesa. Todavía tengo que estudiar la época de Cromwell; pero, de todos modos, no me cabe la menor duda de que, también en Inglaterra, las cosas habrían tomado otro cariz si no hubiera sido necesario dominar por las armas a Irlanda y crear una nueva aristocracia».</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Señalemos de paso la carta de Marx a Engels del 18 de agosto de 1869:</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«En Posnania, los obreros polacos han tenido una huelga victoriosa gracias a la ayuda de sus camaradas de Berlín. Esta lucha contra "el señor capital" -incluso en su forma inferior, en forma de huelgas- terminará con los prejuicios nacionales de un modo más serio que las declamaciones sobre la paz en boca de los señores burgueses».</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Por lo que sigue, puede verse la política que Marx aplicaba en la Internacional respecto al problema irlandés.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El 18 de noviembre de 1869 Marx escribe a Engels que ha pronunciado en el Consejo de la Internacional un discurso de hora y cuarto sobre la actitud del gobierno británico ante la amnistía irlandesa y que ha propuesto la resolución siguiente:</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«Se acuerda</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">que, en su respuesta a la exigencia irlandesa de poner en libertad a los patriotas irlandeses, el señor Gladstone ultraja deliberadamente a la nación irlandesa;</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">que Gladstone liga la amnistía política a condiciones igualmente humillantes tanto para las víctimas del mal gobierno como para el pueblo representado por ese gobierno;</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">que Gladstone, si bien obligado por su situación oficial, ha aplaudido pública y solemnemente la revuelta de los esclavistas norteamericanos y ahora se pone a predicar al pueblo irlandés la doctrina de la sumisión pasiva;</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">que, en lo tocante a la amnistía irlandesa, toda su política es una auténtica manifestación de la "política de conquista" que desenmascaró el señor Gladstone, derribando de este modo el ministerio de sus adversarios, los tories;</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">que el Consejo General de la Asociación Internacional de los Trabajadores expresa su admiración ante la valentía, la firmeza y la elevación de espíritu con que el pueblo irlandés despliega su campaña por la amnistía;</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">que esta resolución deberá ser comunicada a todas las sesiones de la Asociación Internacional de los Trabajadores y a todas las organizaciones obreras de Europa y América que estén relacionadas con ella».</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El 10 de diciembre de 1869 Marx escribe que su informe sobre el problema irlandés en el Consejo de la Internacional tendrá la estructura siguiente:</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«... Independientemente de toda frase "internacionalista" y "humanitaria" sobre "justicia para Irlanda" -porque esto se sobrentiende en el Consejo de la Internacional-, el interés absoluto y directo de la clase obrera inglesa exige la ruptura de su actual unión con Irlanda. Estoy profundamente convencido de ello, y las razones no las puedo revelar, en parte, a los propios obreros ingleses. He creído durante mucho tiempo que la ascendencia de la clase obrera inglesa permitiría derrocar el régimen irlandés. He defendido siempre esta opinión en el New York Daily Tribune (periódico norteamericano en el que Marx colaboró mucho tiempo). Un estudio más profundo me ha persuadido de lo contrario. La clase obrera inglesa no hará nada mientras no se desembarace de Irlanda... La reacción inglesa, en Inglaterra, tiene sus raíces en el sojuzgamiento de Irlanda» (subrayado por Marx</span><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="vertical-align: super;"><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="font-size: xx-small;">[no surge el subrayado del texto que se digitaliza]</span></span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif">).</span></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Ahora tendrá el lector bien claro cuál era la política de Marx en el problema irlandés.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El «utopista» Marx era tan «poco práctico» que estaba en pro de la separación de Irlanda, separación que, medio siglo más tarde, no se ha realizado aún.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">¿A qué se debe esta política de Marx? ¿No fue, acaso, un error?</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Al principio, Marx creía que el movimiento que liberaría a Irlanda era el movimiento obrero de la nación opresora y no el nacional de la nación oprimida. Marx, sabedor de que sólo la victoria de la clase obrera podrá traer la liberación completa de todas las naciones, no hace de los movimientos nacionales algo absoluto. Es imposible tener en cuenta de antemano todas las correlaciones que pueden establecerse entre los movimientos burgueses de liberación en las naciones oprimidas y el movimiento proletario de liberación en la nación opresora (precisamente esto es lo que hace tan difícil el problema nacional en la Rusia contemporánea).</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Pero las cosas han ocurrido de manera que la clase obrera inglesa ha caído por un período bastante largo bajo la influencia de los liberales, yendo a la zaga de los mismos, decapitándose ella misma con una política obrera liberal. <a href="http://books.google.com.uy/books?id=m0OM-SvIONoC&printsec=frontcover&dq=Hacia+la+libertad+de+Irlanda&hl=es&sa=X&ei=ttIsVO29J8rM8AHv0IDYBw&ved=0CBwQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=Hacia%20la%20libertad%20de%20Irlanda&f=false" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">El movimiento burgués de liberación en Irlanda se ha acentuado y ha adquirido formas revolucionarias.</a> Marx revisa su opinión y la corrige. «Qué desgracia es para un pueblo el haber sojuzgado a otro». La clase obrera de Inglaterra no podrá liberarse, mientras Irlanda no se libere del yugo inglés. La esclavización de Irlanda fortalece y nutre a la reacción en Inglaterra (¡igual que nutre a la reacción en Rusia el sojuzgamiento de una serie de naciones!).</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y Marx, al hacer aprobar en la Internacional una resolución de simpatía por «la nación irlandesa», por «el pueblo irlandés» (¡el inteligente L. Vl. haría , seguramente, trizas al pobre Marx por haber olvidado la lucha de clase!), propugna la separación de Irlanda de Inglaterra, «aunque después de la separación se pueda llegar a una federación».</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">¿Cuáles son las premisas teóricas de esta conclusión de Marx? En Inglaterra hace ya mucho tiempo que, en general, quedó terminada la revolución burguesa. Pero no así en Irlanda, donde la están terminando ahora, medio siglo después, las reformas de los liberales ingleses. Si el capitalismo hubiese sido derribado en Inglaterra con la rapidez que esperaba Marx al principio, no habría lugar en Irlanda para un movimiento democrático burgués del conjunto de la nación. Pero puesto que ha surgido, Marx aconseja a los obreros ingleses que lo apoyen, que le impriman un impulso revolucionario, que lo lleven a término en bien de su propia libertad.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En la década del 60 del siglo pasado, las relaciones económicas entre Irlanda e Inglaterra eran, desde luego, más estrechas aún que las relaciones entre Rusia y Polonia, Ucrania, etc. Saltaba a la vista que la separación de Irlanda era «poco práctica», «irrealizable» (aunque sólo fuera por su situación geográfica y por el inmenso poderío colonial de Inglaterra). Siendo en principio enemigo del federalismo, Marx admite, en este caso, incluso la federación<span style="font-size: xx-small;">[5]</span> con tal de que la liberación de Irlanda no se haga por vía reformista, sino revolucionaria, por el movimiento de las masas del pueblo en Irlanda, apoyado por la clase obrera de Inglaterra. No puede caber ninguna duda de que sólo una solución semejante de este problema histórico habría sido la más beneficiosa para el proletariado y un rápido desarrollo social.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Pero las cosas sucedieron de otro modo. Tanto el pueblo irlandés como el proletariado inglés han resultado ser débiles. Sólo ahora, por míseras componendas entre los liberales ingleses y la burguesía irlandesa, se resuelve (el ejemplo de Ulster demuestra con cuánta dificultad) el problema irlandés con una reforma agraria (con rescate) y la autonomía (sin establecer aún). ¿Y qué? ¿Se debe acaso deducir de esto que Marx y Engels eran «utopistas», que presentaban reivindicaciones nacionales «irrealizables», que cedían a la influencia de los nacionalistas irlandeses, pequeños burgueses (es indudable el carácter pequeñoburgués del movimiento de los «<a href="https://www.marxists.org/portugues/dicionario/verbetes/m/moviimento_feninanos.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">fenianos</a>»), etc.?</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">No. Marx y Engles propugnaron, también en la cuestión irlandesa, una política consecuentemente proletaria, una política que educara de verdad a las masas en el espíritu de la democracia y del socialismo. Sólo esta política podía salvar, tanto a Irlanda como a Inglaterra, de diferir por medio siglo las transformaciones necesarias y de que los liberales las desfigurasen para complacencia de la reacción.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La política de Marx y Engels en el problema irlandés constituye un magnífico ejemplo de la actitud que debe mantener el proletariado de las naciones opresoras ante los movimientos nacionales, y este ejemplo ha conservado, hasta hoy día, un valor práctico enorme: esta política es una advertencia contra la «precipitación lacayuna» con que los pequeños burgueses de todos los países, lenguas y colores se apresuran a declarar «utópica» la modificación de las fronteras de los Estados creados por las violencias y los privilegios de los terratenientes y de la burguesía de una nación.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Si el proletariado de Irlanda y el de Inglaterra no hubieran adoptado la política de Marx, si no hubieran hecho suya la consigna de separación de Irlanda, ello habría sido el peor de los oportunismos por su parte, habría significado un olvido de las misiones de un demócrata y de un socialista, una concesión a la reacción y a la burguesía inglesas.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjwTJ-HM9odfYwqAL52QXSAIVQe0Q3hxN-BOO0LjnTVEQs_xDhGCbolum9uyuY2cSptyz5DrBiZj_nBikpYIvpxFcIwKhtRyHECJ7B7vEUbh_KBy1J1cHYBKenSLQL6vSKWxA-WCCJDZ5Y/s1600/lenin+II+congreso+de+la+III.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1008" data-original-width="1600" height="164" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjwTJ-HM9odfYwqAL52QXSAIVQe0Q3hxN-BOO0LjnTVEQs_xDhGCbolum9uyuY2cSptyz5DrBiZj_nBikpYIvpxFcIwKhtRyHECJ7B7vEUbh_KBy1J1cHYBKenSLQL6vSKWxA-WCCJDZ5Y/w260-h164/lenin+II+congreso+de+la+III.jpg" width="260" /></a></div>9. EL PROGRAMA DE 1903 Y SUS LIQUIDADORES</b></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Las actas del Congreso de 1903, que aprobó el programa de los marxistas de Rusia, se han hecho un texto muy difícil de encontrar, y la inmensa mayoría de los actuales militantes del movimiento obrero no conocen los motivos de los diversos puntos del programa (con tanta mayor razón que no todas las publicaciones, ni mucho menos, que con ellos se relacionan, gozan del beneficio de la legalidad...). De ahí que sea necesario detenerse en el examen que se hizo en el Congreso de 1903 de la cuestión que nos interesa.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Hagamos notar, ante todo, que, por pobre que sea la bibliografía soacialdemócrata rusa en lo concerniente al «derecho de las naciones a la autodeterminación», resulta de ella, sin embargo, con toda claridad que este derecho se ha interpretado siempre en el sentido de derecho a la separación. Los Semkovski, los Libman y los Yurkévich, todos estos señores que lo ponen en duda, que declaran que el apartado 9 es «poco claro», etc. sólo hablan de «falta de claridad» por ignorancia supina o por despreocupación. Ya en 1902, Plejánov[6], defendiendo en Zariá «el derecho a la autodeterminación» en el proyecto del programa, escribía que esta reivindicación, que no es obligatoria para los demócratas burgueses «es obligatoria para los socialdemócratas». «Si nos olvidáramos de ella o si no nos decidiéramos a propugnarla -escribía Plejánov-, temiendo herir los prejuicios nacionales de nuestros compatriotas rusos, se convertiría en nuestros labios en mentira odiosa... el grito de combate...: "¡Proletarios de todos los países, uníos!"».</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Estas palabras caracterizan con mucho acierto el argumento fundamental a favor del punto analizado, con tanto acierto que no sin motivo las han pasado y las pasan temerosamente por alto los críticos de nuestro programa que se olvidan de su parentesco. Renunciar a este punto, sean cuales fueren los motivos que se aduzcan, significa de hecho una concesión «vergonzosa» al nacionalismo ruso. ¿Por qué ruso, cuando se habla del derecho de todas las naciones a la autodeterminación? Porque se trata de separarse de los rusos. El interés de la unión de los proletarios, el interés de su solidaridad de clase exigen que se reconozca el derecho de las naciones a la separación: eso es lo que hace doce años reconoció Plejánov en las palabras citadas; de reflexionar sobre ello, nuestros oportunistas no hubieran dicho, probablemente, tantos absurdos sobre la autodeterminación.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En el congreso de 1903, donde se aprobó este proyecto de programa defendido por Plejánov, el trabajo principal estaba concentrado en la comisión de programa. Es de lamentar que en ella no se levantaran actas. Precisamente sobre el punto de que tratamos presentarían especial interés, porque sólo en la comisión los representantes de los socialdemócratas polacos, Warszawski y Hanecki, intentaron defender sus puntos de vista e impugnar el «reconocimiento del derecho a la autodeterminación». El lector que hubiera deseado comparar sus argumentos (expuestos en el discurso de Warszawski y en la declaración del mismo y de Hanecki, págs. 134-136 y 388-390 de las actas) con los argumentos de Rosa Luxemburgo en su artículo polaco que hemos analizado, vería la completa identidad de estos argumentos.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Pero ¿cuál fue ante estos argumentos la actitud de la comisión de programa del II Congreso, donde quien más habló contra los marxistas polacos fue Plejánov? ¡Estos argumentos fueron ridiculizados con mordacidad! El absurdo de proponer a los marxistas de Rusia que excluyeran el reconocimiento del derecho a la autodeterminación de las naciones quedó demostrado de manera tan clara y patente que los marxistas polacos ¡¡no se atrevieron ni a repetir sus argumentos en la sesión plenaria del congreso!! Abandonaron el congreso, convencidos de lo desesperado de su posición ante la asamblea suprema de los marxistas, tanto rusos como hebreos, georgianos y armenios.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Este episodio histórico tiene, de suyo se comprende, suma importancia para todo el que se interese en serio por su programa. El fracaso completo de los argumentos expuestos por los marxistas polacos en la comisión de programa del congreso, así como su renuncia al intento de defender sus opiniones ante la sesión del congreso, son hechos muy significativos. No en vano ha pasado Rosa Luxemburgo «modestamente» en silencio este hecho en su artículo de 1908: ¡el recuerdo del congreso le resultaba, por lo visto, demasiado desagradable! Tampoco ha dicho nada de la propuesta, desafortunada hasta lo ridículo, de «corregir» el apartado 9 del programa, propuesta que Warszawski y Hanecki hicieron en 1903 en nombre de todos los marxistas polacos y que no se han decidido (ni se decidirán) a repetir ni Rosa Luxemburgo ni otros socialdemócratas polacos.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Pero si Rosa Luxemburgo, ocultando su derrota en 1903, ha guardado silencio sobre estos hechos, las personas que se interesan por la historia de su partido se preocuparán de conocerlos y de meditar sobre su significación.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«... Nosotros proponemos -escribían en 1903 al congreso los amigos de Rosa Luxemburgo, al retirarse del mismo- dar la siguiente redacción del apartado 7 (ahora 9) del proyecto de programa: apdo. 7: Instituciones que garanticen la completa libertad de desarrollo cultural a todas las naciones que integran el Estado» (pág. 390 de las actas).</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Así pues, los marxistas polacos formulaban entonces, en lo que se refiere a la cuestión nacional, opiniones tan poco definidas que, en lugar de autodeterminación, proponían, en el fondo, ¡nada menos que un seudónimo de la famosa «autonomía nacional cultural»!</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esto parece casi inverosímil, pero, desgraciadamente, es un hecho. En el mismo congreso, aunque en él había cinco bundistas con cinco votos y tres caucasianos con seis votos, sin contar la voz sin voto de Kostrov, no hubo ni uno solo que votara a favor de la supresión del punto referente a la autodeterminación. Se emitieron tres votos a favor de añadir a este punto «la autonomía nacional cultural» (por la fórmula de Goldblat: «creación de instituciones que garanticen a las naciones la completa libertad de desarrollo cultural») y cuatro a favor de la fórmula de Líber («derecho a su -de las naciones- libertad de desarrollo cultural»).</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Ahora, cuando ha surgido un partido liberal ruso, el Partido Demócrata Constitucionalista, sabemos que la autodeterminación política de las naciones ha sido sustituida en su programa por la «autodeterminación cultural». Por consiguiente, los amigos polacos de Rosa Luxemburgo, «al luchar» contra el nacionalismo del PSP, ¡lo hacían tan bien que proponían sustituir el programa marxista por un programa liberal! Y al hacerlo acusaban, por añadidura, de oportunismo a nuestro programa. ¡No es de extrañar, pues, que en la comisión de programa del II Congreso esta acusación fuera acogida sólo con risas!</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">¿En qué sentido entendían la «autodeterminación» los delegados al II Congreso, de los cuales, según hemos visto, no hubo ni uno solo que estuviera en contra de la «autodeterminación de las naciones»?</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Lo atestiguan los tres pasajes siguientes de las actas:</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«Martínov considera que no hay que dar a la palabra "autodeterminación" una interpretación amplia; sólo significa el derecho de una nación a separarse para formar una entidad política aparte, pero de ningún modo la autonomía regional» (pág. 171). Martínov era miembro de la comisión de programa, en la que fueron refutados y ridiculizados los argumentos de los amigos de Rosa Luxemburgo. Por sus concepciones, Martínov era entonces «economista», adversario furibundo de Iskra, y si hubiese expresado una opinión que no compartiera la mayoría de la comisión de programa, habría sido, desde luego, refutado.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Goldblat, bundista, fue el primero en tomar la palabra cuando, después del trabajo de la comisión, se discutió en el congreso el apartado 8 (ahora 9) del programa.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«Contra el "derecho a la autodeterminación" -dijo Goldblat- no puede objetarse nada. Cuando alguna nación lucha por su independencia, no podemos oponernos a ello. Si Polonia no quiere contraer matrimonio legal con Rusia, hay que dejarla en paz, según ha dicho el camarada Plejánov. Estoy de acuerdo con semejante opinión dentro de estos límites»</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"> </span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">(págs. 175-176).</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Plejánov no habló en absoluto sobre este punto en la sesión plenaria del congreso. Goldblat se refiere a unas palabras que dijo Plejánov en la comisión de programa, donde el «derecho a la autodeterminación» se explicó en forma detallada y popular en el sentido de derecho a la separación. Líber, que habló después de Goldblat, observó:</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«Claro está que si alguna nación no puede vivir dentro de los confines de Rusia, el partido no ha de crearle obstáculo alguno» (pág. 176).</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Como puede ver el lector, en el II Congreso del partido, que aprobó el programa, no hubo dos opiniones en cuanto a que la autodeterminación significaba «tan sólo» el derecho a la separación. Incluso los bundistas asimilaron entonces esta verdad, y sólo en nuestros tristes tiempos de contrarrevolución consecutiva y de toda clase de «abjuraciones» ha habido gentes que, por ignorancia, se han atrevido a declarar que el programa es «poco claro». Pero antes de dedicar tiempo a estos tristes «socialdemócratas» de pacotilla, terminemos de hablar de la actitud de los polacos ante el programa.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Los polacos vinieron al II Congreso (1903), declarando que era imprescindible y urgente la unificación. Pero lo abandonaron tras de sufrir «reveses» en la comisión de programa, y su última palabra fue una declaración escrita, en la que se hacía la precitada propuesta de sustituir la autodeterminación por la autonomía nacional cultural tal y como figura en las actas del congreso.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En 1906, los marxistas polacos ingresaron en el partido, pero ¡¡ni al ingresar en él ni después (ni en el Congreso de 1907, ni en las conferencias de 1907 y 1908, ni en el Pleno de 1910) presentaron nunca propuesta alguna de modificar el apartado 9 del programa ruso!!</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esto es un hecho.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y este hecho demuestra con evidencia, a pesar de todas las frases y aseveraciones, que los amigos de Rosa Luxemburgo consideraron concluidos los debates en la comisión de programa del II Congreso y definitiva la resolución del mismo, que reconocieron tácitamente su error, y lo corrigieron cuando, después de retirarse del congreso en 1903, ingresaron en 1906 en el partido sin intentar ni una sola vez plantear por vía de partido la revisión del apartado 9.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El artículo de Rosa Luxemburgo fue publicado con su firma en 1908 -desde luego, a nadie se le ocurrió jamás negar a las plumas del partido el derecho a criticar el programa-, y después de este artículo tampoco hubo ni un solo organismo oficial de los marxistas polacos que plantease la revisión del apartado 9.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Por esta razón, Trotski presta en verdad un flaco servicio a ciertos admiradores de Rosa Luxemburgo cuando, en nombre de la redacción de Borbá, escribe en el número 2 (marzo de 1914):</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«... Los marxistas polacos consideran que el "derecho a la autodeterminación nacional" carece en absoluto de contenido político y debe ser suprimido del programa» (pág. 25).</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">¡Trotski obsequioso, enemigo peligroso! En ninguna parte, si no es en «conversaciones particulares» (es decir, sencillamente en chismes, de los que siempre vive Trotski), ha podido encontrar pruebas para incluir a los «marxistas polacos» en general entre los partidarios de cada artículo de Rosa Luxemburgo. Trotski ha presentado a los «marxistas polacos» como gentes sin honor y sin vergüenza, que no saben siquiera respetar sus convicciones ni el programa de su partido. ¡Trotski obsequioso!</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Cuando los representantes de los marxistas polacos se retiraron en 1903 del II Congreso a causa del derecho a la autodeterminación, Trotski pudo haber dicho entonces que ellos consideraban de poco contenido este derecho y que debía ser suprimido del programa.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Pero, después de eso, los marxistas polacos ingresaron en un partido que tenía tal programa y ni una sola vez propusieron revisarlo<span style="font-size: xx-small;">[7]</span>.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">¿Por qué ha silenciado Trotski estos hechos a los lectores de su revista? Sólo porque le conviene especular, instigando las divergencias entre adversarios polacos y rusos del liquidacionismo, y engañar a los obreros rusos respecto al programa.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Trotski jamás ha tenido una opinión firme en un solo problema serio del marxismo, siempre «se ha metido por la rendija» de tales o cuales divergencias, pasándose de un bando a otro. En estos momentos se halla en la compañía de bundistas y liquidadores. Y estos señores no tienen muchos miramientos con el partido.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Vean lo que escribe el bundista Libman.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«Cuando la socialdemocracia de Rusia -escribe este caballero- incluyó hace quince años en su programa el punto sobre el derecho de cada nación a la "autodeterminación", todo el mundo (!!) se preguntaba: ¿qué quiere decir, hablando con propiedad, esta locución en boga (!!)? No hubo respuesta a esta pregunta (!!). El sentido de esta palabra quedó (!!) envuelto en bruma. En realidad, entonces era difícil disipar esta bruma. Todavía no ha llegado el momento en que pueda concretarse este punto -se decía entonces-; que siga por ahora envuelto en bruma (!!), y la misma vida dirá qué contenido debe dársele».</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">¿Verdad que es magnífico este «niño en cueros» que se burla del programa del partido?</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">¿Y por qué se burla?</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Sólo porque es un ignorante supino que no ha estudiado nada, que ni siquiera ha leído algo de historia del partido, sino que ha caído sencillamente en el medio de los liquidadores, donde «es costumbre» andar en cueros en el problema del partido y del partidismo.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En una obra de Pomialovski, un seminarista se vanagloria «de haber escupido en una tina de col». Los señores bundistas han ido más lejos. Hacen salir a los Libman para que estos caballeros escupan públicamente en su propia tina. ¿Que ha habido una resolución del congreso internacional, que en el congreso de su propio partido dos representantes de su propio Bund han revelado (¡con lo «severos» críticos y enemigos decididos de Iskra que eran!) su completa capacidad para comprender el sentido de la «autodeterminación» e incluso se mostraron conformes con ella? ¿Qué importa todo esto a los señores Libman? ¿No será más fácil liquidar el partido si los «publicistas del partido» (¡bromas aparte!) tratan a lo seminarista la historia y el programa del partido?</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">He aquí al segundo «niño en cueros», al señor Yurkévich, de Dzvin, quien ha tenido, probablemente, en sus manos las actas del II Congreso, ya que cita las palabras de Plejánov, reproducidas por Goldblat, y demuestra saber que la autodeterminación no puede significar sino derecho a la separación. Pero esto no le impide difundir entre la pequeña burguesía ucrania, contra los marxistas rusos, la calumnia de que éstos están por la «integridad estatal» de Rusia (1913, núm. 7-8, pág. 83 y otras). Naturalmente, no podían los señores Yurkévich inventar medio mejor que esta calumnia para alejar a la democracia ucrania de la democracia rusa. ¡Y un alejamiento tal está conforme con toda la política del grupo de autores de Dzvin que preconiza la separación de los obreros ucranios en una organización nacional aparte!</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Al grupo de los pequeños burgueses nacionalistas que escinden al proletariado -precisamente éste es el papel objetivo de Dzvin- le viene que ni pintado, como es natural, propagar el más impúdico embrollo sobre el problema nacional. De suyo se comprende que los señores Yurkévich y los señores Libman -que se ofenden «terriblemente» cuando se dice de ellos que «están situados a un lado del partido»-, no han dicho nada, ni una sola palabra, de como hubieran querido resolver ellos en el programa la cuestión del derecho a la separación.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">He aquí al tercero y principal «niño en cueros», al señor Semkovski que, en las páginas del periódico de los liquidadores, «denigra» ante el público ruso el apartado 9 del programa y declara a la vez que, ¡¡«por ciertas consideraciones, no comparte la propuesta» de excluir este apartado!!</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Es inverosímil, pero es un hecho.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En agosto de 1912, la conferencia de los liquidadores plantea oficialmente el problema nacional. En año y medio no hubo ni un solo artículo, a excepción del artículo del señor Semkovski, sobre el apartado 9. ¡¡Y en este artículo el autor refuta el programa, «no compartiendo, por ciertas razones» (¿una enfermedad secreta, o qué?), la propuesta de corregirlo!! Puede darse garantía de que no se encontrará con facilidad en todo el mundo ejemplos de semejante oportunismo, y aún peor que oportunismo, de abjuración del partido, de liquidación del mismo.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Un ejemplo bastará para mostrar cuáles son los argumentos de Semkovski.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«Cómo debe procederse -escribe- si el proletariado polaco quiere luchar al lado de todo el proletariado de Rusia dentro de un solo Estado, mientras que las clases reaccionarias de la sociedad polaca quieren, por el contrario, separar a Polonia de Rusia y obtienen mayoría de votos a favor de ello en un referéndum (consulta popular): ¿nosotros, socialdemócratas rusos, habríamos de votar en el parlamento central con nuestros camaradas polacos contra la separación o a favor de ella para no violar "el derecho a la autodeterminación"?» (Nóvaya Rabóchaya Gazeta, núm71).</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">¡Por donde puede verse que el señor Semkovski no comprende siquiera de qué se trata! No ha pensado que el derecho a la separación supone que el problema no los resuelve precisamente el Parlamento central, sino únicamente el Parlamento (Dieta, referéndum, etc.) de la región que se separa.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">¡Con la pueril perplejidad del «como debe procederse» si en una democracia la mayoría está por la reacción, se vela un problema de política real, verdadera, viva, cuando tanto los Purishkévich como los Kokoshkin consideran que hasta la idea de la separación es un crimen! ¡¡Probablemente, los proletarios de toda Rusia no deben luchar hoy contra los Purishkévich y los Kokoshkin, sino prescindiendo de ellos, contra las clases reaccionarias de Polonia!!</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Y semejantes absurdos inconcebibles se escriben en el órgano de los liquidadores, uno de cuyos dirigentes ideológicos es el señor L. Mártov. Aquel mismo L. Mártov que redactó el proyecto de programa y lo defendió en 1903 y que incluso más tarde escribió en defensa de la libertad de separación. Por lo visto, L. Mártov razona ahora según la regla [de la canción de <a href="http://tolstoy.ru/" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Lev Nikoláievich Tolstói</a>]</span><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">:</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Allí no hace falta un inteligente;/ Manden ustedes a Read/ Y yo veré.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">¡El manda a Read-Semkovski y permite que en un diario se tergiverse y embrolle sin fin nuestro programa ante nuevos grupos de lectores que no lo conocen!</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Sí, sí, el liquidacionismo ha ido lejos: entre muchísimos de los ex socialdemócratas, e incluso entre los destacados, no ha quedado ni vestigio de partidismo.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Claro está que no se puede comparar a Rosa Luxemburgo con los Libman, los Yurkévich y los Semkovski, pero el hecho de que precisamente tales gentes se hayan aferrado a su error demuestra con singular evidencia en qué oportunismo ha caído ella.</span></div>
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<a href="https://ae01.alicdn.com/kf/HTB15dbmx2uSBuNkHFqDq6xfhVXay/VLADIMIR-LENIN-Digital-Art-wall-frame-posters-and-Print-Silk-Fabric-for-home-Decor.jpg_640x640.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="640" data-original-width="427" height="200" src="https://ae01.alicdn.com/kf/HTB15dbmx2uSBuNkHFqDq6xfhVXay/VLADIMIR-LENIN-Digital-Art-wall-frame-posters-and-Print-Silk-Fabric-for-home-Decor.jpg_640x640.jpg" width="133" /></a><span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><b>10. CONCLUSIÓN</b></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Hagamos el balance.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Desde el punto de vista de la teoría del marxismo en general, el problema del derecho a la autodeterminación no presenta dificultades. En serio no se puede ni hablar de poner en duda el acuerdo de Londres de 1896, ni de que por autodeterminación se entiende únicamente el derecho a la separación, ni de que la formación de Estados nacionales independientes es una tendencia de todas las revoluciones democráticas burguesas.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Hasta cierto punto, crea la dificultad el hecho de que en Rusia luchan y deben luchar juntos el proletariado de las naciones oprimidas y el proletariado de la nación opresora. La tarea consiste en salvaguardar la unidad de la lucha de clase del proletariado por el socialismo, repeler todas las influencias burguesas y ultrarreaccionarias del nacionalismo. Entre las naciones oprimidas, la separación del proletariado en un partido independiente conduce a veces a una lucha tan encarnizada contra el nacionalismo de la nación de que se trata que se deforma la perspectiva y se olvida el nacionalismo de la nación opresora.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Pero esta deformación de la perspectiva es posible tan sólo durante corto tiempo. La experiencia de la lucha conjunta de los proletarios de naciones diferentes prueba con demasiada claridad que nosotros debemos plantear los problemas políticos desde el punto de vista de toda Rusia, y no desde el «de Cracovia». Mientras tanto, en la política de toda Rusia dominan los Purishkévich y los Kokoshkin. Predominan sus ideas; y la persecución de los habitantes alógenos por «separatismo», por pensar en la separación, es predicada y llevada a la práctica en la Duma, en las escuelas, en las iglesias, en los cuarteles, en centenares y miles de periódicos. Todo el clima político de Rusia entera está emponzoñado del veneno de este nacionalismo ruso. La desgracia del pueblo consiste en que, al esclavizar a otros pueblos, afianza la reacción en toda Rusia. Los recuerdos de <a href="http://www.marxists.org/espanol/m-e/cartas/e1849-07-25.htm" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">1849</a> y <a href="http://www.nodo50.org/ciencia_popular/articulos/Riazanov.pdf" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">1863</a> constituyen una tradición política viva que, si no se producen tempestades de proporciones muy grandes, amenazará durante largos decenios con dificultar todo movimiento democrático y, sobre todo, socialdemócrata.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">No puede caber duda de que, por natural que parezca a veces el punto de vista de algunos marxistas de las naciones oprimidas (cuya «desgracia» consiste a veces en que las masas de la población quedan deslumbradas por la idea de «su» liberación nacional), en la práctica, teniendo en cuenta la correlación objetiva de las fuerzas de las clases en Rusia, la renuncia a defender el derecho a la autodeterminación equivale al peor oportunismo, a contagiar al proletariado las ideas de los Kokoshkin. Y estas ideas son, en el fondo, las ideas y la política de los Purishkévich.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Por eso, si el punto de vista de Rosa Luxemburgo podía justificarse al principio como estrechez específica polaca, "de Cracovia"<span style="font-size: xx-small;">[8]</span>, ahora, cuando en todas partes se ha acentuado el nacionalismo y, sobre todo, el nacionalismo gubernamental, ruso, cuando es este nacionalismo el que dirige la política, semejante estrechez es ya imperdonable. En la práctica se aferran a ella los oportunistas de todas las naciones, temerosos ante la idea de «tempestades» y de «saltos», que consideran terminada la revolución democrática burguesa y van detrás del liberalismo de los Kokoshkin.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El nacionalismo ruso, como todo nacionalismo, atravesará distintas fases, según predominen en el país burgués unas u otras clases. Hasta 1905, casi no conocimos más que a nacional-reaccionarios. Después de la revolución han surgido en nuestro país nacional-liberales.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Esta es la posición que ocupan de hecho en nuestro país tanto los octubristas como los demócratas constitucionalistas (Kokoshkin), es decir, toda la burguesía contemporánea.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">En lo sucesivo es inevitable que surjan nacional-demócratas rusos. Uno de los fundadores del partido «socialista popular», el señor Peshejónov, ha expresado ya este punto de vista cuando exhortaba (en el fascículo de agosto de Rússkoie Bogatstvo de 1906) a proceder con prudencia respecto a los prejuicios nacionalistas del mujik. Por mucho que se nos calumnie a nosotros, los bolcheviques, pretendiendo que «idealizamos» al mujik, nosotros siempre hemos distinguido y distinguiremos rigurosamente entre el juicio del mujik y el prejuicio del mujik, entre el espíritu democrático del mujik contra Purishkévich y la tendencia del mujik a transigir con el pope y el terrateniente.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">La democracia proletaria debe tener en cuenta el nacionalismo de los campesinos rusos (no en el sentido de concesiones, sino en el sentido de lucha) ya ahora, y lo tendrá en cuenta, probablemente, durante un período bastante prolongado<span style="font-size: xx-small;">[9]</span>. El despertar del nacionalismo en las naciones oprimidas, que se ha mostrado con tanta fuerza después de 1905 (recordemos aunque sólo sea el grupo de «autonomistas-federalistas» de la I Duma, el ascenso del movimiento ucranio, del movimiento musulmán, etc.), provocará inevitablemente un recrudecimiento del nacionalismo de la pequeña burguesía rusa en la ciudad y en el campo. Cuanto más lenta sea la transformación democrática en Rusia, tanto más empeñados, rudos y encarnizados serán el hostigamiento nacional y las discordias entre la burguesía de las diversas naciones. El singular espíritu reaccionario de los Purishkévich rusos engendrará (e intensificará) a la vez tendencias «separatistas» en unas u otras naciones oprimidas, que a veces gozan de una libertad mucho mayor en los Estados vecinos.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Semejante estado de cosas plantea al proletariado de Rusia una tarea doble, o mejor dicho, bilateral: luchar contra todo nacionalismo y, en primer término, contra el nacionalismo ruso; reconocer no sólo la completa igualdad de derechos de todas las naciones en general, sino también la igualdad de derechos respecto a la edificación estatal, es decir, el derecho de las naciones a la autodeterminación, a la separación; y, al mismo tiempo y precisamente en interés del éxito en la lucha contra toda clase de nacionalismos de todas las naciones, propugnar la unidad de la lucha proletaria y de las organizaciones proletarias, su más íntima fusión en una comunidad internacional, a despecho de las tendencias burguesas al aislamiento nacional.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Completa igualdad de derechos de las naciones; derecho de autodeterminación de las naciones; fusión de los obreros de todas las naciones; tal es el programa nacional que enseña a los obreros el marxismo, que enseña la experiencia del mundo entero y la experiencia de Rusia.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">El presente artículo estaba ya en caja cuando recibí el número 3 de Nasha Rabóchaya Gazeta, donde el señor V. Kosovski escribe sobre el reconocimiento del derecho a la autodeterminación para todas las naciones:</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">«Mecánicamente trasladado de la resolución del I Congreso del partido (1898) que, a su vez, lo tomó de los acuerdos de los congresos socialistas internacionales, este derecho, según puede verse por los debates, era interpretado por el congreso de 1903 en el mismo sentido que le daba la Internacional Socialista: en el sentido de la autodeterminación política, es decir, de la autodeterminación de la nación hacia la independencia política. De este modo, la fórmula de autodeterminación nacional, que significa el derecho a la separación territorial, no atañe para nada al problema de cómo regular las relaciones nacionales dentro de un organismo estatal determinado para las naciones que no puedan o no quieran salir del Estado existente».</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;">Por donde puede verse que el señor V. Kosovski ha tenido en las manos las actas del II Congreso de 1903 y conoce perfectamente el verdadero (y único) sentido del concepto de autodeterminación. ¡¡Comparen con esto el hecho de que la redacción del periódico bundista Zait suelte al señor Libman para que se mofe del programa y le impute falta de claridad!! Extraños hábitos «de partido» tienen los señores bundistas... Sólo «Alá sabe» por qué Kosovski declara que el aceptar el congreso la autodeterminación es un traslado mecánico. Hay gentes que «quieren hacer objeciones», pero no ven el fondo del asunto, no saben cuáles, ni cómo, ni por qué, ni para qué hacerlas.</span><br />
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><b>[1]</b> A cierto L. Vl. de París, le parece que esta palabra no es marxista. Este L. Vl. es un divertido «superklug» (lo que puede traducirse por «superinteligente»). El «superinteligente» L. Vl. se propone, por lo visto, escribir un estudio sobre la eliminación de nuestro programa mínimo (¡desde el punto de vista de la lucha de clase!) de las palabras: «población», «pueblo», etc.</span></span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;"><b>[2]</b> Si la mayoría de la nación noruega estaba por la monarquía, y el proletariado por la república, al proletariado noruego, hablando en general, se le abrían dos caminos: o la revolución, si estaban maduras las condiciones para ella, o la sumisión a la mayoría y una larga labor de propaganda y agitación.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;"><b>[3]</b> Sería un trabajo histórico muy interesante comparar la posición de un gentilhombre polaco insurgente de 1863, que era la posición de Chernyshevsky, demócrata revolucionario de influencia en toda Rusia, que también (como Marx) supo apreciar la importancia del movimiento polaco, y la posición del filisteo ucranio Dragománov, quien escribió mucho más tarde y expresó el punto de vista del campesino, todavía tan salvaje, dormido, encostrado en su montón de estiércol, que su legítimo odio a los terratenientes polacos le impedía comprender la importancia de la lucha de estos terratenientes para la democracia de toda Rusia. (Veáse La Polonia histórica y la democracia de Rusia, de Dragománov). Dragománov ha merecido plenamente los entusiastas abrazos que más tarde le prodigó P. Struve cuando ya era nacional-liberal.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;"><b>[4]</b> Compárese, además, la carta de Marx a Engels del 3 de junio de 1867: «...Por las crónicas de París del Times me he enterado con verdadera satisfacción de las exclamaciones polonófilas de los parisienses contra Rusia... El señor Proudhon y su minúscula camarilla doctrinaria no son el pueblo francés».</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;"><b>[5]</b> No es difícil ver, dicho sea de paso, por qué, desde el punto de vista socialdemócrata, no puede entenderse por derecho a la «autodeterminación» de las naciones ni la federación ni la atonomía (aunque, hablando en forma abstracta, la una y la otra encuadran en el término de «autodeterminación»). El derecho a la federación es, en general, un absurdo, ya que la federación es un contrato bilateral. Ni qué decir tiene que en modo alguno pueden los marxistas incluir en su programa la defensa del federalismo en general. En lo que respecta a la autonomía, los marxistas no defienden «el derecho a» la autonomía, sino la autonomía misma, como principio general y universal de un Estado democrático de composición nacional heterogénea, con marcadas diferencias en las condiciones geográficas y de otro tipo. Por eso, reconocer «el derecho de las naciones a la autonomía» sería tan absurdo como reconocer «el derecho de las naciones a la federación».</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;"><b>[6]</b> En 1916, Lenin dio en este lugar la siguiente nota: «rogamos a los lectores que no olviden que Plejánov fue en 1903 uno de los principales enemigos del oportunismo y estaba muy lejos de su tristemente célebre viraje hacia el oportunismo y, posteriormente, el chovinismo».</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;"><b>[7]</b> Se nos comunica que en la conferencia celebrada por los marxistas de Rusia en el verano de 1913, los marxistas polacos participaron tan sólo con voz, pero sin voto, y que, en lo tocante al derecho a la autodeterminación (a la separación), no votaron en absoluto, manifestándose en contra de tal derecho en general. Por supuesto, tenían pleno derecho a proceder de este modo y a desplegar igual que antes su agitación en Polonia contra su separación. Pero esto no se parece mucho a lo que dice Trotski, pues los marxistas polacos no exigían que se «suprimiera del programa» el apartado 9.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;"><b>[8]</b> No es difícil comprender que el hecho de que los marxistas de toda Rusia y, en primer término, los rusos, reconozcan el derecho de las naciones a la separación no descarta en lo más mínimo la agitación contra la separación por parte de los marxistas de esta o la otra nación oprimida, del mismo modo que el reconocer el derecho al divorcio no descarta la agitación contra el divorcio en este o el otro caso. Por eso creemos que ha de aumentar inevitablemente el número de marxistas polacos que se reirán de la inexistente «contradicción» que ahora «exacerban» Semkovski y Trotski.</span></div>
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<span face=""verdana" , sans-serif" style="color: #444444; font-size: x-small;"><b>[9]</b> Sería interesante seguir el proceso de modificación, por ejemplo, del nacionalismo en Polonia, pasando de nacionalismo aristocrático a nacionalismo burgués y después a nacionalismo campesino. Ludwig Bernhard, en su libro <i>Das polnische Gemeinwesen im preussischen Staat</i> («Los polacos en Prusia»; hay una traducción rusa), colocándose él mismo en el punto de vista de un Kokoshkin alemán, describe un fenómeno extraordinariamente característico: la formación de una especie de «república campesina» de polacos en Alemania, en forma de estrecha agrupación de toda clase de cooperativas y demás uniones de campesinos polacos en lucha por la nación, por la religión, por la tierra «polaca». El yugo alemán ha agrupado a los polacos, les ha hecho replegarse sobre sí mismos, despertando el nacionalismo, al principio, en la aristocracia, después en los burgueses y, por último, en la masa campesina (sobre todo después de que los alemanes iniciaron en 1873 una campaña contra el idioma polaco en las escuelas). Hacia eso mismo van las cosas en Rusia, y no sólo por lo que se refiere a Polonia.</span></div>
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Pablo Pallashttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02676986163926451532noreply@blogger.com